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VOLUE MLXXX.-NO. 134. ORELAND DECLARES IT REVOLUTIONARY Vigorous Denunciation of the Chicago Platform by the Archbishop. At No Time Since tbe Civil War Has the Nation Been So Threatened. SOCIAL ORDER IS IN DANGER Most Sacred of Federal Institutions Is the Supreme Court Which Silverites AssaiL ST. PAUL, Minn., Oct. 11.— In recly to a letter of business men of the Catholic chu rcbes of this city, Archbishop Ireland to-night gave out a letter it» which he gives nis reasons why he is opposed to the Chicago platform. The letter of his con stituents is an appeal for light upon the duties of the hour and asks for the Arch bishop's calm and honest convictions on the issues of the day. The following is the reply: Messrs. Gordon, Dawion, Warner, Etc.—Gen tlemen: I am not unwilling, in the crisis through which the country is now passing, to speak, tor the integrity of the Nation, fur the prosperity of the people, for tne honor of America and the permanency of free institu tions. I am a citizen of the country, concerned in all the interest* of the Nation, subject to all the responsibilities of citizenship. To be silent when words of mine may be of some profit to the people would be cowardice, would be crime. lam not unmindful of the objection made against the churchman speaking at any time on matters which have entered the arena of politics, lest his influence as a teacher o: religion seem to be used to promote the in terests of a political party. I might reply that there are occasions when a political platform means disaster to the country, when politics are closely connected with morals ana relieiou, and that on those occasions the churchman must be the patriot, without allowing a mo ment's thought to considerations of expe diency, and must take in hand the moral or religious issue, even if it be vested in the gar ment of politics. But, in the present instance, I seek no ex cuse of this kind; I speak entirely as the citi zen without warrant from my ecclesiastical position. Deep as my convictions are, I hold in all due respect my fellow-citizens who hold convictions at variance with my own. I im peach neither their good faith, nor their honor. I em dealing not with men, bat with Pfiuciplesand movements. This justice which I render to those whose ideas I am ready to combat, 1 am sure they will render to me. I stand by the platform and tne present can didate of the Republican conversion of St Louis. lam opposed to the platform and the Presidential candidate of the Democratic con vention at Chicago. The days of civil war ex cepted, at no time did so great a peril threaten the country as that which is involved in the political campaign of to-day. The question of free and unlimited coinage of silver is put in the foreground. The ques tion has its importance, but it is of a minor Importance in the presence of other questions, which are brought into the movement, which had its expression in the Chicago convention and which now seeks, by means of popular suffrage, to en rhron.e itself in the capital of the Nation; it is in its right logical effects, revolution against the United States; it is secession— the sece ; sion of 1861 which our s-oldiers believed they had con signed to eternal death at Appomattox, but which demunds again recognition from the American people. Tne declaration in the Chicago platform has, and can have, no other meaning: "We denounce arbitrary Interfer ence by Federal authorities in local affairs as a violation of the Constitution of the United States and a crime against free institutions." The words point to the act of Grover Cleve land sending United States troops to protect National property and enforce National laws during the Chicago riots in 1894. In those words there is the old secession doctrine that States are independent of the National Gov ernment at Washington. There is the annul ment of the Union; there is notice served upon the fla? of America tnat outs de the District of Columbia it is without power of self-asser tion or se.f-defense. The President of the United States is to;d that to enforce National laws and protect National property he cannot march his troops into any State without the authorization of the Governor of that State One of the chief speakers at the convention at Chicago understood the significance of the convention and voiced its spirit "I came from a State which was the home of secession," said Senator Tillmen of Bomh Carolina. "I say,' he continued, "it is a sec tional issue and it wiil prevail." And fitting was it that the speazer, voicing the spirit of ARCHBISHOP IRELAND, Who as a Gtizen, and Without Warrant From His Ecclesiastical Position, Denounces the Chicago Platform and Declares the Doctrine of Bryan Revolutionary and a WViace to the Nation, The San Francisco Call the Cfilcago convention, should bs thß repre sentative of South Carolina. Thrice has South Carolina spoken for secession — when it passed in 1832 the nullification ordinance, when in 186 iit fired on Fort Sumter, when in 1896 it cries ont: "A sectional issue, and it will pre vail." The platform of tne Chicago convention threatens to end with destruction of social order, with lawlessness and anarchy. The per sonifi cation of law and of social order in America is in our courts and the promise of safety to our free institutions is the prompt ooedience to those courts, and now the courts are to be shorn of their power and shorn oi it in favor of mobs bent on rioting and the de struction of property. "We especially object," says tke Chicago platform, "to government by injunction as a new and highly dangerous form of oppres sion." Here reference is made to the action of the courts during the Chicago riots, without whien action there is no calculating how much ruin should have come to the city. The palla dium of American liberties is the Supreme Court at Washington, the counterpart of which in majesty and in power to enforce absolute justice does not exist among the nations of Christendom. But as far as it is possible to hu man ingenuity, outside of partisan politics, independent of all political influences through their life tenure of office, the Judges of this court rule Congress and President, State and Nation, and expound the law in all its inflexi bility, no matter who must yield to it. And now a convention speaks of the Su preme Court "as it may be hereafter consti tuted," intimating unmistakably the inten tion, if the party represented in that conven tion come to power, the intention to constitute the courts by the popular election of the Judges, by the shortening of their term of office, or otherwise, so as to make it insensible to the stern voice of law and responsible to the pissing whims of political parties. Worse to my mind than all this is tbe spirit of social ism that permeates the whole movement which has issued from the convention at Chi cago. It is the "Internationale" of Europe, now taking body in America. Of this one cannot but bs convinced when the movement is closely observed, the shibooleth of its adher ents listened to, the discourses of its orators carefully examined. The war of class against I SAN FRANCISCO, MONDAY MORNIXG, OCTOBER 12, 1896. TRYING TO RIDE INTO OFFICE The Kind of Support That Fusion Brings to Cator* class is upon as, tbe war ol tne proletariat against the property-holder. No other meaning than this can be given to the "common people," to the "laborer," to the "poor and downtrodden," and to the de nunciations against "plutocrats" and "corpo* rations" and "money-grabbers" and "bault" ers." Many adherents of the movement do not per ceive Its full meaning. But let them beware; they are lighting torches which, borne in the ha;ids of reckless men, may light up in this country the lurid fires of a Commune. Amer ica heretofore has been free from socialistic hatred and warfare; it has been a country of opportunities for all men, and it has given to the laborers a livelihood higher and better than is afforded him in any other country in the worid. Is this all to be changed? Is social chaos, gloating over ruins, to be a method of the social elevation of the masses ? There may be room in some things for peaceful ameliora tion through well-informed public opinion and orderly legislation; but class hatred and vu t . ; passion never led to anything but gen eral misery and suffering. The people of America must to-day look warily around, guard against catch words and misleading war cries, avoid giving any coun tenance to socialistic or anarchistic tenden cies and know that the first condition of pros perity to any and all classes of the people is a peaceful commonwealth and assured social or der. The monetary question, indeed, is only a secondary issue in the campaign. I have, however, my convictions in this matter. The free and unlimited coinage of silver dollars at a ratio of 16 to 1 by the United States, inde pendently of other great commercial nations, into dollars which shall be made legal lender, will disturb the whole business of the coun try and bring upon it a financial depression far beyond anything which we are now expe riencing. lam confronted with the pamphlet of Archbishop Walsh of Dublin on "Bimetal lism," as a reply to my objection to the silver resolution of the Chicago convention. The pamphlet of Archbishop Walsh has no bearing whatever on the situation in America. The ArchDishop discusses bimetallism ver sus monometallism, and that only from one point of view— the effect of monometallism upon the farmers' contracts under the land purchase acts in Ireland. He expresses no opinion as to the ratio at which silver is to be coined and he manifestly presupposes that bi metallism would be brought about by an in ternational agreement. He alleges that India was unable to keep a silver currency inde pendently it European nations. "It was im possible for India to obtain the loans that are absolutely necessary for the development of the country" and the reason was ''the fluctua tions in the relative value of the rupee.' --"It is the «ilver currency of China," he adds, "that stops the making of railways in tiat country." Walsh's pamphlet is throughout a solid argument against the Chicago platform. To what he says he might add that France and all the countries ol the Latin Union to-day were ultimately compelled to give up bimet allism, so long as other countries of Europe would not.co-operate with them. The question before the people of America to-day is the coinage of silver by this country, independently of great commercial nations of the world, at the ratio of 16 to 1. This ratio is the double of the present commercial value of silver. The consequences of unlimited coinage in these circumstances are easily proved. The only hope of the Silver party is "that under free co.nage we will raise the value of silver to $1 29 an ounce, measured in gold." On what authority is this said? On that of the mere ■word of the men that make the as sertion. The experience of our own country contradicts the assertion. The purchasing of $50,000,000 worth of bullion (under the Sher man act) was not Able to prevent the fall in the value of silver from over a dollar an ounce to its present low value. The experience of France contradicts the assertion. France, with all the countries of the Latin Union, had to give up the coinage of silver, lest, over loaded with the silver of the world, it should lose all its gold. Common-sense is against the assertion. Silver is now produced in such quantities at such small expense of production that its va.ue cannot be kept up to its former stand ard. And is the whole business of America to be imperiled by a leap into an experiment which those very men who advocate it confess to be only an experiment, and which experi e nee and common-sense condemn T i The boast that the United States is able all I alone to whip England and the rest of the ! world into the coinage of silver B>i 16 to 1, or i to force the value of silver up to $1 29 an I ounce, Is mere nonsense. We are a great peo ple indeed, but we have not yet grown to that commercial strength that our country means the commercial world. Our National pride | may give us extraordinary dreams of our mr portance, but it will not do to build the busi ness of the country upon those dreams. Would all the commercial nations together, coining silver at 16 to 1, bring up the value of silver bullion to $1 29 per ounce? Perhaps. Strong commercial reasons suggest the con trary. Would America alone bring silver to $129? Assuredly not; although, of course, the new demand for silver from the mints would give some increase to its value, which increase, however, might again be offset by an increase of production. Some imagine that the ratio of stiver to gold was always 16 to 1, or thereabouts. The ratio was constantly changing throughout historic times. At one time silver was more valuable than gold; at another time, since the discov ery of America, silver was ten times less valu nble than gold. The rntlo is constantly chang ing, and the question for us to-day is not what the ratio was at a preceding date, but what It should be in our time. But has not Herr Bismarck counseled the United States to ro ahead and make the ex periment all alone? Yes; and some Ameri cans quote his words as authority. The sly old fox would, indeed, be pleased to see Amer ica make tbe experiment and go to the bottom of the sea. Free co nage then will give us money worth in the commercial market of the world a little over half its nominal value. No one Imagines that the stamp of the Govern ment gives value to a piece of metal; It merely certifies to the qrality and quantity. Other wise the Government stamp might as well be affixed to copper or mere paper. If the Gov ernment stamp gave value the debased coin issued in the past by impecunious sovereigns it would not have ruined the subjects of those sovereigns, and the assignats of France and tbe paper issued by Ferdinand of Naples a cen tury ago would not have sold in the market al most as Government rags. Legal tender, compelling man to accept against theii will money above its commer cial value in the markets of the world, is rank injustice. The e«r.y financial statesmen of America— Jefferson, Morris, Hamilton— never thought of making the legal value of coin higner thati the commercial value of tha metal out of which the coins were made. Therefore, with the passage ot free coinage, we shall have a currency rejected at its nom inal value in the commercial markets of the world, unstable and fluctuating iv real value. Business cannot prosper with such a currency. The first condition of life of business is sta bility of currency. No one will invest money of a certain value to-day in commerce and industry if by the time the raw material has been turned into marketable wares the cur rency is likely to have changed in value. Business in all branches would become a speculation— a gamble— and conservative capi tal would keep out of sight. No loans would be made. It is nonsense to say that capital i must put itself into the American market whether tno capital be American or European. We should uot be deluded by words. We may clamor in vain for capital. It will not come to us unless there be security for it. It will remain in the vaults of safety or go to other ' parts of the world where reward is small but certain. And without capital there would te no enterprises and no work for the people. lam absolutely convinced that the laboring , classes will suffer the most of all from free , silver coinage. And yet the laboring classes are those thai are tbe most urgently appealed to in this free silver movement. A man who talks against free silver is put down at once as an enemy of the "common people." i Well, for my part, 1 am willing to be called an enemy of the working classes, of "thecom mon people," if I am in reality advising them for their Rood and serving their true inter-"' ests. Those above all others in the land who \ should to-day be on their guard against the silver movement are the laborers of America. But wiil not the farmers be benefited ? Will they not receive a higher price for their prod- | nets? Maybe a higher price, but not higher value. Of what use is it to have a dollar, in stead of a half dollar, if the dollar can pur ■' - Continued on Second i'ago. ENGLAND'S PRIMATE CULLED TO REST Sudden Death of the Noted Archbishop Benson of Canterbury. Stricken With Apoplexy During Divine Service in the Church ol Hawarden. OVERCOME IN GLADSTONE'S PEW Career of the Scholar Who Became the Head of the Church of England, LONDON, Eng., Oct. 11.— The Arch bishop of Canterbury, Primate of all Eng land and Metropolitan, the Right Hon. and Most Rev. Edward White Benson, D.D. and Privy \7ouucilor, died suddenly to-day while attending divine service in tbe church at Hawarden. The Archbishop was the guest of Mr. Gladstone, through whom he was ap pointed to the Archbishopric of Canter bury, and, in company with the Gladstone family, went to the Hawarden Church this morning. After the service had com menced a commotion was noticed in the Gladstone pew, and immediately there after church attendants were seen remov ing the Aichbishop, who, it was sup posed, was suffering from a fit. He was taken to the rectory and medical assist ance was hastily summoned. The doctors worked over him in vain, and at 11:45 o'clock he died. The physicians state that death was caused by apoplexy. Arch bishop Benson was 67 years of age. The Archbishop and his wife arrived at Hawarden Castle, Mr. Gladstone's resi dence, Saturday evening, from the north of Ireland, where they had been visiting. The Archbishop appeared to be in the best of health. He attended communion at tbe Hawarden church at 8 o'clock this morn ing, and then breakfasted with Mr. Glad atone and family. Lator he attended the morning service. The confession was pro ceeding when he fell forward. The church attendants removed the Archbishop to the rectory as quickly as possible. The Rev. Stephen Gladstone, the rector of the church, continued the service until he re ceived a message that the Archbishop was dead. He then closed with the prayer for the dead from tbe burial service. . As tbe congregation left the church the organist played a dead march and a muf fled peal was rung on the bells. Mr. Gladstone was not at the church, th*> weather preventing. He was greatly a stressed at the death of the Archbishop. They had been close friends for a long time. Archbishop Benson was esteemed by all sects for his moderation and broad-mind edness. His death was announced at St. Paul's, London, at the afternoon service. Tbe news quickly. spread, and this even ing there was a great assemblage at the cathedral. The preacher highly eulogized the dead Archbishop for his fervices to the church, his personal uprightness of character and lovable disposition. After the service the organist played the "Dead March," the congregation standing as the solemn strains filled the edifice, the great be!l of the cathedral meanwhile being tolled in memory of the dead. Dean Farrar paid an impressive tribute to the deceased Archbisnop in Canterbury Cathedral. The Right Hon. and Most Rev. Edward White Benson D.D., primate of all Eng land and Metropolitan, was born near Birmingham in 1829. He was educated at King Edward's School, Birmingham, and at Trinity College, Cambridge, of which be was successively scholar and fellow, and where he graduated B.A. in 1852. He was graduated M.A. in 1855, B.D. in 1862 and D.D. in 1867, Hon. D.C.v (Oxford) 1884. He was for some years one of the mas ters in Rugby School and had the head mastership of Wellington College from its first opening down to 1872. Among many dignities he attained were honorable chap lain to the Queen, 1873, and chaplain in or dinary, 1875-77. In December, 1876, he was nominated to the newly restored bish opric of Truro and was consecrated in 3t. Paul's Cathedral April 25, 1877. During his occupation of the see he began the building of a new cathedral at Truro, of which the outward shell has cost over £100,000, much of that sum having been gathered through 'fche energy of the Bishop. In December. 1882, Dr. Benson was ap pointed by the crown, on Mr. Gladstone's recommendation, to the Archbishopric of Canterbury, in succession to Dr. Tait. Dr. Benson has published sermons and other works. Dr. Benson married, in 1859, Mary, daughter of the late Rev. William Sidg wick of Skipton, Yorkshire. The annual value of the see ot Canterbury is $75 000, and the Archbishop is the patron of 195 livings. In addition to his archiepiscopal residence at Lambeth Palace he had a seat at Addington Park, C'royden, Surrey. MURDER OF A VETERAN. Alfred Cummin?s, a Member o: the Leavenworth Home, Slain With a Hatchet Lived the Life of a Roc use and Was Sitting With His Back to the Door When Assassinated. LEAVENWORTH, Kans., Oct. IL—Al fred Cummings, a member of the Soldiers' Home and a veteran of both th* Mexican and Civil wars, and late of Company H, Thirty-ninth lowa Volunteer Infantry, was found murdered in a hovel near the Soldiers' Home la3t evenin.'. Cummings, while a member of the home for four years, lived a recluse most of the time, his pension sustaining him. The murder was committed Friday night, and there is no clew to the murderer. Cum mings was struck down unawares with a hatchet while he sat at the supper table with his back to the door. The blade of the hatchet was sunk deep into the brain, cleaving his skull above the right ear. Nothing about the hut was disturbed and robbery was not the motive. A tramp who bad been staying with the veteran has disappeared. PRICE FIVE CENTS. KILLED BY HIS ARTIST FRIEND Count yon Ballestrem ShQt by Charles Abigsr of ■— San Francisco. The S ayer Clams His Gun Was Ace dentally Discharged in a Scu fle. POINT LOBOS PABK TRAGEDY. Tbe Two Men Had Sought the Sea* shore to Ply Their Brushes in Company. MONTEREY, Cal., Oct. 11.— Count Wolfgang yon Ballestrem was shot and kilied late last night at Point Lobos Park, about six miles south of Monterey. Charles Abiger of San Francisco, his intimate friend and bosom companion, is in the Monterey jail pending the Coroner's investigation at 10 o'clock to-morrow and will doubtless be held to answer for the Count's death. News of the tragedy was received by Justice Michaelis by telephone last night- He summoned Constable Hernandez and they hurried to the campers' hut occupied by the two artists. In the outer room of the shack they found the body of the Count lying in a pool of blood near the door to the inner apartment. Abiger was just enter ing the house, lantern in hand, when they arrived. He was placed under arrest and brought by Constable Hernandez to Mon terey. The San Franciscan had just re turned to the hut alter notifying people living in the vicinity that Yon Ballestrem had been Killed. He declared that the shooting was accidental, his shotgun hav ing been discharged during a friendly scuffle. Undertaker Thomas Olson was sum moned from Monterey, and brought the body of the dead nobleman to this city. Yon Ballestrem's hands are smeared with clay, and on the stock of tbe shotgun with which he was shot are clay linger prints, which bear out Abiger' s contention that they were scuffling for possession of the weapon when the fatal shot was fired. A Coroner's jury will be impaneled to-day and an inquest held in this city. Count yon Ballestrem and Abiger have been camping near this city for some months, pursuing for pleasure tbe voca tion of artists. They have seemingly been the best of friends, and were rarei/ out of each other's company. When seen this afternoon by a Calt, correspondent, Abiger was very willing to give his version of the affair. "Yes," he said, "it is horrible. It was purely an accident, however. I will tell you all about it. Yesterday afternoon about sunset I was going out hunting for rabbits, as was my usual custom every afternoon just before supper. Ballestrem was making a moid of clay at the time for his artist's work the next day, and his hands were covered with the stuff. • I said: 'Well.old fellow, I am going out to get a few rabbits,' and calling my dog, I was about to go into the next room to get my gnn when Ballestrem said, 'No, you must not go; we don't need any of your rabbits to night. You just stay right here, and I will cook supper pretty soon.' I said: 'No, I am going out now,' and then went into the adjoining room, got my gun and was walking through the rear room ngain, when Ballestrem stepped up, seized the gun by the stock, telling me I must not go out. I replied that I would go anyway, and tried to get the gun away from him. "We had quite a friendly little scuffle, when all of a sudden the trigger must have caught in my coat sleeve and the weapon was discharged. Ballestrem fell against the wall, and all he said was: " 'Well, it was not your fault, Carlos.' "He then dropped to the floor dead. I was overcome and — something I never did before — I f6ll down on my knees and cried like a baby for about ten minutes. 1 then realized that I must do something if pos sible, for perhaps my friend waß not dead. I thereupon rushed out of the house and over the fields to a Portuguese fisherman's house, about a quarter of a mile. away. I asked one of the family to come with me, saying that I had killed my partner. The Portuguese are naturally very supersti tious, and instead of assisting me he Blammed the door in my face. Receiving no aid here I went as fa»t as possible to John lOeitas' house and saloon, located just at the Carmelito gate. It was a long distance, but I ran every step of the way, and v\ hen I reached the saloon I was all out of breath, to say nothing of being ex cited over the affair. "When I reached Freitas' place I found it closed. I knocked, and the owner came to the door, but would not open it, although it was then only a little after 6:30. He asked me what I wanted, and I told him to open the door, but he refused, saying that I could tell him from where I was. 1 then inlormed him that I had shot Ballestrem and wanted a horse and buggy to go to Monterey to tell the author ities, and, if not too late, to procure a doctor. He told me that he wouid not go; that he did not have any horse in the barn, but for me to go to Braz 1, another rancher on Point Lobos reservation, and maybe Brazil would go. "I was on my way to Brazil' s place when the first party 1 went to s?e met me and said they were on their wav to town then and would teli. I went buck home, but could not summon courage to enter the room where poor Ballestrem lay. So I lit my lantern and walked around and around the hou^e with my faithful dog as a com panion. You see, he is still with me. Hav ing lost my other Bohemian friend, my dog is all that is left, and, as you see, he is here with me, too." To numerous questions put to Abiger as to the wine found in the room where the tragedy occurred, he said: "No; I never get intox cated. All Ger mans drink, of course, but neither Bal lestrem nor I ever got drunk, and we- most certainly were far from it last niijht. It was <nly a friendly scuffle, as I said be fore, but the outcome was horrible, never the! ess. "I have known Count Ballestrem for