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The San Francisco call. [volume] (San Francisco [Calif.]) 1895-1913, July 08, 1908, Image 2

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Temporary Chairman Bell Refuses Pennsylvania Delegation Seats in Convention
inittoe. confirmed that roll without a j
sinßle change.
Exactly the same methods were {
a<i"pted here. Tho national committee |
mot on Monday and appointed subcom- ;
mitteos to hear contests in Idaho, Illi-J
nois, New York, Pennsylvania. Ohio and j
the district of Columbia. Those sub
committees considered each contest on
Its merit* and made a report to the
full committee.
The national committee, as a whole, •
then went over these contests in turn
and accepted the decision of the sub- j
committee In each case. The result was .
the creation of the temporary roll of
delegates, each one of whom derived his
authority from his credentials, as,
)iasse<i upon by the national committee, j
Every delegate was equal to every oth- ,
cr delegate, and every delegate, as a
whole, was unquestionably entitled to
representation on all the committees ap
rointed at the beginning of the con- j
vention to set the machinery in work
ins order.
Tills was the situation when the con
vention met Tuesday. The national
committee had recognized as regular
the GuflTey delegates in Pennsylvania.
Tlii? gave Colonel Guffey a complete
majority of the delegation. The Penn
sylvania delegation met in caucus, as
did those of all other states, and se
lected the members of the committees
on resolutions, rules, credentials and
notification. Kadi one of these selec
tions was made by the Pennsylvania
dcl^gration exactly as it was made in
every other delegation' in the conven
tion. a.iid every member of tho Pennsyl
vania delegation who voted for these
committee assignments had had his cre
dentials passed upon by the national]
committee, and was entitled to his seat)
\u25a0until the matter had been passed upon
by the credentials committee and ap
proved by the convention as a whole.
This statement of facts is a plain
one and will be understood by every
man who has ever been a delegate to
any convention of any party. After
the temporary organization had been
completed and a good deal of prelimi
nary business transacted, including the
adoption of resolutions in memory of
Grover Cleveland, the different delega
tions were asked to send to the chair
th^ir selections for the various com
mittees. Th.c regular Pennsylvania
delegation, acting through its chair
man, sent up Its list. The contestants,
who had been turned down by tho na
tional committee and who had abso
lutely no standing whatever In the con
vention, also sent up a list. The pre
siding officer, who makes a good
speech, but is woefully ignorant of the
foundation principles of parliamentary
law, announced to the convention that
two lists had been received and asked
\u25a0what the delegates proposed to do
ehout It.
Before the Pennsylvanians knew
what happened to them Ollie James,
the huge congressman from Kentucky,
moved that the whole matter be re
ferred to the credentials committee,
end in spite of the frantic protests of
Colonel Guffey and the other Pennsyl
vania .people, the convention adopted
tJie James motion with a howl.
The Pennsylvanians very properly
demanded that the delegation be polled
on the two lists of names. This would
have shown in an instant just what
delegates were on the temporary roll
and a great political outrage would
have been avoided. Unfortunately
Chairman Bell lost his head at this
critical moment. Jf he did not lose his
liead he was guilty of intentional In
justice. It is an unfortunate dilemma
for him, to say the least.
Ignoring the demand for a poll of the
delegation, which was clearly the con
stitutional right of the Pennsylvania
members, of the convention, the tem
porary chairman announced that, no
other motion was in order except one
to refer the case to the committee on
Bell looks like a fair man and it is
scarcely to.be believed that he did this
thing intentionally. It is charitable to
assume that the injustice to the
Pennsylvania delegation, so far as he
was concerned, came from Ignorance
and not from desire. The convention
was in confusion and it adopted the
motion of Ollie James, without much,
if any, understanding of what the re
sult would be.
Guffey stormed up the main aisle, his
white hair flying, and demanded to be
heard. Other members of the delega
tion shouted themselves hoarse, but al
most before they knew what had hap
pened the gavel had fallen and the 68
delegates from the sovereign state of
Pennsylvania were deprived of all
representation in the convention
through the ill-advised motion of the
delegate from Kentucky, who had no
more right on the floor than the
Pennsylvanians had. Ollie James is a
violent Bryan partisan, and for this
reason Bryan will be charged through
out the country with gross injustice,
for which, perhaps, he is not respon
Those who are not acquainted with
the methods of the convention may not
understand at first just what was done
to the Pennsylvania delegation. They
were disfranchised as completely as If
they had never been elected, and ex
cept for the mere question of nomina
tion they can have no more part In the
actual work in the Denver convention
tlian if they had remained at home.
The effect of the motion by Ollie
James was to deprive the state of Penn
sylvania of all representation on all the
committees. That is to say, they were
cut off from presenting their views to
the committee on platform, as well as
upon other committees which neces
tarily lay out the work of every con
vention. Not until the credentials com
mittee reports and the convention
adopts that report will the Pennßyl
vanlans have any standing whatever.
The resolutions committee* began Its
sessions at the same time as the cre
dentials committee. Pennsylvania was
entitled to representation while the
platform was being discussed, but by
the arbitrary action of the temporary
chairman it was deprived of this repre
sentation as completely as if it had
never been elected a delegation to the
convention. It could not participate in
determining the permanent organiza
tion or in settling the rules, and, of
-course, It had no representation upon
the credentials committee itself.
The invariable rule of every national
convention I ever heard of has been
that the delegates on the temporary roll
are entitled to representation upon
every committee, even including the
committee on credentials, until their
own case is passed upon adversely by
the convention itself.
Generally a member of the credentials
committee whose seat is contested is
not allowed to vote* upon his own case
or upon that of delegates he represents.
Aside from that, the right of every dele
gation to representation upon every
committee is obviously necessary. It Is
the rule followed in the house of repre
sentatives, of. which Ollie James is a
member. The clerk of the house makes
up a temporary roll and the members
on that roll are entitled to their seats
until actually ousted. They sit on all
committees and frequently retain their
peats for months before the contest is
decided. ;i= : .,t-i\'
If this were not s», It would be the
. simplest thing in the world to tie up
any convention Eothat^t could do no
business at all. Some unauthorized del
egate or alternate or outsider could send
Revises Exclusion Sentiment to
Set Democracy Right
With Orientals
Keynote Speech Also Shies at
Specific Declarations on
Edward F. O'Day
DENVER, Colo., July 7.— Through
sources of exclusive information of the
most unimpeachable character, it has
become possible to tell in advance what
the injunction plank in the democratic
platform will be and to explain, why
Theodore A. 801 l omitted from his key
note speech specific reference to Japan
ese irxclusion.
Grave fear that the election of Bryan
would be immediately followed by a
declaration of war with the United
states by the Japanese government
caused the deletion from Bell's speech,
as originally written, of specific refer
ence to Japanese immigration. This
may be stated positively. So may the
fact that Bryan heartily approved the
value in the nature of the reference to
Asiatic exclusion.
Bryan regards the adoption of a
proper injunction plank as essential
to the success of the democratic ticket.
Bell's reference In his speech to this
crucial question was couched in terms
of studied generality and affords no
clew to the action of the platform com
mittee. Nevertheless it may be stated
here that the democratic injunction
plank will be substantially the same as
the plank in the Nebraska platform
with one modification of the most im
portant character. The Nebaska plank,
which was written by Bryan, contains
three provisions:
1. That no injunction shall be issued
without due notice.
2. That no injunction shall be return
able before another judge than the one
who issued it.
3. Trial by jury for contempt.
The Denver plank will differ from
this Nebraska plank in its first pro
vision. It will provide that temporary
restraining orders may be issued with
out notice for a limited period, follow
ing as nearly as possible the law in
the state where dispute arises.
Here is a forthright injunction plank.
It has the O X of Bryan. Will it satisfy
the labor unions? Or will Samuel
Gompers, John Mitchell and the other
labor leaders who are in Denver go
away declaring war on the democratic
ticket? The plank that labor wants
is strong on the subject of due notice.
Wise persons may guess' what Gompers
and his associates will do when the
platform with the plank outlined
above is reported to the convention.
There is a sensation hidden behind
Bell's reference in his speech to the
question of Asiatic exclusion, though
none who heard him in the vast audi
torium suspected it. In the original
draft of his speech Bell had written:
"Some protection has been offered by
the exclusion of Chinese laborers, but
the evil Is but half met If the immi
gration of Japanese, Koreans, Hindus
and other Asiatic people be not also ex
cluded from our shores."
There followed a paragraph advo
cating the exclusion of Asiatic immi
gration, "Of whatsoever character." In
the speech as Bell delivered It the latter
paragraph waa eliminated and the
former was delivered thus:
"Some protection has been offered by
the exclusion of Chinese laborers, but
the evil is but half met if the immi
gration of other Asiatic people be not
also excluded from our shores."
No reference to the Japanese? Why?
Because It was seriously feared that
if the democratic party was specifically
committed to a program of Japanese
exclusion, Bryan's election would be
the signal for the beginning of- hostili
ties by Japan. Bryan has no desire to
plunge the nation into war. So Bell
changed his speech, using the method
of the diplomat. As the keynote speech
foreshadows the platform, it remains
to be seen how the Pacific coast will
receive the plank of the democratic
platform covering the exclusion mat
ter. It will undoubtedly interest Cal
ifornlans to learn why Bell revised his
utterances. The bogey of war with
Japan has raised its ugly head once
to the clerk's desk a list of committee
assignments which would create a du
plication, although it might be that the
sitting: delegates were absolutely uncon
This Is exactly what happened in the
Pennsylvanian case. Men whose right
to seats had not been passed upon by
the national committee Joined with the
minority of the sitting delegation and
sent forward a list of names. This
was the whole basis for the extraordi
nary action taken under the James reso
lution, which was bad enough in It
The action of the presiding officer,
however, was infinitely worse. He made
the fantastic ruling that no other mo
tion could be entertain except to re
fer the Pennsylvania case to the com
mittee on credentials. If this ruling
had been followed in other cases, Illi
nois, Idaho, Ohio and New York would
also have been added to the disfran
chised list and would have been- de
prived of the right to vote In the res
olutions committee on the platform, or
in the rules committee on the method of
conducting the convention business or
In any other preliminary steps of nomi
nating the candidates for the presi
dency and vice presidency.
It Is extremely unfortunate for Bryan
such action should have been taken in
the case of the Pennsylvania delega
tion. Colonel Guffey had charged that
the Nebraska leader was arrogant and
dictatorial and had asserted that he
was attempting to pursue the rule or
ruin policy In his own interests.
It would have been good policy, to
say tjie least, for the Bryan men in the
convention to have treated Guffey with
absolute fairness. As it is now the
Pennsylvania man has a splendid case
on which to go before the country.
No student of convention" proceed
ings can hesitate for a minute In de
claring that the position taken by the
Pennsylvania delegation in demanding
a poll for the purpose of determining
who had a right to vote and who had
not -was- absolutely right. The James
resolution was a denial of representa
tion to 68 delegates out of a' total of
1,002 In the convention.
* Finally the ruling mado by the tem
porary chairman was a groes absurdity
which, would cause a smile if It were
not so serious in and if it did
not tend to disrupt the party, certainly
in Pennsylvania and probably-in other
states r as , well. t, . : . . ; \u25a0\u25a0• :. . .
mm kajn jj'KAJN'Uisi'P CALL. WEDNESDAY, JULY. 8, ..190&,
Continued From Pasre 1, Column 6
them, including a portion of the Cal
ifornia delegation, feared that he
would — and he did.
•So long as Bell's f keynote speech
shall remain in the memory of politi
cians there -will be strenuous objec
tion to its description as great. Be'
that as it may, Bell made a good
speech and his speech made good. It
injected some degree of enthusiasm
into a -convention that was, as apa
thetic, as any political convention con
trolled by a man against whom the
delegates are absolutely Impotent may
be. Bell's speech has been freely crlt-'
iclsed today as an invasion of the field
properly to be covered' tomorrow by
the permanent chairman, Congressman
Clayton. That criticism falls flat in
view of the fact that Bell was the mes
senger selected by the dominant com
moner, first to voice Bryan's platform
ideas to the convention. Bell dis
charged the duty imposed upon him
with credit. He tpld democracy's rep
resentatives what Bryan* expected
them to ratify in the way of a platform
in a manner that evoked the cheera
that exhibitions of Bryan's portrait to
the accompaniment of Dixie had sig
nally failed to arouse. And he man
aged to tell the convention that it was
about to surrender a third nomination
to Bryan, without mentioning Bryan's
name, with skill which was rewarded
with the heartiest cheers given for
Bryan since the convention vanguard
descended on Denver.
Bell was at his best when attacking
the sins of omission which he attrib
uted to tjie republican party and was
most explicit in his outlines of what
should be democracy's attitude with
regard to the questions of campaign
contributions, publicity, election of
United States senators by popular vote
and Asiatic exclusion.
Just what Bell meant by his discus-,
sion of the anti-injunction policy of
the party will be disclosed by the com
pleted work of the platform committee.
He said that whatever democracy does
with' that most important question
should be done frankly, fairly and un
equivocally. Taken all in all, it was
an excellent speech, splendidly deliv
ered. The democracy of California may
take justifiable pride in this day and
in Theodore Bell, who flouted by his
own delegation, captured the national
Following is the full text of Bell's
We have assembled at a time when
the public conscience is- demanding
honesty of purpose in the men who
undertake to direct the affairs of state.
The public is keenly sensitive of every
political movement and our proceed
ings here will be approved according
to the degree of sincerity appearing
in the work of this convention. There
is a widespread belief, founded upon
evidence of a convincing character,
that the party In power has not been
true to its trust, that it has betrayed
the common interest into the hands of
the enemies of good government, there
by forfeiting its right and destroying
its ability to rule in the name of the
Apparent to every one is the fact
that way down in the heart of the
republican convention at Chicago there
was a feeling of anger and resentment
over the popular clamor for .reforms;
and it is equally patent that there is
no bona fide intention on the part of
the republican party of granting any
reforms if the machinery of that party
can be retained In present hands. Its
paper platform, divided like ancient
Gaul into three parts — barren promises,
makeshifts and evasions — it is hoped
will make a good campaign transpar
ency; but no one seriously believes that
the republican party really indorses
that neutral manuscript which held
the convention together until it could
ratify the nomination of a presidential
Approaching . our great task In a
manly, dignified manner," imbued with
the .loftiest sentiments of patriotism,
ambitious to throw every safeguard
around the liberties of our people, de
termined to stamp out the abuses that
are consuming the substance of the
nation, let us proceed to our appointed
duty with the sustaining consciousness
that we are responsible alone to God
and our country for the Justice of our
There are three things which this
convention should do. It ought to
present in a plain and intelligible
manner the eerious industrial and po
litical conditions that are disturbing
»he peace and happiness of our coun
try. We should then proceed to a
courageous exposure of the republican
policies that are co-operating with pri
vate greed in the general oppression
of the people. Most important of all
we must exhibit, a readiness and an
ability to grasp the problems of the
hour and to effect their solution In a
manner that will satisfy the sober,
common sense of the multitude whose
interests are at stake.
Among the great evils that aflllct
the country at the present time is
the abuse of corporate power. Alt
first the advancing aggressions of the
corporations are not discernible to the
common eye. for every move is care
fully covered up until sufficient polit
ical strength is attained to defy the
protests of . the people. Thus the con
stant and insidious invasions of the
people's rights finally result In a spe
cies of arrogance and defiance so for
midable in its appearance that the
body of the people, in fear of even
worse aggressions, hesitate to assert
and exercise their rightful authority
over these .colossal enemies of the
commonwealth. And so we behold a
subversion of our free institutions, a
government voluntarily subordinating
itself to selfish, private ends, special
privilege resorting to cunning, bribery
and intimidation to maintain its un
holy power, while the masses timidly
hope that when avarice has at last
reached the point of satiety It will then
benevolently permit the people to re
sume their rightful share in the gov
ernment of themselves. Whenever the
mutterings of the people become too
threatening the cry of confiscation goes
up and appeals are frantically made to
the sacred rights of property. This is
intended to affright the ears of honest
men in the enjoyment of the fruits of
their Industry and thrift and by thus
playing upon their prejudices and fears
to deter them from casting their in
fluence udoii the side of wholesome re
form. The. cry of confiscation i« the
historic defense of usurpation. Let the
people take warning. Whenever the
wrongs of today become the rights of
tomorrow the nation is In deadly peril.
The democratic party is not the en
emy of property; but, to the contrary,
It has always stood and will continue
to stand firmly against every species
of aggression that would destroy or
weaken the right of any man to enjoy
the rewards to which his patience.' his
skill, his industry and his economy,
entitle him. Our party approves, that
feeling of pride which always accom
panies the possession of. property, and
it i commends an individual ownership
in the soil that will bring to the homes
of America more of the conveniences,
comforts and luxuries of life. Against
the evils of special privilege we: urge
the benefits of equal opportunity,' in
order.-. that, there - may be more land
owners, more homes, and. more happi
ness among the masses.
The democratic party is not an enemy
of all corporations.- It recognizes
their great rvalue In the -industrial
world. Through sthe < agency of 'corpor
ations scattered-wealth .is, brought to
eether and glven~a y drlvlne' force' that
it would not otherwise possess. Great
enterprises are thereby undertaken and
the undeveloped resources of the coun
try added to the wealth of the world.
Our party is not opposed on produc
tion on a large scale, but it is unal
terably opposed to monopoly in pro
duction, it is easier to prevent monop
oly-than it is to control it after being
established. An ounce of prevention
is worth a pound of cure, and tho
withdrawal of special privileges will
take away the meat upon which the
trusts are fed.. If this be followed by
a criminal .prosecutiqn and an im
prisonment of the directors and officers
of . t the guilty corporations, monopoly
will be shorn of many of its terrors.
Jno rational man can be opposed to
corporations as such and the assertion
that the democratic party is waging
an Indiscriminate war against this con
venient form of transacting business
has no foundation in fact. It is the
abuse only of corporate power that
we seek to eliminate.
Viewed in the light of a great moral
question the control of corporations
should remain a question of common
concern rather than a political one;
but the shameful, complaisance of- the
republican party in permitting its
forces to be controlled and operated by
the most offending corporations of -the
country throws the problem into the
political arena and compels the public
to choose between the democratic par
ty that will, and the republican party
that will .not. place some restrictions
on incorporated greed.
"We are now confronted with "the in
quiry: What assurance has the repub
lican party given that it will use. the
forces at its command to restore the
people to their rights? In ; its Chicago
platform it did not make even a de
cent pretense of championing the peo
ple's cause and the proceedings of that
convention are glaringly insincere. It
was noted that two elements were
present at that gathering, one with
sufficient votes to adopt a plat
form and nominate its candidate for
president, -the other powerful enough
to unvvrite that platform and tie the
hands of the nominee. The distinguish
ing feature of the Chicago platform is
its oft repeated promise to do a lot of
things that the republican party lias
heretofore failed to do. That party
went to Chicago fresh from tlie halls
of congress, where-, an overwhelming
republican majority in both branches
enabled It to propose and to adopt any j
legislation that it chose. Docs tho re
publican party believe that it can be
absolved from Its dereliction of duty
by an empty promise to do in the fu
ture what it has willfully failed to do
in the past? * If
Some one has suggested that this con
vention should publish an indictment
against the republican party. We can
probably expedite the proceedings by
entering the plea of guilty that is cqji
tained In the Chicago platform, simply
changing the words "we will" to the
words "we did not" to conform to the
admitted facts. We then have the fol
lowing 1 republican confession of guilt:
"We did not revise the tariff."
"Wo did not amend the anti-trust
laws to secure greater effectiveness in
the prosecution of criminal monopo
lies." . ,
"We did not add a single line to the
interstate commerce law giving the
federal government supervision of the
issuance of stocks and bonds by inter
state carriers."
"We did not enact a currency meas
ure that would mitigate the evils of a
financial panic, such as has recently
prostrated tho country under a repub-
Mean administration."
"We did not limit the opportunities
for abusing the writ of injunction."
"We did not establish postal savings
banks." .
i "We did not establish a bureau of
mines and mining."
"We did not admit into the union the
territories of New Mexico and Arizona
as separate' states."
The last congress was in session dur
ing a financial crisis when innumerable
banking Institutions, preferring a holi
day to a funeral, closed their doors and
tilled the minds of millions of deposi
tors wit.h anxiety and fear. The senti
ment in favor of postal savings banks
which had been steadily growing In
this country became almost universal
during the recent panic. So insistent
became the voice of the people that the
president sent a special message to con
gress urging the establishment of pos
tal savings banks where the earnings
of our people might be safely deposited
under the direct control and responsi-
I bility of the federal government and
where no peculating bank cashier or
gambling board of directors could eat
up the savings of years.
The United States senate showed Its
hearty Sympathy, with this popular de
mand and its profound respect for the
president by adjourning the senate
while the message was being read; while
over in the house of representatives
they refused to suspend the roll call
long enough to receive a communication
that had been sent there from the White
The Chicago platform points with
pride to the passage of a child labor
law for the district of Columbia. Let
the republican party go further than
the enactment of penal laws and in the
name of humanity use its vast energies
for the removal of conditions that are
forcing our children into the labor mar
It is the reign of monopoly that Is
emptying our schoolhouses and filling
the sweat shops with child labor, and
this same system of monopoly is fast
limiting the opportunities for independ
ent livelihood among those who are
forced into the Industrial field, and thus
it is doubly blighting that hope of
youth which In former stages of our
national growth' opened an avenue of
honor and independence to every child
reared upon our soil.
The most palpable instance of the
insincerity of the Chicago convention
is found in its declaration respecting
the issuance of injunctions. It would
have been entitled to more respect if
it had omitted all mention of the sub
ject. At session after session of con
gress labor has pleaded for relief from
the abuse of injunctions, but its ap
peals have fallen on deaf ears and there
haa been no Indication that remedial
legislation of any character would be
enacted. The oligarchy in house and
senate has decided that nothing shall
be done to weaken any advantage that
corporations have gained in labor dis
The fact is that all our citizens, with
out respect to station or occupation in
life, have a genuine respect for the
courts and desire to maintain their in
tegrity. The charge that the courts
are being assailed is simply made for
the .purpose of diverting attention from
the real issue. Heretofore it haa not
been considered treason or an unwar
rantable attack upon the honor of the
courts to define their jurisdiction, pre
scribe their procedure, restrict their
\u25a0processes and generally to fix the
bounds within which judicial functions
shall be exercised.
It makes no difference whether the
courts are acting in excess of .their
jurisdiction or strictly within their del
egated powers. In either case the peo
ple have a right to throw additional
pafoguards around human llhorty.
There can be no ' reflection upon the
honesty of the courts in the passage
of a measure that will confine the equi
ty powera of the federal judiciary with
in such bounds as the people of the
United . Slutes- through the legislative
branches of their government may de
termine. This democratic convention
must, frankly,' firmly and unequivocally
pledge itself to such legislation as will
prevent the writ of in junction from
being converted into an instrument of
We have something to do in this
convention besides pointing out evils
and calling the republican party to task
for the part it has played . in creat
ing: and perpetuating abuses. The
triumph of the people can come only
through the' democratic party, for the
life of its chief political opponent is
so absorbed into the artificial life of
the monopolies and trusts that it ex
cludes the hope that the republican
party will ever be able or willing to
regain a separate existence ; where it
can honestly discharge its duty to the
people. •> \u25a0\u25a0\u25a0\u0084--.-.\u25a0
Nor has the constructive .work of
the democratic oartv been confined to
\u25a0 . i \u25a0 ----- ..- . - \u25a0- .
Loudest Keynotes of Speech by Bell
r\EPVBLICAN platform, arraigned as divided like all Gaul into three parts: Barren
mtf promises, makeshifts and evasions.
V indictinent of republicans made by substituting words *Ye did nor for 'we wit?
in their platform promises.
Aggressions of corporations decided the great evil of the present.
Imprisonment of directors of guilty corporations urged.
Postal savings banks favored. 6
Child labor attributed to reign of monopoly fostered by republican party.
Legislation demanded ttiat "will prevent the writ of injunction from being converted into
an instrument of oppression."
Publicity of campaign contributions pledged.
More railroad regulation and supervision over issuance of railroad stocks and bonds fa
vored. Physical valuation of transportation lines proclaimed as first step.
the earlier periods of our nation's his
tory, in recent years our party hafe
given signal proof of its ability to
grasp the opportunity of building up
an internal policy, of developing the
natural resources of America, and con
verting them to the use and benefit of
all that will share in their blessings.
This policy of domestic development
was strongly urged in former demo
cratic national platforms, and so ear
nestly advocated by democratic mem
bers in both houses of congress that it
stands in brilliant contrast with the
imperial policy of the republican party
in tho exploitation of distant territory
for the benefit of a favored few. Witness
irrigation, which had its origin in tho
Newlands bill and which owes its place
upon our statute books not to the
support of republican leaders in con
gress, but to Francis G. Newlands
and his democratic colleagues, who
labored in and out of season for the
reclamation of our arid lands under
federal aid and supervision. The. pre
servation of our forests and reserva
tion of all our natural resources were
taken up by. a republican president
only after years of agitation by the
democratic party. It is the demo
cratic party today that is leading the
fight for the Improvement of our in
land waterways along comprehensive
and scientific lines. The last republican
congress turned a deaf ear to the ap
peals of the president and refused to
organize an inland waterways com
mission to examine and report upon
the subject. The opposition of the re
publican party to the policy of pre
serving and developing our natural
wealth to the interests of the whole
people has its origin In that unholy
alliance between the republican party
and the land transportation monopolies
of the country.
With the power and opportunity to
carry out democratic principles we
will be called upon to revise the tariff
laws in interest of the whole people.
This issue cannot be disposed of by
the assertion that the republican party
also stands for tariff reform. Repub
lican revision and democratic revision
aro two dliterent thiners.
The democratic idea is that where
the tariff enables the trusts to main
tain a system of extortion the duty
should be removed from all trust made
goods so that competition from abroad
may compel reasonable prices to our
own people. There is a vast difference
between the protection of American In
dustries and the protection of crim
inal monopolies. - !
The expenses of our government,
even when most economically adminis
tered, will always require substantial
tariff rates, for the customs duties will
always be our chief source of revenue.
The distribution of tariff rates must
always be established- with special ref
erence to the expenditures of govern
ment, keeping in view the greatest
good to the greatest -number, and par
ticularly prohibiting the conversion of
the tariff into an accomplice of monop
oly in the robbery of the American
consumer. The democratic idea is that
the collection of sufficient revenue to
meet the necessities of government
must be the basis for tariff regulations
and that the philosophy of excluding
competition by a tax on the American
consumer which requires him to pay
greater, prices at home than are de
manded abroad is a pernicious abuse
of the taxing power and a manifest
injustice to our own people.
The corrupt use of large sums of
money in political campaigns is large
ly responsible for the subversion of
the people's will at the polls. The
masses are awakening to the realiza
tion of the great power of gold in con
tests that ought to be determined ac
cording to the character of nominees
and the soundness and morality of po
litical issues: and there is a general
demand for publicity in the collection
and use of campaign funds so that our
citizens may know whether a political
party has purchased its way into office
or has won its victories by honest
In the Chicago convention a minority
report of the committee on resolutions
containing a declaration in favor of
campaign publicity was overwhelming
ly defeated on a roll call of the con
vention and the republican party
placed itself squarely upon record in
favor of concealing the names of the
contributors and the amounts of their
subscription by a voto of 50 to 1 in
the committee and a vote of more
than 10 to 1 in the convention they
confessed their guilt. They thus ad
mitted the charge so frequently made
by our party that republican success
in the past has largely depended upon
the vast amount of money collected
from the- great monopolies of the coun
try and corruptly used in the conduct
of their campaigns. Let the voters of
this country seriously consider whether
the refusal of the republican party to
disclose the sources and amounts of Its
election finances is not a confession
of tho debasing and corrupt use of
money in its campaigns.
It is eminently proper that this con
vention-should define the democratic
attitude toward the regulation of
transportation companies and call the
attention of the country to the in
disputable fact that it was only after
years of democratic effort that an
amendmenW wag made to the interstate
\u25a0commerce law authorizing the com
mission to establish reasonable rates
whenever it appeared that fln existing
schedule was unjust or unreasonable.
Tho national platforms of the repub
lican party remained silent upon this
great question for years and the fact
that the necessary change was advo
cated by a republican president, who
succeeded only through the aid of the
democrats in both branches of con
gress in placing the amendment upon
our statute books, does not affect th«
credit to which our party is entitled
for having *.vorked persistently for
such an enactment. Further ame/id
ment to our laws giving the federal
government supervision ever the Issu
ance of railroad stocks and bonds is
The fixing of transportation charges
and the control of issuances of railroad
securities are inseparably ' connected
with the actual valuation of railroads
The democratic party believes that the
first thing to do is to secure a physical
valuation of the roads, that is. a Valu
ation of the solid rather than the
liquid assets of railroad companies.
On the other hand, the republic
an party, on a roll call in the Con
vention, by an overwhelming vote took
an unequivocal- stand in favor of *
sv?tem of water rates without giving
tb» people the benefit of a meter. ". •
- We search in vain for one syllable
in the Chicago platform Dlederlns: thA
republican party to. retrenchment and
reform: and lt.is.no Aif>re coincidence
tbat has given us a bUlion dollar se.«
s'on of congress on . the eve of a na
tional election »»"d the possible re
vif'on of the tariff. :.:
So lonsr a? w« maintain the nr^s^nt
method >ot electing United S f *tes sen
ators we cannot hoDe fi^t the iipn'r
chamber of coneress will reflect, the
popular will. On five different oc
casions the house of renresentntivcj"
has pnssed a constitutional, amendment
\u25a0nrovldinir for .the . election of United
States , senators by, the.- direct -vot# of
the people. Jbut these;. measures have
been sandbagged In the senate hv thoa*
who are determined that the senate
shall not become an integral part or
our free, representative institution.
The democratic party will continue to
labor for the direct election of Lnited
States senators and it appeals to tne
voters' of Art:erica t\i elect members or
tho different sta*e legislatures wno
will pledge themselves to vote for no
candidate for the United Slates senate
that is not in favor of this reform.
The affirmative position of the demo
cratic party upon these great questions
will be made clear during the impend
ing campaign, and disdaining all sub
terfuges it will speax in a language
that cannot be misunderstood. Its
voice will ring with a genuine love for
humanity and the charge of insincerity
will never be brought to its doors. Let
our party declaration in this conven
tion present the strong contrast be
tween that wfiich we here propose and
that which was declared at Chicago.
Let any man take the temperature of
the Chicago platform and discover, ir
he can. any sign of human warmth.
Not a single sentiment is there to re
deem it from the materialism permeat
ing it through and through. j
irtivriiv vivv ;
On the bosom of the Pacific will be
enacted the mighty commercial strug
gles of the future and the Interests
of American commerce will demand
that an adequate naval strength, be
maintained in the waters of the Pa
cific to protect our expanding com
This magnificent western coun
try of ours has not only proved attrac
tive to our own people and the other
white nations of the earth, but It has
likewise proved alluring to the brown
and yellow races of the east, borne
protection has been afforded by the
exclusion of Chinese labor, but the evil
Is but half met if the Immigration of
other Asiatic people be not also ex
cluded from our shores, and if this is to
remain a white man's country immedi
ate steps should be taken to prevent
Asiatic immigration of whatsoever
character. \u25a0 -\u25a0- \u25a0 "-T"
Not only the white toilers of Amer
ica, but all our people without respect
to class or residence, are vitally in
terested in this menace to our social
and industrial life from the oriental
This convention is meeting at a time
when the angel of peace is hovering
over the entire world and the nations
of the earth each day are strengthen
ing those ties of friendship and com
mon interest that will render war less
frequent and permit mankind to turn
their hands to the peaceable pursuits
of life rather than to the destruction
of one another.
The democratic party realizes the
weight that America must inevitably
exert in the affairs of the world, and
will demand that her influence ever
be cast on the side of peace, on the
side of justice, on the side of the
oppressed; and if the will of the pedple
shall commit to democratic hands the
scepter of power it will be used for
the realization of those high American
ideals that lift our own people to
loftier and better things, and through
our precepts contribute to the well
being and happiness of all mankind.
Taggart, Sullivan and Guffey
Are Slated to Remain
7. — The following is the new demo
cratic national committee so far as
Alabama — John W. Tomlinson. Birmingham.
Arkansa»t-Guy B. Tuoker.
California — Nathan Cole, Los Angeles.
-Colorado— Alva Adams, l"ueblo.
•Connecticut — Homer 8. Cummlngs, Stamford.
Delaware — WUUrd Saulsbury.
Florida — T. A. Jennings.
•Georgia — Clark Ilowell, Atlanta.
•Idaho — Simon P. Donnelly, Coeur d'Alene.
•Illinois — Roger C. Sullivan, Chicago.
•Indiana — Thomas Taggart, Indianapolis.
lowa — Martin J. Wade. lowa City.
Kansas — John 11. Atwoud, Leavenworth.
•Kentncky — Urey Woodson, Owensboro.
Louisiana — Robert E. Wing.
Maine — E. I*. Jones. Watervllle. «-•
•Maryland— -J. Fred C. Talbot. LutherviU>.
Massachusetts — John W. Couuhlin, Fall River.
Michigan— Edwin O. Wool. Flint.
Minnesota — Frederick B. Lynch, St. Paul.
•Mississippi — C. H. Williams. Jackson.
•Missouri — William A. Rothwell. Moberly.
Montana — J. Bruce Kremer.
Nebraska — P. L. Hall.
Nevada — John Sanderland.
New Hampshire — Eugene E. Reed.
New Jersey — Robert S. Hudsjwtb.
•North Carolina — Josephusi Daniels, Raleigh.
North Dakota — William Collins.
Ohio — Harvey C. Garber. Columbus.
Oklahoma— W. T. Brady.
Oregon — Milton A. Miller. Lebanon.
•Pennsylvania — James M. Guffey, Plttoburjr.
' "Rhode Island — George W. Greene. Woonsocket.
\u25a0•South Carolina — B. 11. Tlllmnn. Trenton.
South Dakota — Ed S. Johnson. Pierre.
Tennessee — K. Lee Montcastle. Nashville.
•Texas — R. M. Johnson. Houston.
Utah— Frank J. Nebeker.
. Vermont — Thomas W. Brown, Barre.
•Virginia — J. Taylor Ellyson. Richmond.
* Washington — William H. Dunphy.
•West Virginia, — John T. McGraw. Grafton.
•Wisconsin — T. E. Ryan, Waukesha.
Wyoming — John E. Osborri. Rawllns.
Arizona — Sellm J. Mlchelson.
Hawaii— G. J. Walker.
•Porto Rico— D. N. Field. Guaymas.
Judge Parker and Senator Dan*
iel of Virginia Named'
7. — The following Is the committee on
resolutions as far as selected:
Alabama — 11. L. Martin.
Arkansas — James I\ Clarke.
California — Isadora Dorkweller.
Colorado— Charles S. Thomas.
Connecticut — Thomas F. Noone.
Delaware — William Saulsbury.
Florida— P. I*. Mayo.
Georgia — Albert H. Cop.
Idaho — Frederick DuboU.
Illinois — Samuel Alscholer.
Indiana — John E. 1..111111.
lowa — Jerry Sullivan.
Kansas— W. A. Harris.
Kentucky — J. C. W. Beckham.
Maine — F. W. Knowlton.
.Maryland— Austin L. Crothers.
Massachusetts — George Fred William*.
Michigan— F. O. Gaffney.
Minnesota — Martin O'Brien.
Mississippi— O. F. Noel.
Missouri — William J. Stone. ' .
Montana — T. J. Walsh.
Nebraska — F. W. Brown.
Nevada — F. G. Newlands.
' New Hampshire — Eucvu** E. Reed.
New Jersey — James Smith Jr.
New Tork— Alton B. Parker.
North Carolina — F. M. Slmmcns.
North Dakota — John Burke.
Ohio — D. M. Grnber.
Oklahoma — C. N. Haskell.
Oregon — Robert D. Inman.
Pennsylvania — Marcus C. I*. Kline.
Rhode Island — Frank E. Fitzslmmons.
South Dakota— R. J\ Pettigrew.
Tennessee — J. B. Frailer.
Texas — M. M. Brooks. \u25a0
Utah — W. H. Kin*.
Vermont — KlUha May. •
'\u25a0 Vlrgfnla-^-John W. Daniel.
Washington — A. R. Tltlow.
West Virginia — William R. Thompson.
' Wyoming — George T. Beck.
. Arizona — George J. . Stoueman. ;
Hawaii— X. M. Watson.
Contestants Become Indignant
and Physical Violence At*
tempted in Committee
DENVER. July 7. — The credentials
committee met at 5 o'clock in Frater
nity hall. Christopher G. Callahan of;
Holyoke. Mass., was elected chairman, !
and D. 11. Llnebaugh of Atoka. Okla.,
\u25a0was made secretary.
Each contest was limited to 30 min
utes for argument, time for presenta
tion of evidence to be unlimited.
Notices of contests were received from
the district of Columbia. Pennsylvania.
Idaho. Illinois, Ohio and New York.
The first case taken up was Idaho. It
involves the eniire state delegation — 14
C H- Jackson, in behalf of the Du
bois, or the anti-Mormon faction,
stirred the committee to loud # applause
when he said that he and his associates
were trying to save the state for Bryaa
and that the Mormonjs could not live In
Idaho and defy the laws of God and
During the cross examination of
Jackson by John F. Nugent, the attor
ney for the contestants, Jackson was
asked if any of the contestants wera
Mormons. He said they were all Mor
mons. This statement caused Intense
indignation among the contestants, and
a number of them started for Jackson,
apparently intending to offer him physi
cal violence. The committee room was
Instantly in an uproar and it was with
difficulty that the indignant contestants
were restrained.
Former Senator Dubols made tho
closing argument of the contestees. He
denounced the Mormons in vigorous
terms, saying that they are not and
never have been democrats. The con
testants desfred to offer further evi
dence, but the committee refused to
hear it. and at 11:15 the case was
closed after the hearing had continued
for exactly six hours.
At 11:30 the committee took a recesa
for one hour. It wa3 determined to an
nounce no decisions until after all con
tests are heard.
Good for the Public— But
the Situation Is Appall-
ing to Furniture
Never before have the furniture \
! dealers faced such a terrific fire of bar- J
gains as the local merchants are get- /
tinier at present at the hands of the I
Lindholm Furniture Co.. who bought i
out the entire Kragens stock and are j
selling it at about 25c on the dollar. |
Of course they are knocking the Llnd- I
holm sale of the Kragen stock, but the !
Lindholm Furniture Co. delivers the j
goods and every knock has turned to
a boost. !
The Lindholm stores are doing the '
business of San Francisco, while the •
Jealous hearted firms sit around and j
complain of the dull times: If they
would offer bona fide values they could ;
do business, too.
The way furniture Is selling is mar-
velous. 1 In the way of values given the
Lindholm stores have made this sale
the biggest ever held on tho Pacific
coast. This store has a reputation for
doing blgr things and doin^ them "right.
The phenomenal success of this sale
is that every thing is as advertised,
every offer genutne and if an article la
not as represented by their salesmen,
get your money back.
Imagine what this sale means to you.
Dealers would be glad to buy furnl-
ure at such prices. Xewly married
couples will glory in the savings. Com-
fort that, you never dreamed of posses-
sing is within your reach If you only
attend this sale.
$3S Buffets. 315.75; $45 Folding Beds,
$15; $1S Dressera. $3.75: $26.50 China
Closets. $11.75; $34 Sideboards. $10.75;
$37.50 Extension Tables. $12.75; $33
Princess Dressers. $10.75. and so on
throughout the entire stock. The sale
starts each morning at 9 o'clock and
closes at 10 each evening. The Lind-
holm Furniture Co.. Van Xess avenue
and Eddy St.. San Francisco.
Grand Opening
Tonight v
[Cafe and Grill
136 and 138 Mason Street
JAMES J. STACK. Proprietor

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