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The San Francisco call. [volume] (San Francisco [Calif.]) 1895-1913, September 07, 1899, Image 2

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thifi fact, thai when our Government
deals with the citizen ;t.- : power is iin
limited, but when it deals with prop
erty its power is limited. Under our
present coi dltl ma i nd vi der Repub
lican rule, blood Is not as precious as
money. The Government can drafi the
citizen but cannot draft thy pocket
book.
In an hour f peril the Government
can take the son from his mother, n«>
matter h»>w much she needs him; in
an hour of peril the Government can
take the husband from his wife, no
matter bow much she needs him; in
an hour «'f peril tho Government can
take the father from the children no
matter how much they need him; In
an hour of peril the Government can
take the son, brother, father, the hus
band and stand them up In front of the
enemies' guns. Hut in fin hour of peril
this Government is powerless to lay its
finger upon accumulated wealth ami
make that wealth bear its share of the
burdens of war. (Prolonged cheers and
se.)
Why is it? It is because the Repub
lican party is putting the dollar ab ive
the man, and it is giving to aggregate
wealth an Influence over the destinies
of the nation and every policy ><i the
Government more potent than it gives
to i! oon people of this
: ry.
Corporations Make Senators.
Bui that is 6nly one question. I am
not sure but you had a Senatorial con
test In this State recently. (Laughter
and applause.) The Fifty-second Con- |
gress and the Fifty-third C
were Democratic congresses and
congresses passed through tho
lower h iuse by more than a two-thirds
vote a resolution submitting to the
an amendment to the constitu
ti n pi oviding for the election of I fnited
ators bj a din ct voi e of tho
I c, (Applause.) There have been
Repub n congress< s since and
neither of those congresses passed such
lution. Why. Because under the
present method of electing Senators
corporations can elect Senators to rep
resent corporations instead of the peo
: the State. (< 'hi crs. i And the
n party <:■>• s not advance
that measure which is in the Ini
of thi : d desired by them. The
ators by the peopli Ihe
Republican party does noH advance be
lt is < . by ■ 'n 'rate
\\ ealth and da i fuse to do the
bidding of these great corporations. In
another instanci you see the Repub
lican party is putting the dollar al
an and insisting upon the reten
tion of a method of electing Senators
permits money t<> elect Instead of
the people. It is putting the dollar
above the man. (Applause.)
A Procession of Funerals.
There Is another question that I al
hate to mention before this on- I
thuslastlc audience for< v ■
that seems to be so good-natured. I
hate to drag in a fui tion be
: such an audience, and yet I must
speak of the silver question. (Laughter
and .!■ ■ 1 must speak for a lit
hile, even If it is not welcome.
(Applaus< I They say that the silver
. • : >n is dead. < Laughter.) Well,
my friends, tin- fact is that the gold
has buri« 1 it so often that a fun- [
has lost all its terrors, and
have come almost to exclaim, in the
language, "O death, where is thy
Is thy victorj ?
(Laughter.) 1 remember that In WJ
my opponent for Congress said v. •
would never hear of the silver q
tion after that election. It was
lhan-a year from that time when th<
lent called C< tigress together to
■ Mian law, and buried it
again. When the Sherman law was
Lied they s.iid that it was buried
again, but it was up In 1*1'!, and had to
be buried again, and some of you prob
ably remembei that it was up again |
in 1896. (Laughter and applause.) Bui
the Republicans said that they had
buried it again. 1 remember reading
aboul thai myself; it was in large
print. (Laughter.) Thin it was up
aguln In 1897 and had to be buried
again. It had to be buried again in j
1898, and if you will read the Repub
rs you will find that the ob
sequies are still in progress. I have
examined very carefully this corpse
and my candid opinion is that it will !
last until 1900. (Laughter ami an
plause.)
i why is it that they have '<<• bury
it so often? Why don't they bury it
completely and be done with it? Be
no tomb was ever made so strong
that it could imprison a righi'
(Applause.) I am not going t .
Into a discussion of this question,
but I am going to call your attention
to a few f.-iets of history and then I
on. Why, you hear people talk us If
■ :-• was something new. They
hold up their hands in horror at the
thought of trying to experiment. The
! that we had the double standard
for eifchty-one years in this country.
from 1792 to 1873, and during all thai
time no party, whatever the name, ever
declared against it. Isn't that strange?!
What a record! Now, I heai people
say that we never bad the double i
dard at all: that bimetallism was never
11 was something else. I never
quarrel with them. When a man tplls;
me that we never had the double Btan-
Ilism I simply reply to
him, "Give us what you had. and you
can name it." (Laughter.) What you
want Is the law, the law that Andrew
Jackson signed, the law thai stood an- ,
til in the night, and without warning 1 . :
it was stricken from the statute books.
Wo wanl th" restoration of that which
because we git th" gold standard
it any party asking for it.
A Concealed Blessing.
I remember that In my boyhood days.
when ! :•■ debasing society, w.e
Ihe question; "U> bolj cd.
■ there la. more pleasure in anticlpa
than In possession"; and It provokes
me- now to think- thai we got the gold
rd without passing through a period I
of pi- asant ai I of It. It iust
cam" upon us like a thief In the night,
aril then we had It for t we.nty-thr.-o years
any party dared to defend it. isn't ;
that strange? Tell ni" the gold standard
Is a blessing, and 1 ask you why is it liiat
that blessing was bo mysteriously con
irty found It out? I>o you
tell mo that Xhf victory of 1896 was a vic
tory for tho gold standard? I i^itm out
the fact that three parti. -s united in de
nouncing the gold standard as ur»-
American and anti-American] Three par-
I that tho gold standard should
b* driven out of th" United States and
back" to England, whence it o;rne. But
six .millions and a half of voters marched
What is wanted of soap
for the skin is to wash it
clean and not hurt it.
Pure soap does that. This
is why we want pure soap;
and when we say pure,
we mean without alkali.
Pears' is pure; no free
alkali. There are a thou-
sand virtues of soap; this
one is enough. You can
trust a soap that has no
biting alkali in it.
All sorts of stores sell it, especially
<iruggists; all sorts of people use it.
under the banner of independent bimetal
lism and not one of them was bought and
not one of them was intimidated. (Ap
plause and cheers.) You tell me that the I
Republicans outvoted us and I tell you j
that according* to the returns they had
millions of votes, but for what did j
those seven millions vote? "Why," you 1
say, "they voted the Republican ticket." j
Bat that ticket ran upon a platform, and
what did that platform say? That plat
form pledged the Republican party to do
what it could to get rid of the gold stand
ard by International agreement, and when j
the vote was counted thirteen millions and
a half of people had voted for and pledged
themselves to a double standard as
against the gold standard, and only one i
hundred and thlrtyHwo thousajui— less i
than one per cent of the voters of the |
: States— had supported the only i
liikit that was ever pledged to the gold
standard as a good thing in the United i
States. (Applause.)
Getting Bid of a Blessing.
Now, the first thing the Republican !
President did was to send a commission
of thne distinguished men all the way to
Europe to get rid of the gold standard.
You tell me that the gold standard is a
blessing? i cannot believe it. becausi i
have so much c mfldence in the judgment :
President McKinley that I don't think
he would send three men all tho way to j
Europe to get rid of a good thing. (Ap
plause ami laughter.) And even if I was
willing to doubt the judgment of the Pres
l am not Injudicious enough to!
bring an Indictment against the whole
Republican Congress, because a Repub
lican Congress appropriated $100,000 to pay
xpenses of the commission while it
was in Europe trying to get rid of the gold
standard; rind I know that Republican
Congressmen are so careful of the peo- i
pie's money that they would not vot
■ of it trying to get rid of a
blessing. :
The commission went to Europe and it
found France anxious to Join with us-.wa,
France sent an Bmbassador to act with
.: Commissioners and tried to prevail mi
the English Government to help us out of
the hole that the gold star.. lard had put us
into. When our Commissioners went to i
tnd they found a sentiment there.-
They found that the labor organizations
. El gland had joined in a petition to rlu>
English Government asking that Govern
ment to assist In the restoration of bi
metallism. Why did the laboring men of
England Join In that petition. Because
th( gold standard has been a curse to the)
laboring men of England. (Applause.)
And while our commission was there
an English commission appointed to in
vestigate and report on the condition of
agriculture reported by a vote of 10 to i
that the gold standard was the
isi of agricultural depression in Eng- ,
and pointed to bimetallism as the;
only hope of the English farmer. Why
do the farmers of England cry out against j
. ild standard? Because it has b^en
ree to them. But you tell me that
the English Government refuses to join ,
with us. That is true. Hut why? Be- |
on the 22d day of September, ISP7, ;
nkers of London met at the Clear-.
Ing House, closed the doors, pledged
themselves to secrecj and drafted a res
olution declaring that the gold standard :
was all right; and th" bankers of Lon
don, meeting In Bectet, controlled the
action of the British Government, and j
the English Government controlled the
action of Europe, and Europe through!
the Republican party is controlling the j
financial policy of the I'nited States. ;
(I !heers. >
Money Question Not Dead.
You tell me that the money question is
dead. I tell you that It requires more
than a handful of English bankers to kill
a question in which 70.000,000 of people are
sted. You Republicans called me j
hard names in ': : '.. You called me a dem
le and a disturber of the peace. Aye,
even an anarchist. I want to toll you
you cannot think* of a name so bard that!
by using it you prevent me doing what j
[can to take this Government out of the
hands of English bankers and putting it |
hands .if Americans. (Cheers.)
our people were willing to go to war.
with Spain In order to relieve Cuba from :
foreign domination. Are they not willing
to vote to relieve the United States of a I
domination more hateful than was Spain's ■
domination in Cuba .
Bimetallism Still Desirable.
But they say that things hay. happened
since the election. Well, my friends, if j
• happened since the election to
the gold standard satisfactory it is
strange that the authorities at Washing-'
not found out about it. If you
will read the testimony givt n lately before
an English commission you will find in ;
that testimony, now published and open to
all, a letter written by John Hay, Secre
tary of State, on the 25th day of last .No
vember to a director of the Hank of Eng-
That letter was written by Mr. Hay
more than two years after the last Presi
: election. It was written more than
two weeks after the last Congressional
election, and yet that letter says that,
the President and the majority of his
Cabinet still believe in the great desira
bility of an international agreement for j
the restoration of silver. "Still be- (
that bimetallism Is de- j
c." Every argument in favor of In
ternational bimetallism is an argument
against the gold standard, and if the gold
ird is satisfactory, why doesn't the
: lent announce to the prop!.- of the j
< lid World that we no longer want fnter
bimetallism; that we want the
gold standard? Jnst as long as a man i
argues In favor of International bimetal- j
!is!n he confesses that it.'- gold standard
is not satisfactory. But they say that!
we have had a discovery of gold in the '
:ike. Republicans, you are awful
hard up for a vindication of your conduct |
■ to have to point to something that
happened after th>- election that you did
spect, in order to prove that you ■
were wise In what you did before that '
. happened. But did this discovery
of more gold vindicate the gold standard?
Not at all. What was the advantage of
cry of more gold? Why, you
say, it gave us more money. Ah: You
don't dare admit that, because if the dls
eovery of more gold gives us more money,
and mor< money gives us better times,
then you admit the quantitative theory of
money. That is what you denied in 1896.
*> . v said it did not make any difference
how much or how little just so it was all
quality and not the quantity.
You tell me that we had a famine in i
,and that we exported bread
al a high price, and that brought
In much money, what good did that do?
Wii. , you Bay, "It gives us morn m
and bette r times." STou dare not admit
it. bicai.se if the importation of more
mom y from Europe gives us a larger
. ■•ion and better times you admit
thai the quantitative theory ii correct, and I
if you mi. •■ admit that the quantitative
theory of money is correct that more
money mr-ans b<-tt<-r times then we pro
pose that Instead of waiting for the dis
covers of un< xjiocted gold. Instead of i
waiting for a. famine abroad to gfv« us I
more money, we propose that you open'
tb.e mints of the nation and allow your !
own sttver to pour- Into them and be I
money, and therefore have more money.
(Applause and cheers.)
Hut of all people the people of S«n
Francisco have the least reason to deny
the quantitative Hieory of money. Your!
gold bugs, your bankers and financiers
told the people in 1596 that it did riot mat
t. r rehether yon had much money or
money, just so it was all good.
They tell us in the Mississippi Valley
that the people of San Francisco are will
ing to change their form of government
in order to have an army here and there
fore have more money spent hi San Fran
cisco (Applause.) xou cannot justify an
army camp In your rieighborhood on ttir» ;'
.. that It gives you more money hero,
without admitting the quantitative theory
of money as correct. And if you believe ,
that the quantitative theory of money is
correct. Instead of running rho risk of.
militarism— lnstead of repealing the De
: .n of Independence— why not resort
to a plan that gives you plenty of money, !
not only In San Francisco but throughout !
th<- State, not only In California but i
throughout the I'nited States, and have a
Tic and bimetallism instead of a gold I
standard and an empire-? (Cheers.)
Benefit of Bimetallism.
Some one asked a while ago What b^ne
fle bimetallism would have, if the quan
titative theory of money is correct— if more ;
money moans better times— then we reply !
that fold and silver together will give
you more money than gold alone; and !
that when you have gold and .silver to
gether when you have enough money to!
maintain the level of pnetfn— fhen you will
have a dollar that will be staple in its ;
purchasing power, and the man who pro
duces wealth will not lie compelled to
lo*e, and the man who owns money and
it will not gather from all tho !
houses of the people an unearned Incre
ment in the enhanced value of the. dollar
that he collects where he has loaned
money
Bimetallism restores a foundation I
bnad enough to support the commercial
transactions of the country. You tell me :
thnt one standard gives you a sound |
system. I deny it. When the gold
Standard is carried to its logical conclu
sion. ;hen only gold will be legal tender
for debt.; and with billions of dollars of i
debt, qvery man who owe* will be com- I
pcUed to go into the market and buy i
gold with which to pay his dnht. You
Increase the demand for gold and you
put it in the power of the men who hold
gold to demand an Increased price for
their money. You place all your rom
mercial transactions upon the narrow
basis furnished by gold— a basis so«nar
THE SAN FRANCISCO CALL, THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 7, 1899.
row that foreign financiers- can bring a
panic in this country. You tell me that
it is a safe system that places this na
tion at the mercy of foreign financiers,
and 1 tell you that I would blush to call
myself an ' American if I favored a sys
tem that was so narrow that foreign
financiers could hold bankruptcy over
this nation. (Applause.)
In Control of Banks.
But I have talked longer than I Intended
to on this phase of the BUbject, and what
1 have sain has only been introductory to
the question that I want to talk about.
Well, let me extend that introduction for
a moment longer. T want to repeat what
I said, thai on every question the Repub
lican party is putting the dollar above the
man, but "on the money question the Re
publican party is not only putting the
dollar above the man but is putting the
dollar of the foreign financiers above all
the people of this country. (Applause)
Not satisfied with a standard money ana
policy that gives you a small volume of
standard money— so small that it can be
controlled by foreign financiers— the Re
publican party is planning to retire the
greenbacks and turn over the paper
money of this country to the control of
the nationaJ hanks. A bill reported by
the Republican committee of the lower
House provides that the greenbacks shall
be redeemed in gold and that the nation
shall issue bonds at -'•_• per cent, both in
terest and principal in gold, in ordt-r to
secure the gold to redeeem the green
backs.
Banks Eat Cake and Keep It.
Then the bill provides that the banks
may take those bonds and Issue upon them
bank notes up to par"; and the bill pro
vides further for the reduction of tin tax
on national bank circulation from one per
cent to a fraction of' one per cent. What
it mean? It moans the substitution
of bonds for greenbacks ami more tax< s
upon the people to pay the interest on the
bonds; whereas now the greenbacks draw
no interest. It means that the banks that
SCENES ATTENDING THE NEBRASKAN'S ARRIVAL.
now issue up to SO per cent can then have i
an additional privilege and issue up to
100 per cent. it means that the banks now
enjoying special privileges shall have a
reduction made in the taxation upon their
circulation, while the taxes are Increased
upon the rest of the people, why? Be
cause the national banks want it, and the
national banks have more influent yer
the policy of the Republican party than
all the poor Republicans who have voted
the Republican ticket, it takes and de
posits the bonds with the Seen tan of the
Treasury and receives In exchange na
tional bank notes up to urn per cent of the
par value of the bonds. In other words.
by depositing its bonds it receives back
in bank notes what it paid for the bonds,
so it has th>' use or the money and then
it draws Interesi upon the money besides. ;
Mother us. d to Ml me that I could either
eat my oak.- or keep it, but a national
bank "under that law can eat its cake
and keep it, too. (Applause and laughter.)
It is simply another evidence of the pol
icy of tho Republican party in putting the
dollar above tho man.
The Question of Trusts.
But there is another question. Some
people call it a now question, but it is
not it Is an old question. The trust
question Is not new. We had it in i 1896,
and although most of the ROOple did not
know which way to vote, the trusts did,
because they supported the party that Is
now in power, and they have already been
•lble to get much more back out of the
neople thnn they contributed to securing
the election of an administration that
would look after the trusts. I ciiarge that
the Republican party cannot destroy the
trusts and why? That party forgets the
commandment: "Remember now thy
( re; n.r in the days of thy youth. Whai
would the Republican party do without
the support of the great corporations of
/this country? And if the President had
intended to extinguish the trusts he
would hardly have gone to New Jersey
to secure an Attorney General to extin
guish them. _
You tell me thnt the Republican party
[a doing what it ought to. I deny it. The
attorney General could enforce the law I
if he wanted to, and if he would not -o ,
it the President would get one who could. |
even if be had to go out of the Republi
can party to find him. If the Attorney
General enforces the law and the Supremo
Court decides that the law is not suffi
cient the (Attorney General canrecommend
a new law that is sufficient. That is in
his power and h^ has not done nis duty
until he does that, for tho present law
la not sufficient Hut you say that may. c
the Supreme Court would hold that no law
could extinguish trusts under our pres- j
ont constitution. Then the Attorney Gen
eral should recommend an amendment to
the constitution that would give to Con
irress the power to exterminate trusts:
but instead of doing his he writes a letter
saying that if there is any relief it must
be found in the States. I deny that the
States are able tn furnish a complete re
lief I believe that the Federal Govern
ment that reaches into every nook and
corner of the land is tho only power suf
ticient to cope with the trusts. I be
lieve it is possible for the Federal Gov
ernment to extinguish the trusts.
License Corporations.
You ask me how it can be done, and I
reply that .very corporation organized in
any State shall be compelled to take out
a license from the Federal Government
before it does business in any other State
excepting the State in which it is organ
ized. (Applause.) When that license is
reoiuired it ran be granted under condi
tions that will squeeze the water out of
a stock and prevent monopoly in any
source of production. It is possible to
extinguish the trusts, and the only ques
tion is: Do we want- to extinguish them?
Why, I read the other day in a Repub
lican paper that there were good trusts
and bad trusts. That will be the argu
ment they will use; now ynu watch for
it. You will find that while Republican
conventions declare against trusts. Re
publican newspapers will explain what a
blessing a good trust really is to the
country. And here is an editorial taken
i from the Times-Herald of Chicago, an
editorial which comments upon an inter-
I View given out by John J. Mitchell, pres
-1 Ident of the Illinois Trust Rnd flavin**
Hank of Chicago. He says: "In the long
run trusts can do no harm. On tiie con- i
trary, I can see good results from well
and practically managed as well as hon
estly formed trusts."
That Is the defense based on the Inter
view of a banker. You toll me to drop the j
money question and light the trusts, and I
tell you that when you get within gunshot |
of the bulwarks of trusts you will find
behind tin- bulwarks every prominent
financier that you found fighting for the
| gold standard in IS%. ("Applause. >
Principle of Monopoly Bad.
The principle of monopoly is bad every
where, and instead of confining our fight
to a soap trust or toothpick trust we in
tend to declare war against all trust?— the '
money trust as well as the industrial !
trust. (Applause.) J believe that the prin
ciple of monopoly in private hand? Is an
Intolerable thing in a republic. AYe think i
! that a landed aristocracy Is bad, and It
would bo dangerous; but a landed aris- !
tocracy would be an innocent thing com- I
pared to an industrial aristocracy that :
has grown up under the trust system. !
When a few men control tho sources of I
production, fixing the prices of all that
pou buy, and the prices of all that you
jell, and the rate of Wfages, it will be diffi
•u!t to maintain In this country a gov
rnmeni of th< people, by the people and
or the people (Applause) We appeal to
he Republicans as well as the Democrats
to ask themsi ires whether it is not timo
to destroy the trusts, even if in doing so
hey have to >! sstroy the Republican party
thai lives him,, the" trusts and fattens by
tin- contributions which the trusts pay.
[Applause. 1
Two New Questions.
Hut there are two new questions which
have been thrust upon this country as a
result of tin- war. the question of mili
arism and the question of imperialism.
(Applause.) !iut I want to speak to you
iboui them. I came here to speak to you
because I ha c been told that you are in
favor of an Imperial policy. (Cries of "No,
no, no.") I trust that I have in the audi
eno< to-nj K ht some of those who favor
Imperialism. If it be true that there are
imperialists ir tins State and city, I want
to talk to ih-m. and I want to tell them
thai Imperialism cannot exist without its
twin brother, militarism. I want to tell
them that you cannot have an empire
puch as the nations of Europe have un
less you have a large army to keep your
subjects in constant awe. I want to" tell
you that it will be easier to increase the
■trmy lrom 100,000 to 200,000 than it was to
Increase II from 2"..00n to inn .Mo.
in 1896 25,000 soldiers were enough in tho
regular army, and yet in December 1898
1 Republican President asked for a stand
ing army of II 1.000 men. What is the dif
.erence between a republic and an empire?
1 he difference is that 20.0(hi soldiers are
nough for a republic of seventy millions
tiut it takes 100,000 soldiers for an empire
with ten millions more. (Applause.* Who
cvill pay the expense? It is estimated that
this increase „f 75,000 soldiers, if they
terve outside of the United States will
Increase the military establishment by
nor« than one hundred million dollar's,
i year. Who is to pay it? The Filipinos?
>\ by, if we make them pay it we will
save to :ax them several times as much
>er year as Spain did in the height of her
rule; and If we did that, how will the Fii
pinos know what a saving it was to have
081 Spain and got us? (Applause and
heera). Hut If we don't make the Fili
pinos pay it, who will pay it? You say
.he Ami-rican people. Yes. the American
people, the taxpayers among the Ameri
■'•'">" 1 pie. You want an English standi
ng army, but you arc not willing to have
in English income tax to pay your stand
ng army. You want an English colonial
aolicy, but you are not willing to have an
English Income tax to support it. You
vyant English ideas and you want an
English financial system. You want
in English army system and an
English colonial system, but you want to
make the poor people of this country pay
tor it. while the syndicates will reap all
Lhe benefits of the expenditures.
Birthright for Pottage.
I don't wnnt to argue this question upon
:he low conception of dollars and cents. I
want to declare as a principle that this
nation cannot afford to sell its birthright
for a mess of pott;ige, no matter' how val
uable the pottage may be. But if there.
Is a mat; in this audience who is fond of
pottage and who does not care anything
about birthrights I want him at least to
inspi c-i the pottage before he makes the
trade. Argue it upon the basis of dollars
and cents. I tell you you cannot defend!
imperialism from a money standpoint. I
have no doubt that we could whip the Fil
ipinos. 1 have never had any doubt of it.
Why? I am just American enough to
think that we can whip any nation in the
world that we ought to whip. I know
that we can whip the Filipinos because
Spain was a much smaller nation than
ours and she had almost finished the job j
and she had only been at it 300 years. And
then she got twenty millions of dollars for
the option on the flght when she went out.
(Prolonged cheering.)
Whip! Why, of course we can whip. We
can't tell how long it will take or how
much it will cost or how often we will
have to repent the whipping, but we can
do it. But shall a great nation act upon
what it can do or upon what it ought to
do? (Cheers.)
I "would not live by a man as a neigh
bor who acted on the principle that he
would do everything that he could do.
and I know of no way of measuring the
responsibility of a nation except by the
rules which we use in measuring the re
sponsibilities of a man. It is the bully
and the braggart, the man who relies on
bruto force, who goes round and tells
what he can do. It is the civilized man.
the Christian, who asks what h» ought
to do, and does it regardless of conse
quences. But if yon are going to argue
it on the basis of dollars and cents, put
down on one side what It will cost to
subdue and hold in subjection 5.000.000 of
people 7000 miles away from our shores,
scattered over 1200 islands, and living in
the jungles of a tropical clime: and then
on the other side put down what we are
going to get out of the job. and then
when you have done that, find out who
is going to pay what we spend and
who is going to get what we get.
(Cheers.) I hear some people say
that if we hold the Philippine Islands
they will furnish homes for our surplus
population. Sixty people to the square
mile in the Philippine Islands and twenty
to the square mile in the United States.
Why, when we unite the Philippine Is
lands with th" United States the move
ment will be from the Philippine Islands '
t<-> the T'nited States— not from the L nited
States to the Philippine Islands. If every
Filipino were to die to-morrow and leave
the islands without a hostile man. we
could not force a thousand people to £<<
from the United States to live and work
In the islands over there. (Cheers.) The
white race will not work In the tropics,
and if our people went there to live and
to work they would be different people
in three generations from those whom
they left at home.
No Homes There.
I repeat that that country will never
furnish homes to our people. If you want
to furnish homes to your people spread
out over ten years the money spent on
the army In one year in the Philippine Is
lands; spread that money out fur ten
years in reclaiming the arid lands of the
mountain States and you will furnish
homes for more people than will pro to the
Philippine Islands in a thousand years
(Cheers). You tell me that San Francisco
and California will profit by the policy.
Spend upon a canal across the Isthmus
the money you will spend in nne year on
the war in the. Philippines and you will
have a canal that will carry your products
by water from San Francisico. If you
want to spend money for the American
geople you can spend it in the United
ta.tes. Tell me that we have to have the
Philippine Islands to furnish an invest
ment for American capital? Why? I re
mind you that was only three years ago
when we had to have a financial system
patterned after England in order to in
vite English capital over to the United
States for investment. Three years ago
we had to adopt an English financial sys
tem to get capital in the country and now
we have to adopt an English colonial sys
tem to get our capital out of the coun
try. Every dollar that goes from the
United States to the Philippine Islands is
taken out of the United States for in
vestment. Tell me. that it will bring
money? Why? I remember that (or
twenty years the people of California were
pleading with the people of the rest of
the Union to rise up and help them close
the doors of this country aga.nst Oriental
immigration, and now you want to force
eight millions of Malays into the United
States. (Loud cheers).
History of Colonization.
But, my friends, if you think that our
people will go to the Philippine Islands
read tho history of other colonization
schemes. The Netherlands have had pos
session of Java for three hundred yean
and yet there are less than sixty "thou
sand people of European birth out of
twenty-iive millions of people in Java,
you think that our people will 50 and
settle in the Pbllipine Islands? Read the
history of English rule in India. England
has dominated India for lr>o years and
yet there are only 100,000 people of British
birth in all India out of »». 00*1 ,000 of peo
ple. England, over-crowded England,
has only been able to force a handful of
ti< r surplus population into Tndia with
its 300,000,000 souls. Do you believe that
these people in India enjoy having the
English there? If you do. I want to tell
you that it takes 70,000 British soldiers
to make life bearable for 100.000 British
citizens in India; and it takes a native
army of 140,000 to help a British army of
70.M0 to keep 100,000 people of British
birth in the saddle while they ride 300, »
000,000 of people in India. That is the his
tory of English rule there; and do you
think England does it for the purpose of
educating them? I want to tell you— l
want to tell the -women that after 150
years of English rule in India less than
1 per rent of the women of India can
read and write, and less than 5 per cent
of the total population. Do you tell me
that England is doing it for the spread
of religion? I tell you that after 150 years
of English rule in India less than 1 per
cent of the people have embraced the
Christian religion. And why should they?
"Why should any man accept the Chris
tian religion at the hands of any man
man who preaches that you shall love
your neighbor as yourself and then
reaches his hand into his neighbors
pocket. (Loud cheers.)
But I am not going to discuss this ques
tion from the financial standpoint. I am
going to discuss it from other stand
points.
Gold Loving Christianity.
What other argument is made in behalf
of an imperial policy? Why, we are told
that we have to go over there and con
quer and hold in subjection the r'ilipinos
in order to extend the limits of the Chris- \
tian religion. My friends, I once thought J
that the dollar argument was the lowest
argument ever made in behalf of im
perlalisin, but I believe that the argu
ment based upon Christian hypocrisy is
a meaner argument than the dollar argu- j
ment. Go over there for the love of God!
(Laughter and cheers.) No, my friends!
There is one more Utter In the word: It
Is love of gold— not love of God. I de
nounce forcible Christianity. When you
Bhoot the gospel out of a Gatling gun the
man who is shot does not need the
gospel any more and the man who
is missed is too busy burying the
dead to listen to your teachings. Our \
gOßpel appeals to the hearts of the hu- !
mnn race. You can't administer it to the
body by hypodermic injections.
If you want to know what the Bible
says upon the subject of forcible Chris
tianity turn to that passage where Christ
visited the village of Samaria and where
they refused to receive him, and one of
the disciples asked if they should call
down fire from heaven to consume the
people as a punishment, and Christ re
buked them and said: "Ye know not what
manner of spirit ye are of. The Son of
man is not come to destroy men's lives
but to, same them." That is the gospel
that we have learned to love.
I wish that every citizen in the United
States, at least every Christian, could
read a sermon delivered by Rev. W. T.
Brown at Rochester. N. V.. not many
weeks ago. lie took for his text that i
verse which describes the scene before !
Pilate, -where Pilate said to Christ:
"Knowest thou not that I have power to
release thee or to put thee to death?"
and with that v> rse as his text the min
ister proceeded to contrast the doctrine
of force with the gospel of love. There
was Pilate, the representative of Caesar,
and behind Caesar the Roman Govern
ment and behind the Roman Government
the Roman legions, and before Pilate
was Christ, defenseless, preaching the
gospel of love. And the minister pointed
out how, from that day, the power of
Caesar had waned and the power of
Christ had increased. He pointed out
how the Roman Government and Its Hu
man legions had vanished away, and the
earth knew them no more, while year by
year the people in increasing numbi r'^
took upon their lips' the name of the me< k
and lowly Nazarene who stood defense- !
less in the presence of power. And then j
the minister pointed out that in this i
nation force and love stand face to face.
The United . States is Pilate's council I
chamber, and on the one side is brute
force and on the other side is love. What
shall be the verdict of this nation? Shall
we go forth with a sword in hand to
slay, to murder and to plundi r, or shall
we go forth preaching the gospel of 1 ive
and hold up the image of a republic and
invite all men to rise and demand self
government? (Ix)ud cheering.)
A Sermon in Verse.
How can a Christian, how can a min
ister, see in a war of conquest waged by
a republic against a people who want a
republic— how can a Christian or a min
ister see in such a war the hand of God
directing and pointing out a destiny to
people? If you belleVe that this nation,
great as it is, is great enough to do wrong '
I want you to listen to a few verses writ
ten by an unknown poet— a poet whose
name perhaps you have never heard, who ;
lived a few years ago in Lincoln. He now
lives In Denver, and I ran across his j
verses, that contain more of truth and j
more of Gospel and more of Christ's r< -
It Li i< • n than you will find in any sermon
I ever delivered in defense of an imperial
policy. Let me read the wurds:
We are mad, xrown mad, in th° race for gold;
We are drunk uith the wine of gain.
The truths our fathers proclaimed of old
We spurn with a high disdain.
But while the cnnquerer's race we run.
Our rulers should not forgpt
That the God who reigned uver Babylon
Is the God who is reigning yet.
"Would we tread in the paths of tyranny,
Nor reckon the tyrants cost?
Who taketli another 1 ? liberty,
His freedom is also lost.
Would we win as a ptrong man ever won,
Make ready to pay the debt.
Fur the (.;,_.,] who reigned over Babylon
Is the God who is reigning yet.
The ruins of dynasties passed away
In eloquent silence lie.
And the despots fate is the s>ame to-day
That it was in the days gone Uy.
Against all wrong and injustice done
A rigid account Is set.
For the God who reigned over Babylon
Is the God who is reigning yet.
The laws of life are eternal laws,
Thf> judgments of truth are true;
My great blind masters, I bid you pause
And lock on the work you do.
y "ii bind with shackles your fellow man,
Your hands with his blood are wet—
And the <;<"! who reigned over Babylon
Is the God who i 9 reigning yet.
No man ever lived who was great
enough to trespass upon the right of an
other, and no man will ever live that will |
be great enough to do wrong with im
punity.
What Ought the Nation Do?
My friends, the question is not what
tills nation can do; the question is what
this nation ought to do. And if you be
lieve that we are following the principles
of Christian religion in the warfare that I
we are making to throw the net of this
Government over an unwilling- people and :
doing it as missionaries and for the love
of God, I warn you that you cannot fit
ford to plant upon the Philippine soil the
doctrine of forcible Christianity. If you
want to convert your brother go forth
: with your arguments and appeal to him. |
I If he wants to convert you let him appeal
i to you; but if you plant upon the PnrTlp
] pine islands this doctrine of force— if you
! attempt to .shoot your gospel into ihe
people of another race— l warn you that :
1 the time is not far distant when that
principle will be planted on American soil,
and we will he shooting our particular
brands of Christianity into each oftler !
! and doing it for the love of God (Cheers.) ;
War Not Made by Speeches.
But they Bay we must not make any
speeches In this country against forcible
annexation while the war lasts. My
friends, it is not the speeches made in this ■
country thai are Inciting the Filipinos to
; armed resistance. If their resistance is j
: due to speeches made in this country j
I their resistance is due to speeches made I
by the generations that are past, and if
' you want to find speeches and declara
! iions that inspire nations of this world to
resist foreign domination go back tv the !
days of Patrick Henry, when he gave to I
the world that impasssioned plea, "Give j
me liberty or give me death." He ut
tered a sentence that ran round the world
and its echo will last forever. (Cheering.)
Go hack to the days- of Washington, for
when he drew his sword against taxation
without representation he set an example
known and loved of all men. Go back to
the days of Thomas Jefferson, fur when ■
he wrote that all men are created equal, 1
that they are endowed with inalienable
rights, that Governments are instituted
to preserve these rights, and that Gov- ■
ernments derive their just powers from 1
the consent of the governed— when Thorn- I
as Jefferson set forth those principles he :
incited the people' of all races and all 1
climes to protest against government
without the consent \of the governed.
(Cheers.) \
But if you -haven't tlrfie to go back to
the early days you can certainly go back 1
as far as the days <>f Abraham Lincoln,
for when Abraham Lincoln upon the bat
tlefield of Gettysburg defended a govern
ment of the people by the people and for
the people he did more to make people
dissatisfied with foreign domination than
any man who has spoken since the war.
Love of Liberty Our Safety.
My friends, if you want to find words
and speeches and sentiments that stir up
I pie to fi^ht for liberty, you can find
t l lf . speeches and the sentiment? among
the records of the past. But you don't
have to go to a written speech. You
don't have to go t.> a word spoken or writ
ten by any man. because the love of lib
erty was placed in the human heart by
the Almighty and no matter what a man's
color is. no matter where he lives, that
spirit exist? and we dare not quencn that
spirit, no matter where we find it. f^r
it is 'he safety of our own liberty. (Cheer
ing).
Let me read you what Abraham Lincoln
said about the spirit of Independence and
of liberty. In a speech made in IHSK lie used
these words: "What constitutes the bul
wark of our own liberty and independ
ence? It is not our frowning battlements,
(.in bristling sea-coasts, or our army and
our navy. These are not our reliance
against " tyranny. All of these may be
turned against us without making us
weaker for the struggle. Our reliance is
in the love of liberty which God has plant
ed in us. Our safety Is In the spirit which
prizes liberty as the heritage of all men,
in all lands, everywhere." Now, mark
these words: "Destroy this spint and you
have planted the seeds of despotism at
your own doors. Familiarize yourselves
with the chains of bondage and you pre
pare your limbs to wear them. Ac
customed to trample on the rights of
others you have lost the genous of your
own Independence and become the fit sub
jects of the first cunning tyrant who
rises among you."
Those are the words of Abraham Lin
coln. Destroy the spirit that prizes lib
erty as the heritage of all men. In all
lands, everywhere, Lincoln says, destroy
this spirit, and you have planted the
s"rds of despotism at your own doors.
You ask me why I protest against forci
ble annexation? You ask m<; why I pro
test against a war of conquest waged by
a republic? 1 tell you 1 do not want to
plant the seeds of despotism at our own
doors. I hate despotism and I love the
Declaration of Independence. And it is
because I hate the one and love the other
that I declare to you that this nation
cannot afford to surrender its principles
in order to enter upon a war of conquest,
no matter how profitable It may bt>. And
I ask you this question: What shall it
profit a nation if it gain the whole world
and lose the spirit of its own inde
pendence and its own liberty? "Cheers.)
Two Sources of Government.
But you ask me what can be done.
Strange question for a person to ask in a
republic. There are but two sources of gov
ernment—force and consent. Monarchies
n si upon force, republics upon consent.
The Declaration of Independence says that
governments derhe their just powers fr.'m
the consent of the governed, is it true or
is it false? If that doctrine is true, then
this nation cannot acquire title to people
by conquest. If that doctrine is true, then
this nation cannot acquire title by pur
chasing domination from an alien mon
arch whose rebellious subjects we our
selves armed to light against that mon
arch. CCheers.)
You ask me what we could do. I say
that the treaty that recognized the inde
pendence of Cuba should have recognized
the Independence of the Philippine Islands
at the Fame time. (Cheering.) And lr
that treaty had recognized the independ
ence of the Philippine Islands not a drop
of blood would have been shed at Manila.
But you ask me what could be done after
the treaty was made. I say that the ad
ministration could have given to the.Fili
pinos the same assurance of ultimate in
dependence that the administration gave
to the people of Cuba, and if the adminis
tration had given that assurance not a
drop of blood would have been shed at
Manila.
Well, you tell me that it would have
been too much for the President to as
sume—too much responsibility. 1 tell you
that Congress was in session for nearly
three months after the treaty was signed,
and he could have laid the matter before
Congress and asked of Congress authority
to make this promise to the Fillpnios.
Even in spite of his inaction a resolution
promising independence was introduced in
the Senate — the Bacon resolution— and
upon final vote it stood a tie, and the vote
of the Vice President was necessary to
prevent the Filipinos from receiving the
same assurance that the people of Cuba
received of ultimate independence.
(Cheering.)
What Can Be Done Now.
You ask me what can be done now. I
say thru the President could now give
the assurance that could have been given
in the beginning. But you tell me
that it is too late — that Congress
has adjourned. I reply thai the Presi
dent ran call Congress together and ask
of Congress authority to promise inde
pendence to the Filipinos upon the same
terms granted to the Cubans.
. But you tell me it will cost money. I
tell you it won't cost as much as a war.
and anyhow, haven't we spent money
on special sessions before. Didn't one
President call Congress together to re
peal the Sherman act because the
bankers asked it? And didn't an
other President call Congress together
to raise the tariff because the manufact
urers asked it? And couldn't a President
now call Congress together to declare to
the world that the Declaration of Inde
pendence is still law in the United
States? (Cheers.)
You asked me if the army must be
withdrawn before government is estab
lished. 1 reply to you that if we will
tell the Filipinos that the gov
ernment when established shall be their
government and not ours it will not re
quire any army to restore order In the
Philippine Islands. (Cheers.) What
shall we do? If I find a pocketbook In
the road and on that pocketbook reads
the name of the owner, how long does it
MISCELLANEOUS.
SEVERE CASE
OF CATARRH
E. C. Jeffers Testifies to
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554 Sutter Street.
Dr. Aborn, the specialist in the treat-
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"Astoria. Or."
Dr Aborn's office and residence, 554 Sut-
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