THE MESSAGE THAT MEANS WAR
WASHINGTON, April 11.— The Presi
dent to-day sent the following: message
f to Congress:
To the Sedate find the Howe of Rcpre
lentativtt of the United Slatet:
Obedient to that precept of the consti
tution which commands the President to
give from time to time, the Congress in
formation ol the Btate of the I'nion and
to recommend to their consideration such
mea ■■ shall judge necessary and
lient 11 becomes my duty now to
with regard to the
gX&\ a that lias arisen in the re
the United States to Spain by
reason of the warfare that for more than
threi years has raged in the neighboring
I
1 do bo because of the intimate con
nection of the Cuban question with the
ur own Union and the grave rela
tion the course which it is now incum
nation to adopt must needs
to the traditional policy of our
b to accord with the
laid down by the founders of
md religiously observed by
i ding administrations to the present
day.
ent revolution is hut the sue
; other similar insurrections
; have occurred in Cuba against the
lon of Spain, extending over a pe
n early half a century, much of
which, during its progress, has subjected
to great effort and ex
>rcing it s neutrality laws,
ous losses to American
commerce, caused irri
tatlon, annoyance and disturbance
citizens and by the
ruel, barbarous and un
practlcea of warfare, shocked
; and offended th© humane
1] pi
rev( iution began in
iary, 1885, this country has seen the
>i tain ut our threshold ravaged
word in the course of a
i in the history of the
Island and rarely paralleled as to tha
number of the combatants and the bit
ter: • ... nuesi by any revolution
if m< dern times whore a dependent peo
► pie, striving to be free, have been op
1 by the power of the sovereign
state.
Our people have beheld a once
prosperous community reduced to
comparative want, its commerce vir
tually paralyzed, its exceptional pro
ductiveness diminished, its fields laid
waste, its mills in ruins and its peo
ple perishing by tens of thousands
from hunger and destitution.
We have f. .und ourselves constrained in
the observance of that strict neutrality
which our laws
enjoin and which
tic law of nations
commands, to po
lice our own wa
ters and watch our
own seaports in
prevention of any
Spanish Misrule as a
Thorn in
America's Side.
unlawful aid of the
Cubans. Our trade has suffered; the cap
vested by our citizens in Cuba has
■ly lost, and the temper and
forbearance of onr people have been so
sorelj tried as to beget a perilous unrest
-r our own citizens, which inevitably
expression from time to time in
the ■ eglslature, bo that issues
external to our own body politic
-s attention and stand in the way
; ■■;..--.■ devotion to domestic ad
vancement that becomes a self-contented
commonwealth whose primal maxim has
been avoidance of all foreign entangle
ments.
All this must needs awaken and has in
deed most concern on the
part of tins Government as well during
my ]:■• ■ I'l'tn as my own.
In April, lvi, the evils from which our
count! i through the Cuban war
::,.■ so onerous that my predecessor
made an effort to bring about a peace
._;h the mediation of this Govern
way that might tend to an
. - meni ol t ne < oi:;. st be
i her revolting colony, on
si heme of self
: : for Cuba, under the flag and
reignty of Spain, it failed through
•!■•• refusal of h Government
wer i" consider any form of
ndi . any plan of settle
ment which did not begin with the actual
■ n '■. 'h<- In — gents to the mother
try. ana t! ; such terms -as
■if misrht see tit to grant. The
war continued vi abated. The resistance
of the insurgents was in no wise dimin-
The efforts of Spain were increased,
both by the dispatch of fresh levies to
Cuba and by the addition to the horrors
rife.
The new and inhuman phase,
happily unprecedented in the mod
ern history of civilized Christian peo
ple, the policy of devastation and
concentration, inaugurated by the
captain-general's order of October 21,
1896, in the province of Pinar del
Rio, was thence extended to embrace
all of the island to which the power
of the Spanish arms was able to
reach by occupation or by military
operations.
The peasantry, Including all dwelling
in the open agricultural interior, were
n into tic- garrison towns or into
In hi by the troops. The
I movement of provisions of all
terdicted. The fields were
laid \v;i.st<\ dwellings unroofed and fired,
mills destroyed, ami. in short, everything
that late the land and render it
unfit for human habitation or support
was commanded
by one or other of
the contending
parties, and exe
cuted by all the
powers at tli-'ir
iL By the
time the present
ad mini st ration
The Awful Horrors of
the Policy
of Concentration.
took office a year ago, r^conc^ntration—
bad been made effective over
the better part <>f the four central and
western provinces— Santa Clara. Matan
za-s, Havana and Pinar de.l Rio. The
i agricultural population, to the estimated
number of 300.000 or more, was herded
within the towns and their immediate
vicinity, deprived of the means of sup
port, rendered destitute of shelter, left
poorly clad and exposed to the most un
■ - :":i <■ t . >r>- conditions.
As the Bcarclty of food Imrea-sed with
levastation of the depopulated areas
of production, destitution and want be
came misery and starvation. Month by
mon'h the death rate Increased i:i alarm-
Ing ra.l o. Bj Mar.li. 1897, according to
tive estimates from official Span
the mortality among the re
ncentrados from starvation and ihf>
o Incident, exceeded 50 per
centum ol their total number. No prac
tical orded to the destitute.
The overburdened towns, already
ing from the general dearth, could give
died areas of cultivation,
• t&bUshed within the immediate area of
NTEW FORK, April 11.— The local
papers will comment as follows
* upon the President's message to
morrow morning:
raid: "The tone of the message is
warlike, but the conclusions are peace
ful. All things considered, the Presi
deni has taken a far stop toward peace.
He stands with the drawn sword. It
is t->r Spain to say whether the blow
shall fall. There will be disappoint
ment over the President's stand in re
lation to Cuban Independence. Yellow
Journalists, ranting yellow dema
gogues, may rage and gnash their
teeth ami utter vain things. The Prfs-
Ident can wait. He has done what is
■
Tribune: "The message is one tem
perate and brave, and peaee-loviix; but
not war-fearing. It is not tf turning
over of the whole matter to Congress.
It is, on the contrary, an explicit pro
i of a positive and {isgres\sive pol
icy ( and an unqualified request for au
thority to execute it. The President
has done his utmost within the consti
tutional limits of his office. Beyond
those limits he cannot go until Congress
opens the door."
Journal: "The President has pro
four.dly disappointed the American peo
President McKinley Asks Congress for
Authority to Intervene With Arms for
the Restoration of Peace in Cuba.
military control about the cities and for
tified camps, proved illusory as a remedy
for the suffering, xhe unfortunates, being
for the most part women and children,
with aged and helpless men. enfeebled by
disease and hunger, could not have tilled
the soil without tools, seeds or shelter,
for their own support or for the supply of
the cities. Reconcentration, adopted
avowedly as a war measure in order to
rut off the resources of the insurgents,
worked its predestined result.
As I said in my message of last
December it was not civilized war
fare; it was extermination. The only
peace it could beget was that of the
wilderness and the grave.
Meanwhile, the military situation in the
island bad undergone a noticeable change.
The extraordinary activity that charac
terized the second year of the war, when
the Insurgents invaded even the hitherto
unharmed fields of Pinar del Rio and car
ried havoc and destitution up to the
vails of the city of Havana itself, had
relapsed Into a "dogged struggle in the
central and eastern provinces. The Span
ish army regained a measure of control
In Pinar del Klo and parts of Havana,
but under the existing conditions of the
rural country without immediate im
provement of their productive situation.
Even thus partially restricted, the revo
lutionists held their own. and their sub
mission, put forward by Spain as the es
sential and sole basis of peace, seemed
aa far distant as at the outset.
In this state of affairs, my administra
tion found itself confronted with the
grave problem of its
duty. My message
of last December
reviewed the situa
tion and detailed
the steps taken
with a view of re
lieving its acute-
Sagasta, and His
Attempt at a More
Liberal Policy.
ness and opening
the way to some form of honorable set
tlement. The assassination of the Prime
Minister, Canovas, led to a change of
Government in Spain. The former ad
ministration, which pledged subjugation
without concession, gave place to that
of a more liberal party, committed long
in advance to a policy of reform Involv
ing the wider principle of home rule for
Cuba and Puerto Rico. The overtures
of this Government made through its
new envoy. General Woodford, and look
ing to an Immediate effective ameliora
tion of the condition of the island, al
though not accepted to the extent of ad
mitted mediation in any shape, were met
by assurances that home rule in an ad
vanced phase would be forthwith offered
to Cuba, without waiting for the war to
end, and that more humane methods
should henceforth prevail in the conduct
of hostilities.
Incidentally with these declarations the
new Government of Spain continued and
completed the policy already begun by its
predecessor, of testifying friendly regard
lor this nation by "releasing American
citizens held under one charge or an
other connected with the insurrection, so
that, by the end of November, not a
Bingle person entitled in any way to our
national protection remained in a Span
ish prison.
While these negotiations were in prog
ress, the Increasing destitution of the
unfortunate reconeentrados and the
alarming mortality among them claimed
earnest attention. The success which bad
attended the limited measure of relief ex
tended to the suffering- American citi
zens among them, by thr judicious ex
penditure through the consular agencies
of the money appropriated expressly for
their succor by the joint resolution ap
proved May 24, 1887, prompted the humane
extension of a similar scheme to that
great body of sufferers. A suggestion to
this end was acquiesced in by the Span
ish authorities.
On the. 24th of December last, I caused
to be issued an appeal to the American
people, inviting contributions in money or
in kind for the succor of the starving
sufferers in Cuba. Following this, on the
Bth of January, came a similar public an
nouncement of the formation of a central
Cuban relief committee, with headquar
ters in New York City, composed of the
members representing the American Na
tional Red Cross and the religious and
business elements of the community. The
efforts of that committee have been' untir
ing and accom-
plished much good.
Arrangements fol
free transportation
to Cuba have
greatly aided the
charitable work.
The president of
the American Red
It Is Not War, but a
Struggle
to Extermination.
<'r"=s and representatives of other con
tributory organizations have generally vis
itf-d Cubaand co-operated with the Consul-
Cuba and co-operated with the Consul-
General and the local authorities to make
effective distribution of the relief col
lected. Through the efforts of the central
committee, nearly $200,000, in money and
supplies has already reached the suffer
ers, and more is forthcoming:. The sup
plies are admitted duty free and transpor
tation to the interior has been arranged,
bo that the relief, at first necessarily con
fined to Havana and the larger cities, is
now extended through most, if not all, of
the towns where suffering exists. Thous
ands of lives have already been saved.
The necessity for a change in the con
dition of the reconcentrados is recognized
by the Si>a.nlsh Government. Within a
few days pact the orders of General Wey
!er have been revoked, the reconcentrados
are, it is said, to be permitted to return
to their homes and aided to resume the
self-supporting pursuits of peace; public
works having been started to give them
employment, and a sum of $<500,000 has
been appropriated for their relief.
The war in Cuba is of such a nature
that, short of subjugation or extermina
tion, a final military victory for either
side seems impracticable. The alterna
tive lies in the physical exhaustion of the
one or the other party, or perhaps of both
— a condition which in effect ended the
ten years' war by the truce of Sanjon.
The prospect of such a protraction and
conclusion of the present strife is a con
tingency hardly to be contemplated with
equanimity by the civilized world, aivj
least of all by the United States, affected
and injured as we are, deeply and inti
inaiHy, by Its very existence.
Realizing this it appeared to be
my duty, in a spirit of true friendli
ness, no less to Spain than to the
pie. Instead of a call to arms his
message is a summons to retreat. It
is weak, flabby and nerveless. On the
question of the Maine the President is
as disappointing as on that of Cuba,"
Times: "We hope this plain revela
tion of th.c executive intention to look
upon no Cuban Government as estab
lished that is not independent will sat
isfy those members and Senators who
are inclined to insist on recognition of
sovereignty as a condition precedent to
intervention."
Press: "While Congress may relieve
its feelings and content its constitu
ents by a little harmless declamation
as to the present political condition of
the people of Cuba, we feel certain |
that it will follow closely on the broad, j
safe, carefully selected lines of the
President's message. The promptly |
successful termination of a war in
which, beyond the intervention of a
miracle or surrender by Spain, we are
now practically engaged, is the only
thought that can now claim the con
sideration of President and people."
World: "The Presidents message is
strong in its rhetoric, but lamentably
weak in its conclusions. We do not
question the purity of his intentions, j
but it is hard to solve the mystery of I
his actions. With singular obtuseness, j
or perversity, the President fails to
thrust to the front of the controversy |
two thinurs that stir the hearts of the
people and justify Intervention by our
THE SA5^ FRANCISCO CALL., TUESDAY, AFKIL 12, 1898.
The Question of Peace or Hostilities
Is Now in the Hands of the
Representatives of the
People.
Cubans who have so much to lose by
the prolongation of the struggle, to
seek to bring about an immediate
termination of the war.
To this end I submitted, on the 27th ulti
mo, as a result of much representation
and correspondence through the United
States Minister at Madrid, propositions to
the Spanish Government, looking to an
armistice until October 1, for the negotia
tion of peace with the good offices of the
President.
In addition, I asked the immediate revo
cation of the order of reconcentration, so
as to permit the people to return to their
farms and the needy to be relieved with
provisions and supplies from the United
States, co-operating with the Spanish au
thorities so as to afford full relief.
The reply of the Spanish Cabinet was
received on the night of the 31st ultimo.
It offers, as the means to bring about
peace in Cuba, to confide the prepara
tion thereof to the insular department,
inasmuch as the concurrence of that body
would be necessary to reach a final result,
it being, however, understood that the
powers reserved
by the constitu
tion to the cen
tral government
are not lessened
or diminished. As
the Cuban parlia
ment does not
Spain's Answer to
This Country
Not Satisfactory.
meet until the 4th
of May next, the Spanish Government
would not object, for Its part, to accept
at once a suspension of hostilities, 11
asked for by the insurgents from tht
general-in-chief, to whom U would per
tain in such case, to determine the dura
tion and conditions of the armistice.
These propositions, submitted by Gen
eral Woodford, and the reply of the
Spanish Government, were both In th(
form of brief memoranda, the texts ot
which are before, me — and are substan
tlaily in the language above given. Th<
function of the Cuban parliament in th 6
matter of "preparing" peace and the
manner of doing so are not expressed in
the Spanish memorandum; but from
General Woodford's explanatory reports
of preliminary discussions preceding the
linal conference it is understood that the
Spanish Government stands ready to give
the Insular Congress full powers to set
tle the terms or peace with the insur
gents; whether by direct negotiation or
indirectly by means of legislation does
not appear.
With this last overture in the di
rection of immediate peace and its
disappointing reception by Spain
the executive was brought to the
end of his effort.
In my annual message of December
last. I said:
"Of the untried measures there remain
—recognition of the insurgents as bellig
erents; recognition of the independence of
Cuba, and intervention to end the war
by imposing a rational compromise bt
tween the contestants and intervention
in favor of one or the other party. I
speak not of forcible annexation, for that
cannot be thought of. That, by our code
of morality, would be criminal aggres
sion."
Thereupon I reviewed these alternatives
in the light of President Grant's meas
ured words uttered in 1875, when, after
seven years of sanguinary, destructive
and cruel barbarities in Cuba, he reached
th<> conclusion that the recognition of
the independence of Cuba was impracti
cable and indefensible, and that the re
cognition of belligerency was not war
ranted by the facts, according to the
tests of public law. I commented es
pecially upon the latter aspect of the
question, pointing out the inconveniences
and positive dangers of a recognition of
belligerency which, while adding to the
already onerous burdens of neutrality
within our own jurisdiction, could not
in any way extend our influence or ef
fective offices in the territory of hostili
ties.
Nothing has since occurred to chang*
my view in this regard aTid I recognlz*
as fully now as then that the issuance
of a proclamation of neutrality by which
process the so-called recognition of bel
ligerency is published, could, of Itself
and unattended by other action, accom
plish nothing toward the one end for
which we labor, the instant pacification
of Cuba and the cessation of the misery
that afflicts the island.
Turning to the question of recognizing
at this time the independence of the pres
ent insurgent gov-
ernment in Cuba
we find safe pre
cedents in our his
tory from an ear
ly day. They are
well summed up in
President Jack
son's message to
Recognition Could Only
Do Harm
to All Parties.
Congress December 21, 1836, on the subject
of the recognition of the independence of
Texas. He said: "In all the contests
that have arisen out of the revolutions
of France, out of the disputes relating to
the crowns of Portugal and Spain, out of
the separation of the American posses
sions of both from the European govern
ments, and out of the numerous and con
stantly occurring struggles for dominion
in Spanish America, so wisely consistent
with just principles .has been the action
of our Government that we have, under
the most critical circumstances, avoided
all censure and encountered no other evil
than that produced by a transient es
trangement of good will in those against
THE COMMENT OF THE PRESS
IN APPROVAL OF THE MESSAGE
Government. These are the treacher- i lines less calculated to cause superflu
ous destruction of the Maine and free- ' ous offense. It is a pity, however,
dom for Cuba." i looking to the attitude of Spain, that
LONDON, April 12.— The Daily News, i President McKinley could not have
commenting editorially upon the Pres- further postponed the message."
ident's message to Congress, says: The Times says: "The message is
"The message is a vigorous and able not couched in harsh language, though
document. Undoubtedly it means war, jit leads up to a policy which involves
unless Spain agrees to make final | harsh judgment, although one justified
terms with the insurgents and to recall by the sentiment of the civilized world
her troops from Cuba, It must con- on the treatment of Cuba."
vince Europe that the cause for Amer- After expressing a fear that Spain's
ican intervention is a very strong one. offer of armistice comes too late, the
President McKinley's refusal to recog- I Times comments on the "grave respon
nize the independence of Cuba, on the I sibility which President McKinley
ground that it would nullify America's I throws upon Congress." It thinks that
claim of the right to interfere, is sound ]if debate was suspended for a week,
sense and a staggerer for the jingoes, : there might be a chance of peace, and
but Spain must loyally co-operate with ! it expresses regret that President Mc
him if war Is to be averted." Kinley "surrendered his Initiative,"
The Standard says: "The undlg- adding, "he was fully entitled to keep
pulsed disappointment of the jingoes the question in his own hands and
at the subdued and cautious tone of thus to have gained time, an indispen
the message cannot fall to cheer the sable condition of peace."
friends of peace. Assuming an obliga- The Morning Post says: "The studl
tion to send the message at all, one ous vagueness of the message, except
could hardly have been drafted on In that It plainly notifies Spain to
SUMMARY OF
THE MESSAGE.
WASHINGTON, April n.—
The message asks Congress to
authorize the President to take
measures to secure the termin
ation of hostilities in Cuba and
to secure the establishment of
a stable government there, and
to use the military and naval
forces of the United States as
may be necessary for those pur
poses. The President says the
only hope of relief from a con
dition which can no longer be
endured is the enforced pacifi
cation of the island.
The issue is now with Con
gress, and he awaits action,
6tanding prepared to carry out
every obligation imposed on
him by the constitution.
Spain's decree for a suspen
sion of hostilities is submitted
to Congress for just and care
ful attention.
The Maine incident figures
prominently in the message.
The President argues that the
wreck of the Maine in Havana
harbor shows that Spain is not
able to guarantee security to
foreign vessels.
Spain has offered to submit
to arbitration all the differ
ences which may arise from
that affair.
i
whom we have been, by force of evidence, ;
compelled to decide.
"It has thus been made known to the
world that the uniform policy and prac
tice of the United States is to avoid all
interference in disputes which merely re
late to the internal government of other
nations, and eventually to recognize the |
authority of the prevailing party without I
reference to our particular interests and
views or to the merits of the original
controversy. But in this, as in every
other occasion, safety is to be found in
a rigid adherence to principle.
"In the contest between Spain and the
revolting colonies we stood aloof and
waited not only until the ability of the
new States to protect themselves was
fully established, but until the danger of
their being again subjugateu had entirely
passed away. Then, and not until then,
were they recognized. Such was our
course in "regard to Mexico herself.
"It is true that with regard to Texas
the civil authority of Mexico had been
expelled, its invading army defeated, the
chief of the republic himself captured,
and all power to control the newly or
ganized Government of Texas annihilat
ed within Its confines. But. on the other
hand, there is, in appearance at least, an
immense disparity of physical force on
the side of Texas. The Mexican Repub
lic is now rallying its forces under a
new leader and menacing a fresh inva
sion to recover its lost domain.
"Upon the issue of this threatened in
vasion, the independence of Texas may
be considered as suspended, and were
there nothing peculiar in tne situation of
the United States and Texas, our ac
knowledgment of its Independence at
such a crisis could scarcely be regarded
as consistent with that prudent reserve
with which we have hitherio held our
selves bound to treat all similar ques
tions."
Thereupon Andrew Jackson proceeded
to consider the
risk that there
might be imputed
t o the United
States motives of
selfish interest in
view of the for
mer claim on our
The American Policy
Is a Policy
of Non-interference.
part to the terri
tory of Texas and of the avowed purpose
of 'the Texans in seeking recognition of
independence as an incident to the in
corporation of Texas in the Union, con
cluding thus:
"Prudence, therefore, seems to dictate
that we should stand aloof and maintain
our present attitude, if not until Mexico
itself or one of the great foreign powers
shall recognize the independence of the
new government, at least until the lapse
of time or the course of events shall have
proved beyond cavil or dispute the
ability of the people of that country to
maintain tholr separate sovereignty and
to uphold the government constituted by
them. Neither of the contending parties
can justly complain of this course. By
pursuing it we are but carrying out the
long-established policy of our Govern
ment, a policy which has secured to us
respect and Influence abroad and inspired
confidence at home."
These are the words of the resolute and
patriotic Jackson. They are evidence that
the United States, in addition to the test
imposed by public law as the condition
of the recognition of independence by a
neutral State (to wit: that the revolted
State shall "constitute in fact a body
politic, having a government in substance
as well as in name possessed of the ele
ments of stability" and forming de facto
"If left to itself a State among the na
tions, reasonably capable of discharging
Hie duties of a State"), has imposed for
its own goverance in dealing with cases
like these the further condition that rec
ognition of independent statehood is not
due to a revolt and dependency until the
danger of its being again subjugated by
the parent State has entirely passed
away. This extreme test was in fact ap
plied in the case of Texas. The Congress
to whom President Jackson referred the
question as "one probably leading to
war," and therefore a proper subject for
a "previous understanding with that body
by whom war alone can be declared, and
by whom all the provisions for sustaining
its perils must be furnished," left the
matter of recognition of Texas to the dis
cretion of the executive, providing mere
ly for /the sending of a diplomatic agent
when the President should be satisfied
that the republic of Texas had become
"an Independent State." It was so recog
nized by President Van Kuren, who com
missioned a Charge d'Affaires March 7,
1837, after Mexico had abandoned an at
tempt to conquer the Texan territory and
when there was at the time no bona fide
contest going on between the Insurgent
province and its former sovereign.
I said in my message of December last:
"It is to be seriously considered whether
the CuV>«n insurrection possesses beyond
dispute the attributes of statehood, which
alone can demand a recognition of bel
ligerency in its favor." The same require
ment must certainly be no less seriously
considered when the graver issue of
recognizing independence is in question,
for no less positive test can be applied to
the greater act than the lesser, while, on
the other hand, the
influences and con
sequences of the
struggle upon the
internal policy of
the recognizing
State, which form
important factors
Nothing Yet in Cuban
Government
to Be Recognized.
when the recogni
tion of belligerency is concerned, are sec
ondary if not rightly eliminated factors.
The real question is whether the com
munity claiming recognition is or is not
independent beyond peradventure.
Nor from the standpoint of expe
rience do I think it would be wise
or prudent for this Government to
recognize at the present time the in
dependence of the so-called Cuban
republic.
Such recognition is not necessary In
order to enable the United States to inter
vene and pacify the island. To commit
this country now to the recognition of
any particular government in Cuba might
subject us to embarrassing conditions of
international obligation toward the or
ganization so recognized. In case of in
tervention our conduct will be subject to
the approval or disapproval of such gov
ernment. We would be required to sub
mit to its direction and to assume to it
the. mere relation of a friendly ally.
When it shall appear hereafter that there
is within the island a government capa
ble of performing the duties and dis
charging the functions of a separate na
tion, and having, as a matter of fact, the
proper forms and attributes of national
ity, such government can be promptly
and readily recognized and the relations
and interests of the United States with
such nation adjusted.
There remain the alternative
forms of intervention to end the war,
either as an impartial neutral by im
posing a rational compromise be
tween the contestants or as the act
ive ally of the one party or the
other.
As to the first, it Is not to be forgotten
that during the last few months the re
lation of the United States has virtually
been one of friendly intervention in many
ways, each not of itself conclusive, but all
tending to the exertion of a potential in
fluence toward an ultimate pacific re
sult, just and honorable to all interests
concerned. The spirit of all our acts
hitherto has been an earnest, unselfish
desire for peace and prosperity in Cuba,
untarnished by differences between the
United States and Spain and unstained
by the blood of American citizens.
The forcible
Forcible Intervention intervention of
the United States
as a neutral to
stop the war ac
cording to the
Justified by
Common Humanity.
large dictates of numanity, and
following historical precedents where
neighboring States have interfered
to check the hopeless sacrifice of life
by intercine conflicts beyond their
cVoose between war and the abandon
ment of Cuba to such a future as may
seem good to the United States— tells
the world surprisingly little. There is
not a word to suggest that Spain has in
any way sinned against the United
States or infringed upon international
law. The crisis arises from the deter
mination of the American Government
to depart from Washington's precepts,
and to meddle in affairs of a foreign
country."
The Daily Chronicle says: "President
McKinley has made many efforts for
peace; but this is greater and bolder
than any of them. His message calls
a halt by throwing upon Congress the
entire solemn responsibility of making
war. We believe, however, that the
situation is not materially changed.
War is still inevitable, unless Spain
makes concessions she has hitherto
shown no disposition to make."
The Daily Graphic says it thinks the
President's message would lead to war.
It says: Spain will of course resist in
tervention and war will ensue. But
borders, is justifiable on national
grounds.
It involves, however, hostile constraint
upon both the parties to the contest, as
well to enforce a truce as to guide the
eventual settlement.
The grounds for such intervention may
be briefly summarized as follows:
First — In the cause of humanity
to put an e-d to the barbarities,
bloodshed, starvation and horrible
miseries now existing there, and
which the parties to the conflict are
either unable or unwilling to stop or
mitigate. It is no answer to say this
is all in another country, belonging
to another nation, and is therefore
none of our business. It is exprsssly
our duty, for it is right at our door.
Second — We owe it to our citizens
in Cuba to afford them that protec
tion and indemnity for life and
property which no government there
can or will afford, and to that enu
terminate the conditions that de
prive them of legal protection.
Third — The right to intervene may
be justified by che very serious in
jury to the commerce, trade and
business of our people and by the
wanton destruction of property and
devastation of the island.
Fourth and which is of the utmost
importance — The present condi
tion of affairs in Cuba is a constant
menace to our peace, and entails upon
this Government an enormous ex
pense. With such a conflict waged
for years in an island so near us and
with which our people have such
trade and business relations — when
the lives and liberty of our citizens
are in constant danger and their
property destroyed and themselves
ruined — where our trading vessels
are liable to seizure and are seized
at our very door by warships of a
foreign nation, the expeditions of
filibustering that we are powerless to
prevent altogether, and the irritating
questions and entanglements thus
arising, all these
and others that I
need not mention,
with the result
ing strained rela
tions, are a con-
Spain's Fault That
the Maine
Was Destroyed.
stant menace to our peace and
compel us to keep on a semi-war
footing with that nation with which
we are at peace.
These elements of danger and dis
order already pointed out have been
strikingly illustrated by a tragic
event which has deeply and justly
moved the American people. I have
already transmitted to Congress the
report of the naval court of inquiry
on the destruction of the battle-ship
Maine in the harbor of Havana dur
ing the night of the 15th of Febru
ary. The destruction of that noble
vessel has filled the national heart
with inexpressible horror. Two hun
dred and fifty-eight brave sailors
and marines and two officers of our
navy, reposing in the fancied se
curity of a friendly harbor, have
been hurled to death; grief and want
brought in their homes, and sorrow
to the nation.
The Naval Court of Inquiry which, it
is needless to say, commands the un
qualified conilder.ee of the Government,
was unanimous In its conclusion that the
destruction of the Maine was caused by
an exterior explosion, that of a submarine
mine. It did not assume to place the re
sponsibility. That remains to be fixed.
In any event the destruction of
the Maine, by whatever exterior
cause, is a patent and impressive
proof of a state of things in Cuba
that is intolerable.
That condition is thus shown to be
such that the Spanish tJovernment cannot
assure safety and security to a vessel of
the American navy in the harbor of Ha
vana on a mission of peace and rightfully
there.
Further, deferring in this connection to
recent diplomatic correspondence, a dis
patch from our Minister to Spain, of the
26th ultimo, contained the statement that
the Spanish Minister for Foreign Affairs
has assured him positively that Spain
will do all that the highest honor and
justice requires in the matter of the
Maine. The reply above referred to. of
the 31st ultimo, also contained an expres
sion of the readiness of Spain to submit
to arbitration all the differences which
can arise in this matter which is sub
sequently explained by the note of the
Spanish Minister at Washington of the
10th instant, as follows:
"As to the Question of fact which
springs from the diversified views be
tween reports of the American and Span
ish boards, Spain proposes that the fact
be ascertained by an impartial investiga
tion by experts, which decision Spain ac
cepts in advance."
To this I have made no reply.
President Grant, in IS""), in discussing
the phases of the contest as it then ap
peared, and its hopeless and apparent in
definite prolongation, said: "In such event
the duty of the United States lies not
the less in the path now marked out
for her by the President.
The Daily Mail and the Dally Tele
graph admit that the message leaves
the question of immediate war undeter- !
mined, but declares the eventuality of j
war certain, "as it is impossible for \
Spain to accept the only conditions i
which will avert war."
The Berlin correspondent of the
Times, with reference to the German
Government's protestations of absolute!
neutrality, says: Scrupulous neutral- j
ity on the part of the Government does j
not, however, prevent the Hamburger
Nachrichten from comparing the
United States to an incendiary, who, j
after setting a house on fire, strives to
demonstrate his innocence by second
ing the efforts of the fire brigade.
The organ of Prince Bismarck, the
hero of German-Americans, speaks of
"a republic of evil repute which poses
as a censor of morals of a European
monarchy," and of "a State where a
brutal and hypocritical democracy has
led and where venality of officials,
fraudulent appropriation of public
money and rowdyism and lynch laws
are the order of the day."
The Indian campaigns of the United
States are described as furnishing in
stances of guilt, knavery, cruelty and
bloodshed as numerous as can be
chronicled in the conduct of the war in
I am of the opinion that other nations will
be compelled to assume the responsibility
which devolves upon them, and to seri
ously consider the only remaining meas
ures possible, mediation and intervention.
Owing. perhaps, to
the large expanse
of water separat
ing the island from
the peninsula, the
contending parties
appear to have
within themselves
no depository of
Intolerable Conditions
« Exist, Yet Spain
Pr eposes Arbitration
common confidence to suggest wisdom
when passion and excitement have their
sway, and thus assume the part of peace
maker. In this view, in the earlier days
of the contest, the good offices of the
United States as mediator wore tendered
in good faith, without any sellish purpose
in the interest of humanity and in sincere
friendship for both parties, but were at
the time declined by Spain with the
declaration, nevertheless, that at a future
time they would be indispensable. No in
timation has been received that in the
opinion of Spain that time has been
reached. And yet the strife continues
with all its dread horrors and all its in
juries to the United States and of other
nations. Each party se^ms quite capable
of working great injury and damage to
the other, as well as to all the relations
and interests dependent on the existence
of peace in the island; but they seem in
capable of reaching any adjustment and
both have thus far failed of achieving
any success whereby one hardly shall
possess and control the island to the ex
clusion of the other. Under the circum
stances the agency of others, either by
mediation or by intervention, seems to
be the only alternative which must,
sooner or later, be invoked for the ter«
mination of the strife."
In the last. annual message 01 my 1m«
mediate predecessor, during the pending
struggle, it was said:
"When the inability of Spain to deal
successfully with the insurgents has be-,
come manifest, and it is demonstrated,
that her sovereignty in Cuba is extinct
to all purposes of its rightful existence,
and when a hopeless struggle for its re*
establishment has degenerated Into tha
strife which means nothing more than
the useless sacrifice of human life anq
the utter destruction of the very subject
matter of the conflict, a situation will b«
presented in which our obligations to thq
sovereignty of Spain will be supersede^
by higher obligations which we eaij
hardly hesitate to recognize and dls«
charge."
In my annual message to Congress,
December last, speaking to this question,
I said: "The near future will demon-,
strate whether the indispensable condi
tion of a righteous peace, just alike to
the Cubans and Spain, as well as equita
ble to our interests, so intimately In
volved in the welfare of Cuba, Is likely to
be attained. If not, the exigency of fur
ther and other action by the United
States will remain to be taken. When
that time comes that action will be de
termined in th^ line of indisputable right
and duty. It will be faced without mis*
giving or hesitancy in the lisjht of th«
obligation this Oovornmt-nt owes to lt«
self, to the people who have confided to
it the protection of their interests and
honor, and to humanity.
"Sure of the right, keeping free from
all offense ourselves, actuated by up
right and patriotic considerations, moved
neither by passion nor selfishness, the
Government will continue Its watchful
care over the rights and property of
American citizens and will abate none of
Its efforts to bring about by peaceful
agencies a peace which shall be honora
ble and enduring. If it shall hereafter
appear to be a duty imposed by our obli
gations to our-
I selves, to cfvillza
i tion and to hu
] inanity ;ind to in
tervene with force,
it shall be with
out fault on our
part and only be-
Spain Is Helpless,
America
Must Now Intervene.
cause the neees
! pity for such action will ho so clear as to
command the support and approval of
i the civilized world."
The long trial has proved that th«
object for which Spain has waged th«
war cannot be attained. The fire of
insurrection may flame or may
smolder with varying seasons, but
it has not been and it is plain that
it cannot be extinguished by present
methods. The only hope of relief and
repose from a condition which can
not longer be endured is the enforced
pacification of Cuba. In the name of
humanity, in the name of civiliza
tion, in behalf of endangered Ameri
can interests which give us the right
and the duty to speak and to act, the
war in Cuba must stop.
In view of these facts and vnesa
considerations I ask the Congress to
authorize and empower the President
to take measures to secure a full ter
mination of hostilities between the
Government of Spain and the people
of Cuba, and to secure in the island
the establishment of a stable govern
ment capable of maintaining order
and observing its international obli
; gations, insuring peace and tranquil
lity and the security of its citizens
as well as our own, and to use the
military and naval forces of the
i United States as may be necessary
for these purposes.
And In the interest of humanity and to
aid in preserving the lives of the starv
' ing people of the island, I recommend
that the distribution of food and supplies
be continued and that an appropriation
I be made out of the public treasury to
| supplement the charity of our citizens.
The issue is now with Congress.
i It is a solemn responsibility. I have
exhausted every effort to relieve the
intolerable condition of affairs which
iis at our doors. Prepared to execute
every obligation imposed upon me by
; the constitution and the law I await
your action.
Yesterday and since the preparation of
i the foregoing message, official lnforma
! tlon was received by me that the latest
| decree of the Queen Regent of Spain
' directs General Blanco, in order to pre
; pare and facilitate peace, to proclaim a
, suspension of hostilities, the duration and
i details of which have not yet been com
municated to me.
This fact, with every other pertinent
consideration, will, I am sure, have your
just and careful attention in the solemn
! deliberations upon which you are about
to enter. If this measure attains a sue
; cessful result, {hen our aspirations as a
Christian, peace-loving people will bd
realized. If it fails, it will be only an
i other justification for our contemplated
action. WILLIAM McKINLEY
Executive Mansion, April 11.
Cuba, now denounced with such Phari
saical accounts of superiority.
There is every reason for believing
that neither Prince Bismarck nor any
one else of the slightest importance in
spires these tirades, but that they
should appear in a journal so widely
read as the Hamburger Nachrichten
ought to mollify the wrath of the or
gans of the German Government when
they complain of the attitude of the far
more obscure foreign prints which oc
casionally fall foul of Germany.
DELAYED BY DIVORCE LAWS.
Sonoma Couple Wed After a Wait
of Weary Months.
SANTA ROSA. April 11.— Michael Mc-
Donough, aged 70. of Cloverdale. and
Mrs. Susie Baker, aged 53, of Healdsburg,
were married In this city to-day by Jus
tice of the Peace John Brown.
A few months a"o McDonough applied
to the County Clerk for a license to wed
Mrs. Baker, but that official refused to
comply with his request on the ground
that the State laws forbid a divorced
person marrying a second time within a
year after the granting of the divorce.
When the County Clerk took this stand
Mrs. Baker anolied to the courts here to
compel that official to issue McDonough
the license, but the court denied the ap
plication and the couple had to wait the
allotted time. The year being up a few
days ago, they were married to-day.
3