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2 States at least let us be assured of the cor relative that the United States will make itself responsible for the foreign policy of all the petty, impetuous little states on the two continents of America. There is no international right without correspond ing duty." The Chronicle describes Lord Salisbury's dispatch as most temperate and refers to the limitation to the Schomburg line as a concession that only a strong state could have panted to a weak one. "It adds: "We cannot abandon our settlers any more than President Cleveland would his." . i' paper ooadodea thus: •We oa:i eniy express genuine regret at the tone of the document, which meets no argument made by Lord Salisbury and which applies a threat of force from a daughter state to the motherland over an obscure, trumpery dispute in which the United States has no right; but the mes sage cannot obscure or defeat the affection which subsists between the two countries tlie ties of blood that must needs binds them in indissoluble union." The Morning Post will say: "President Cleveland has outdone the Republican party in his efforts to show dislike for this country, yet he has not committed himself to anything. The message does not make the slightest attempt to grapple with Lord Salisbury's argument that the United States cannot find any excuse in the Janguage of the Monroe doctrine for their appearance on the scene, or that if they could give the old President's words any ' such extension, bi3 declaration has no authority. The international law tribunal that President Cleveland asks the Con gress to set up can have no more oinding effect is this country than would a decis ion by the Supreme Court at Washington." The Standard will say : "Most Englishmen will read the mes sage with unfeigned astonishment. The position taken by Mr. Cleveland is prepos terous. No citjzen of the United States would for a moment dream of admitting its soundness in any analogous case in which the interest or honor of his own country was concerned. The most appro priate comment on the situation that would arise from the recognition of the Cleveland dogma is presented by the con cluding words of the message," which the paper quotes, adding: "The language may be a trifle turgid, but the sentiment is wholesome. Yet it is to this act of self-abasement that the Pres ident imagines he is entitled to bring pres sure on Great Britain. There can be only one answer to such a demand. We decline to humiliate ourselves and refuse to accept the decision of the United Btates execu tive in matters altogether outside of his jurisdiction. If it could be reasonably made out that the pretension of the State Department to enforce arbitration through out the American continent had any color in the Monroe doctrine, such an applica tion would be a reductio ad absurdum of a cherished maxim. Happiiy, however, for the sobriety and enaurance of the tra ditions of American diplomacy Lord Palisbury has effectively disposed of the delusion that the Monroe doctrine is in any way pertinent to the question of the Guiana-Venezuelan frontier. "As regards the precise cause of the dif ference with Venezuela, we believe we have a perfectly stainless record. Mr. Olney, to do him justice, refuses to take it for granted that Venezuela has substan tiated her case against us, tbousn Mr. Cleveland, with a loss of perception, chooses to assume that our action is in derogation of the rights of the little re public. "As British subjects have settled up to the S:bomburg line, -we cannot possibly withdraw our protection and leave them to the risks of the revolutions and misrule of the republic, but beyond the pale of settlement, we are quite willing to accept arbitration. This, however, would be o.f no avail. "Venezuela sets up pretensions which if found valid would involve the absorp tion of half of our colony if not territory of our Dutch and French neighbors. By the same rule the United States might be asked to submit their title to Alaska to the judgment of impartial umpires. Congress would indignantly reject such a demand. So will the British Government reject the present demand." The Telegraph will say: "The United States have no practical concern in the controversy. The invocation of the Mon roe doctrine seems, on our side of the wa ter, to be irrelevant and absurd. If it is in any sense true that all this zealous sup port of Venezuela owes its origin to parti san intrigues there is still less reason for submitting to what irom the British standpoint is a wholly perverse and inad missible claim." The Times will say: "It is impossible to disguise the gravities of the differences that have arisen between this country and the United States. The message that President Cleveland transmitted to Con gress and the reception it met from both sides in the Senate give additional import ance to the dispatches that have passed be tween the State Department at Washing ton and the Foreign Office. The details of tne boundary dispute with Venezuela are insignificant in comparison with the far reaching claim put forward in Mr. Olney's dispatch and emphasized in Mr. Cleve and's message. '•Convinced as we are that a rupture be tween the two great English - speaking communities would be a calamity not only to themselves but to the civilized world, we are nevertheless driven to the conclu sion that the concessions that this country is imperiously sammoned to make are such as no self- respecting nation and least of all one ruling an empire that has roots in every quarter of the clobe could possi bly submit to. The United States them selves would never for a moment dream of yielding to this kind of dictation. We are of the same blood and shall not be less careful of our national honor. We eau hardly believe that the course threatened by Mr. Cleveland will be seriously adopted by the American Government, but if so it will be incumbent upon us.Mithoutentering upon such aggressive measures, to protect our imperial interests and stand up for our rights under international law. Lord Salisbury expresses M 3 full concurrence with the view that the disturbance of ter ritory in the Western Hemisphere by fre?h acquisition on the part of European states is highly inexpedient, but the recognition of this inexpediency does not cover the preposterous deductions from the Monroe doctrine which Mr. Olney's dispatch puts forward, and Mr. Cleveland makes the basis of the most astounding proposal that perhaps ever has been advanced by any Government in. time of peace since the days of Napoleon." ARBITRATION OR WAR Continued from First Pay?. however— a resnlt not to be anticipated and in his judgment calculated to greatly Hundreds are buying BOOKS at wholesale prices at DODGE'S, 107 Montgomery. Magazines supplied at Cut kates. embarrass the future relations between this country and Great Britain— it is his wish to be made acquainted with the fact at such early date as will enable him to lay the whole subject-matter before Congress in his next annual message.' Lord Salisbury's answer to Mr, Olney's note is addressed to Sir Julian Pauncefote, the British Embassador at Washington, and is in two installments, both under date of November 26 last. The first note deals with the enunciation of principles laid down by Mr. Olney on the Monroe doctrine, while the second merely dis cusses the boundary question between Great Britain and Venezuela. The first note follows in part: "Lord Salisbury to Sir Julian Paunce fote: "Foreign Office, November 26, 1895. Sir: On the 7th of August I transmitted to Lord Gough a copy of the dispatch from Mr. Oiney which Mr. Bayard had loft with me that day and of which he had read portions to me. I informed him at the time that it could not be answered until it had been carefully considered by the law officers of the crown. I hare therefore deferred replying to it until after the recess. • "The contentions set forth by Mr. Olney in the latter part of his dispatch are repre sented by him as being an application of the political maxims which are well known in American discussion under the name of the Monroe doctrine. As far as I am aware this doctrine has never been before advanced on behalf of the United States in any written communication addressed to the Government of another nation, but it has been generally adopted and assumed as true by mar>3 T eminent writers and politicians in the United States. The two propositions which in effect President Monroe laid down were, first, that America was no longer to be looked upon as a field for European colonization, and, secondly, that Europe must not attempt to extend its political system to America or to control the political condition of any of the American communities who had recently declared their independence. "The dangers against which President Monroe thought it right to guard were not as imaginary as they would seem at the present day. The formation of the holy alliance, the congresses of Laybach and Verona; the invasion of Spain by France for the purpose of forcing upon the Span ish people a form of government which seemed likely to disappear, unless it was sustained by external aid, were incidents fresh in the mind of President Monroe when he penned his celebrated message. "The dangers which were apprehended by President Monroe have no relation to the state of things in which we live at the present day. The circumstances with which President Monroe was dealing and those to which the present American Gov ernment is addressing itself have very few features in common. Great Britain is im posing no 'system' upon Venezuela, and is not concerning herself in any way with the nature of the political institutions under which the Venezuelans may prefer to live. "Bat the British empire and the re public of Venezuela are neighbors and they have differed for some time past and continue to differ as to the line by which their dominions are separated. It is a controversy with which the United States has no apparent practical concern. It is difficult indeed to see how it can ma terially affect any state or community out side of those primarily interested, except perhaps other parts of her Majesty's do minions, such a3 Trinidad. The disputed frontier of Venezuela has nothing to do with any of ttie questions dealt with by President Monroe. It is simply the de termination of the frontier of a British possession which belonged to the throne of England long before the republic of Venezuela came into existence. •'The Government of the United States does not say that Great Britain or that Ven ezuela is in the right in the matters that are in issue. But it lays down that the doctrine of President Monroe when he op posed the imposition of European systems or the renewal of European colonization corners upon them the right of demanding that when a European power has a frontier difference with a South American com munity the European power shall consent to refer that controversy to arbitration, and Mr. Olney states that unless her Maj esty's Government accedes to this demand it will 'greatly embarrass the future rela tions between Great Britain and the United States.' "Whatever may be the authority of the doctrine laid down by President Monroe there is nothing in his language to show that he ever thought of claiming this novel prerogative for tne United States. It is admitted that lie did not seek to assert a protectorate over Mexico or the states of Central and South America. Such a claim would have imposed upon the United States the duty of answering for the conduct of these states, and con sequently the responsibility of controlling it. Mr. Olney expressly disclaims such an inference from the principles he lays down. "In the remarks which I have made I have argued on the theory that the Mon roe doctrine in itself is sound. I must not, however, be understood as pressing any acceptance o! it on the part of her Majes ty's Government. It must always be mentioned with respect, on account of the distinguished statesman to whom it is due and the great Nation who have gen erally adopted it. But international law is founded on the general consent of na tions, and no statesman, however emi nent, and no nation, however powerful, are competent to insert into the code of international lawa novel principle which was never recognized before and which has not since been accepted by the Gov ernment of any other country. The United States have a right, like any other nation, to interpo?e in any controversy by which their own interests are affected, and they are to judge whether these interests are touched and in what measure they should be sustained. "Mr. Olney quotes the case of the recent Chilean war. in which the United States declined to join with France and England in an effort to bring hostilities to a close, on account of the Monroe doctrine. The United States was entirely in the right in declining to join in an attempt at pacifi cation if they thought fit, but Mr. Olney's principle that 'American questions are for American decision,' even if it re ceived any countenance irom the language of President Monroe (which it does not), cannot be sustained by any reasoning drawn from the law of nations. Mr. Olney says 'that distance and 3000 miles of in tervening ocean make any permanent political union between a European and an American state unnatural, and inex pedient' will hardly bo denied. "The necessary meaning of Mr. Olney's words is that the union between Great Britain and Canada, between Great Britain, Jamaica and Trinidad, between Great Britain and British Honduras or British Guiana are 'inexpedient and unnatural.' President Monroe disclaims any such in ference from his doctrine, but in this, as in other respects, Mr. Olney develops it. He lays down that the inexpedient and un natural character of a union between a European and an American state is so THE SAX FRANCISCO CALL, WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 18, 1*95. obvious that it 'will hardly be denied.' Her Majesty's Government are prepared emphatically to deny it on behalf of both the British and American people who are subject to her crown. They maintain that the union between Great Britain and her territories in the Western Hemisphere is both natural and expedient. They are not prepared to admit that the interests of the United States are necessarily concerned in every frontier dispute which may arise between any two of the states who possess domin ion in the Western Hemisphere; and still less can they accept the doctrine that the United States are entitled to claim that the process of arbitration shall be applied to any demand for the surrender of terri tory which one of those States may make against another. I request that you will read the substance of the above dispatch to Mr. Olney and leave him a copy if he desires it." Lord Salisbury's second note, also of November 26, concludes the correspond ence. It is devoted to controverting the Venezuelan position in the boundary dis pute. In conclusion he says, referring to the British Government: "They have, on the contrary, repeatedly expressed their readiness to submit to ar bitration the conflicting claims of Great Britain and Venezuela to large tracts of territory which from their auriferous na ture are known to be of almost untold value. But they cannot consent to enter tain or to submit to arbitration of another power or of foreign jurists, however emi nent, claims based on the extravagant pre tensions of Spanish oincials in the last century, and involving the transfer of large numbers of British subjects who have for many years enjoyed the settled rule of a British colony to a nation of dif ferent race and language, whose political system is subject to frequent disturbance, and whose institutions as yet too often af ford very inadequate protection to life and property. No issue of this description has ever been involved in the questions which Great Britain and the United States have consented to submit to arbitration, and her Majesty's Government, is con vinced that in similar circumstances the Government of the United States would be equally firm in declining to entertain proposals of such a nature." IN SENATE AND HOUSE. Message of the President Received With Applause. WASHINGTON, D. C, Dec. 17.— The demonstration which followed the reading of President Cleveland's message in the Senate to-day was strongly indicative of the general sentiment. Without any di vision on party lines, and with the Re publicans even more pronounced in their applause than the Democrats, the message met with the heartiest approval— ne arly all the Senators clapping their hands and giving other evidences of gratification, while the few spectators in the galleries — the doors of which had been opened only five minutes before — joined in the applause without any apprehension of being re proved by the presiding officer. The strongest expressions in the message were those that were most favored. Among these were the following sentences: "The course to be pursued by this Gov ernment in view of the present condition does not appear to admit of serious doubt.' ' "The dispute has reached such a stage as to make it no'»v incumbent upon the United btates to take measures to deter mine, with sufficient certainty for its justi fication, what is the treaty divisional line between the republic of Venezuela and British Guiana." • "It will in my opinion be the duty of the United States to resist by every measure in its power, as a willful aggression upon its rights and interests, the appropriation by Great Britain of any lands or the exer cise of governmental jurisdiction over any territory which after investigation we have determined of right belongs to Venezula." It was in connection with this last sen tence that Senator Morgan of Alabama (chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations) remarked, in an undertone, that there was no mistaking the meaning of that and that Senator Frye (R.) of Maine remarked, "That is capital." The message and correspondence were re ported to the Committee on Foreign Re lations with permission to the committee to sit during any recess. While in executive session the Senate extended for a period of one year the treaty between thi3 country and Mexico relative to the work of the Boundary Com mission. There was nothing else in to day's session of the Senate that rose be yond the level of routine business and as, after the readiner of the message, the Sen ators had no inclination to continue such work, the Senate at 1:20 p. m. adjourned until to-morrow. The proceedings of the House to-day were opened by a partisan debate growing out of Cannon's amendment to the rules providing for three committees on elec tions. In support of the amendment, Cannon spoke of the great preponderance of contests from the South, and quoted allegations that notwithstanding the re pea! of the Federal election laws, fraud still existed in the elections in that part of the country. Crisp (D.) of Georgia led the opposition to the amendment, declaring that the ef fect of its adoption would be to work in justice to Democratic contestees; that there was nothing in the history of the Republican party to warrant the assump tion that election contests would be de cided by this House upon other than par tisan grounds. Propositions to amend the amendment were made, but were all re jected, and after four hours' debate the proposition was agreed to. At 4:35 the President's message on the Venezuelan boundary dispute with Great Britain was read and evoked hearty ap plause. The message was referred to the Committee on Foreisn Affairs, and at 4:50 o'clock the House adjourned until to-mor row. BEHIND CLOSED DOORS. Prompt Action Decided Upon by the Senate. WASHINGTON, D. C, Dec. 17.— The mere question of the adoption of the re port of the Senate committee did not con sume the two hours during which the Re publicans oi the Senate were behind closed doors this afternoon. They were occupied with something of vastly more importance to the whole American people. The Presi dent's message was up for consideration and there proved to be an absolute unan imity of sentiment among them on the question of indorsing the President in the stand he had taken. The discussion was precipitated by the motion of Lodge, that the chairman of the committee be requested to confer with Gorman with a view to having the Com mittee on Foreign Relations recognized before the holiday recess, so that the mat ters set out in the President's message might be considered by that committee, the urgency of the situation having been recognized when Mr. Morgan, earlier in the day, asked and obtained leave for the committee to sit during the recess. Speeches were made by Lodge, Frye, Chandler and several other Senators, and every one of them breathed the utmost loyalty to the President in the stand he had taken. The fact was called to the at tention of the Republicans that they had been taunting the President with being away on a duck-hunting trip while matters of the greatest moment were transpiring; that Secretary Carlisle had been criticized for not sending in his annual report as re quired by law; that the general policy of the administration has been denounced ?s un-American and weak, and that now the President had returned and almost in stantly laid before the Senate a message full of sentiments that must be indorsed by every patriotic man in the whole coun try regardless of politics or party. If England was to be impressed with the fact that this country indorsed its Presi dent; if that Government was to under stand that this message was not a cam paign letter intended for mere political ef fect, the Senate must take the matter up and proceed with it with all possible speed consistent with the vital importance of the subject. The argument was made that it would not do for this message to be fol- lowed by an absolute abandonment of all the work; the country and England should know that the Senate took the mes sage as a serious thing, involving matters of such vast importance and so porten tous in the results that may grow there from, that the duly constituted commit tees of Congress proposed to be constantly on duty and always ready to hold up the hands of the Chief Magistrate. Such is a brief outline of the sentiments expressed at this caucus. The war spirit is abroad so far as the Republicans arc concerned, and some of the speeches made behind the closed doors of the marble chamber would make the most interesting reading that has gone from this city for weeks. So imbued were the Republicans with the importance of the situation and the need of further conference that the matter will be again discussed at the cau cus whicn has been called for to-morrow morning mainly for this purpose. DIPLOMATS ARE ELATED. Extracts Cabled to Representatives of American Republics. WASHINGTON, D. C, Dec. 17.-The diplomatic representatives of American republics in Washington were highly elated over the President's message and nearly all of them cabled copious extracts of the document to their respective gov ernments. Ever since the Corinto affair they had been somewhat despondent over the supposed indisposition of the United States to resist foreign aggression on the American continent, but to-day they could not find language adequate to express their admiration for President Cleveland's forcible utterances, particularly in regard to the possible resort to other competitions than those "in the arts of peace." None of the American Ministers or charges d'affaires, however, consented to speak authoritatively for their govern ments in the absence of instructions, cor would any be led into a public interview on the subject. One who has had perhaps more c xperi ence in the international affairs of the United States than most of his colleagues in the diplomatic corps said that while he was gratified to see that the United States had finally taken a firm stand on the Mon roe doctrine, it would be unwise to con sider it established in the code of nations, and, although he believed European nations would be compelled to recognize its force hereafter, he was not by any means sure that its effect could be made retroactive, as its application to the Vene zuelan matter certainly would be. Aside from thft, he hoped (and in this he be lieved all American republics would sup port the United States) that England would be forced, by war if necessary, to give up the territory she had stolen from Venezuela and he trusted that Congress would authorize the executive to furnish arms and men to drive out the 40,000 squatters referred to by Lord Salisbury. Another representative of a Government that has a dispute with Great Britain, as a matter of land grabbing differing only in decree from that of Venezuela, declared that if the United States was sincere in this matter and supported President Cleve land's suggestions for a boundary commis sion beyond England's influence, it would result in that great desideratum, an al liance both for peace and for war of the most progressive American republics. The boundary question in Alaska, he said, could then be as quiefcly settled as that in Venezuela, and the rapid encroachments of Belize on both Mexico and Guatemala would be terminated, and ihe title to the territory of Brazil now claimed by France and British Guiana would be terminated. With the bulldozing power of Great Britain nullified, he believed her commercial su- premacy would disappear and that trade would flow on north and south lines in stead of east and west. Another of the South American repre sentatives was disposed, in view of the attitude of the United States in past years and the peculiar political conditions now existing in this country, to await the sober second thought of the people in regard to the message. He thought he should like to hear what Senator Sherman (the new chairman of the Foreign Relations Com mittee) said about the readiness of the United States to go to war about Vene zuela, where its interests were so small compared with what they were presumed to be in Nicaragua and Cuba. This opinion was that Great Britain would not recede behind the Schomburg line in the British Guiana claim and that the United Stales would not resort to force in the at tempt to compel her to do so. He thought, however, that Lord Salisbury would very promptly concede the remainder of the Venezuelan contention, including control of the Orinocco's mouth, and that the United States would secure Venezuela's acquiescence in that boundary. Senor Andrade, the Venezuelan Minis ter, expressed himself as thoroughly grat ified with the recommendations of the President and is confident that the en thusiasm in Venezuela when the main points of the message are received there will be very great. He considers as re markable the deep insight into the question shown by the President, and can find no words strong enough to commend the masterly presentation of the facts of the controversy by Secretary Olney. In re gard to the commission, Senor Andeade believed it would be most welcome to Venezuela, a similar commission having Apollinar^s "THE QUEEN OF TABLE WATERS." Received the HIGHEST AWARD at the WORLD'S FAIR, and at the ANTWERP EXHIBITION. JOHN CAFFREY, ~ 47 First street, San Francisco. REPRESENTING Charles Graef & Co., ST. Y., for Mineral Waters been recommended by the representatives of that country in London in 1893 to Lord Rosebery. That proposition provided for eight or ten men of the hiehest technical attainments, including lawyers, to exam ine the legal portion of the controversy, and in case of failure of this commission to agree that the points left disputed would be referred to arbitration. The Minister thinks the commission suggested by the President could complete its labors without going to Venezuela in a few months from material available in this country. LODGE INDORSES CLEVELAND. If Arbitration Is Refused Aggres sion Must Be Resisted. WASHINGTON, D. C, Dec. 17.-Com menting on the President's message Bena tor Lodge (R.) of Massachusetts said: "This message is the most serious and important which has been submitted by any President to Congress for many years. As a matter of course I heartily approve of its spirit, its conclusions and the gen eral position taken, for I took the same grounds myself last June in an article in the North American Review before public attention had been drawn to the matter at all, and again in an interview which I gave to the correspondent of a New York news paper last October in Paris. The Presi dent argues briefly the standing of the Monroe doctrine as a matter of inter national law. Ido not myself think that it is a question of international law at all. It is really a mere question of fact, like the independence of the United States. "The President seems also to have gone to the very verge of safety in stating that we should assent to any amicable agree ment between Venezuela and Great Britain as to boundaries. We undoubtedly should do so in this instance, but we should equally, of course, not assent to indefinite cessions of territory by any South Ameri can state to a European power. For ex ample, any attempt of Great Britain to take possession of Cuba under a cession from Spain, which the morning papers state is in contemplation, would be re garded by the United States as an act of war. The President, however, has, I think, guarded his statement on this point from being drawn into a precedent by the use of the word 'boundaries.' "But these are small points, compara tively speaking. The main contention of the message is thoroughly sound and will meet with universal support. That con tention is that Great Britain, on the pre text of a boundary dispute, has seized American territory which she did not hold prior to 1823; that she has declined to submit the question to arbitration, and thus proposes to hold the disputed terri tory by force. This being the case, as the President states, there is nothing for the United States to do under these circum stances but to determine the true divi sional line between Venezuela and Guiana and then resist by all means in her power any attempt of the British to take terri tory beyond that line. "This is a sound American position. I do not myself believe that the English people have the least desire to engage in hostilities with the United States; they care but little and know less about the Venezuelan dispute; they do not realize that, while it is a mere question of more or less territory to England, it involves for the United States a principle as vital almost to their rights and interests as a nation as their own independence. Am bitious politicians in England, eager for personal political reasons to distinguish themselves by a vigorous foreign public spirited colonial policy, have undertaken to push and browbeat the United States until they have brought the two countries nearly to the veree of war. It is to be hoped that the President's message will make the English people understand that this is to us a vital question; that we are wholly content to leave it to arbitration; but that if arbitration is declined we shall resist this aggression to the utmost, and that, although we do not seek war, we do not fear it." TO RETURN SECURITIES. Englishmen May Further Decrease the Gold Reserve. WASHINGTON, D. C, Dec. 17.— The opinion is expressed in treasury circles that the President's message to Congress to-day on the Venezuelan boundary ques tion will have the effect of causing the re turn by English holders of American se curities and stocks for sale, and thus further depleting the treasury gold reserve, NEW TO-DAY. MAKING IT WARM Tr™ 1 * TT"^ ■ FOR SOMEBODY! Good Warm Overcoats and Ulsters, The best interlinings, the best workman- » ship are used in the making. OVERCOATS iti ~anr^r\d As low as $7.50 and UL*sltiKs> as high as $55.. HOLIDAY JOTTINGS.: Smoking Jackets, Gowns, Bath Robes, Mackintoshes, Underwear, Shirts, Sns- penciers, Neckwear, Hosiery, Gloves, Umbrellas, Canes. WANT IT. MONEY BACK IF YOU WANT IT. "TUT? HITR" ifi jj hud Open Evenin s tin 9- CORNER ' N0 BRANCHES. Kearny and Sutter. LOOK! AT THE 10 PER CENT REDUCTION AT JOE POHEIM'S, the Tailor. For holiday trade all the latest designs of Woolens now in. Suits Made to Order from 915.00 Pants Made to Order from 54.00 Overcoats Made to Order from. »'O.OO Fall Dress Swallow-Tail im- ported and Silk-Lined from 540.00 ■Perfect Fit Guaranteed or No Sale. JOE POHEIM, THE TAILOR, 201, 203 Montgomery at., 734 Marketst. and 1110, 11 vt Market st. as gold would bare to be sent abroad in payment of them. '■'■* ' . ♦ CLEAR-CUT AMERICAN. Congressmen Pleased With the Presi dent's Firm Utterances. WASHINGTON, D. C, Dec. 17.— The President's message accompanying the Salisbury correspondence was first brought to the attention of the House through the medium of an "extra" hurriedly put on the street by a local paper. Its firm tone created a mild sensation, although it has been stated by administration men re cently that its sentiments would gratify the most ardent "Hngoists." Livingston of Georgia, who has been conspicuous in his championship of Ven ezuela, found much to commend in the message. He said: "Mr. Cleveland's mes sage is clear-cut American. He distinctly recognises the Monroe doctrine in all its length and breadth and as specially ap plicable in the dispute pending between Great Britain and Venezuela. He declares emphatically for resistance against British oppression, and like the man he is against further delay and further appeals on our part for arbitration. His message will find a warm response in the hearts of all Americans." Representative Sherman (R.) of New York said: "The message has to it an American ring that is as gratifying as it has been unusual during this administra tion. lam glad to commend it without qualification." Representative Quigg (R.) of New York: "President Cleveland's message is admir able in every respect. I shall vote for the commission he proposes and entertain the policy he outlines in every way I can. The President has met his duty in a manner which is at once dignified, equitable and complete, and the sentiment of all parties and of the whole country will indorse his position heartily." Grosvenor (R.) of Ohio said: "The mes sage is a strong, clean-cut demand for tbe observance and defense of the Monroe doc trine, and in the light of tne dispatches from the British Government it is only a little short of a declaration of war unless England recedes or seeks further diplo macy. Tbe position taken by the Presi dent is, at first glance, a *ttp in advance of our former ofiicial declarations of our country. If the attitude of England as announced is the ultimatum, then the message is a menace of war. "It may be said in friendly criticism of the message that it has possibly gone just a shade too far in this direction and ap parently the President does not feel much need of Congressional action. To ascer tain by a commission to be sent to a for eign country to ascertain, decide and re port upon a dispute between two other countries, is novel and will possibly lead to results which Congress will not be willing to contribute to." McCall (R.) of Massachusetts: "The message of the President is a spirited and noble document and should receive the united support of both parties." Russell (R.) of Connecticut: "The mes sage is good. Anything less would be un patriotic and cowardly in a President of the United States. Its suggestion is pru dent, perhaps, and allows England a chance to retract. It is not necessary and we do not want to dally any over this con troversy." McCreary (D.) of Kentucky, who was chairman of the Foreign Affairs Com mittee in the last Congress, said: "It is vigorous, positive and able. I admire the firm and positive course taken by the President, and I believe the House of Representatives will support him in his efforts to uphold the Monroe doctrine and prevent Great Britain from making illegal encroachments on the territory of Venezuela." In the Senate the reading of the message was concluded amid applause on both sides of tbe chamber, although it was more pronounced on the Republican side. Among those who discussed the message were the following: Brice (D.) of Ohio said: "The idea of appointing a commission suggests a long continuance of the discussion. Commis sions drawing a per diem do not conclude their labors speedily, and no one can tell when this commission would cease to draw its per diem." Gorman (D.) of Maryland said : "It is a very thorough, emphatic and strong American message. It looks very much as if the President intended to enforce the Monroe doctrine." Pugh (D.) of Alabama said: "On this matter Democrats and Republicans come together with one accord. I am for war and free coinage. The message certainly $35*. 4 ROOMS *r. CONSISTING OP Jb" U KNIT xn.E3 PARLOR,BEDROOM ! KITCHEN EA3Y PAYMENTS. Tapertry Brussels, per yard »■ ■OilCloth, per yard........ ................ Cents Matting, per yard...... ...-••. VLJta* Solid Oak Bed Suit, 7 pieces •■ •*» «» Solid Oak Folding Bed, with Mirror . . . ... •*» «*» T. BRILLIANT, 410 POST ST., above Powell ;; OPEN EVENINGS Tom-lam Catalogue* Mailed Tree. _ • : - OX Free rteUug Md DeUrerj »croi» the Bay. it as a strong and able state paper, one indicates that there will be war unless England backs down." Call(D.) of Florida said: "It is excel lent, splendid. The matter is still open to arbitration and I am sure England will finally consent." Vilas(D.) of Wisconsin said: "I look upon NEW' TO-DAY. - ANTICIPATION. •..-.• '.; You've been looking forward to you*" , young hopeful in trousers— he to Christ- mas surprises. \-.'- . ' Put him into a jaunty little Zouave Sujt, . • $2 50; or make the surprise larger and the ; . pants longer— Sailor Suits,; long pants'; V" $3 75 (3 to 6). Good ones, you know— as is proper- for' ; ■ Xmas. . We have some thousand Reefer Suits • that are aching to spread their big braided • ' " collars on boys' shoulders. At $2 50, £3 •■' . (and up to $5); they have no business to ; •" be here. ■ -*•'"'. * No "Cheap John" clothes for Xmas-^if- .-- you can help it. '" - ' : '. • : . • • • ' : '• ./ ''A Thousands purchased by mail. • • •*. :" SF A/t e( - ft;.:.' DOCTOR SWEANY, WELL KNOWN BY HIS LONG RESI- '■ deuce and successful practice on • the Pacific Coast, guarantees a prompt and . perfect cure of every case he undertakes : . '. • Thousands of genuine testimonials on file in his private office. Poor treated free 'on • Friday afternoons. • " • NERVOUS DKBLLITY, "'• • * I Impotent?, weakness of sexual organs, los •*-> ] manhood, night emissions, exhausting (lrai.ll3 | which unfit one for study business or marriage, '■ treated with unfailing success. Get cured arid jbe a man. • •■ • " ■..■..,- -•;■« • . PRIVATE, .' '.. 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