OCR Interpretation


The San Francisco call. [volume] (San Francisco [Calif.]) 1895-1913, September 29, 1912, Image 2

Image and text provided by University of California, Riverside; Riverside, CA

Persistent link: https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn85066387/1912-09-29/ed-1/seq-2/

What is OCR?


Thumbnail for

IF you are a voter the chances are
that you will leave your polling
place on November I next under
the impression that you have cast
your ballot for a candidate for presi
dent and a candidate for vice presi
dent.
As a matter of fact, individually you
will have no more to do with the choice
of the next president and vice presi
dent under the law than the queen of
Sheba. All you can do is to vote for a
set of men to act for you in filling the
highest executive offices of the nation.
You will be compelled to trust them to
carry out your wishes when the time
comes for making the actual choice.
These men for whom you vote are
the presidential 'electors. There will
be 532 of them in the next electoral
college, and 267 of them might join in
electing John Doe of Oregon and Bieh
ard Roe of Florida—men of whom you
never had heard. There is no law to
stop them, and you would be powerless
to prevent Mr. Doe and Mr. Roe from
taking their oaths of office and enter
ing upon the discharge of their duties.
In case a majority of the electors do
not agree upon the choice of a president
the house of representative, voting by
states, will elect the next chief execu
tive. If no candidate for the vice presi
dency has a majority of the electors
the members of the United States sen
ate will elect the next vice president.
Not Always Elected
It has become so customary to regard
the electors as mere phonographs for
recording and uttering the popular Will
that few voters ever trouble themselves
over what the electoral college will
really do. Yet it has happened more
than once that the presidential candi
date who received the greatest num
ber of votes on election day failed to
be elected president.
As' a practical matter there is no rea
son to apprehend that the electors
chosen in the various states will fail to
cast their ballots for the national can
didates whose names appear upon the
ballots' above the names of the elec
tors themselves. Failure to do so would
be looked upon as a breach of faith and
an act of dishonor which would forever
brand any elector who might be guilty
of it. Custom and precedent here have
almost the force of law. But the gen
eral adoption of the direct primary by
the states in some form or other has
greatly complicated the procedure for
the election of the president and the
vice president and the demand for a
change in method that will simplify
matters and substitute certainty for
uncertainty has become more insistent.
Should the men who framed the
United States constitution present
themselves today as candidates for any
office to be filled by popular vote they
would be buried under adverse major
ities. The ff.ct that they did not be
lieve the mass of the voters were suffi
ciently intelligent to be trusted with
the election of the two highest officials
in the government would be enough to
condemn them. That they held and
proclaimed this belief indicates how
Woodrow Wilson Never Had a Fight When a
Boy--—His Aunt Calls Him "Tommy"
ii r tEARTIEST congratulations on
r"~| your nomination. Hope to con
gratulate you on your election.
"AUNT FELIE."
This was the message flashed over
the wires on July 3 to the governor
of New Jersey from the loveliest old
lady in Columbia, Mrs. James Wood
row of No. 1301 Washington street,
widow of Dr. James Woodrow, the dis
tinguished president of the University
of South Carolina.
Mrs. Woodrow lives in a rather im
posing mansion of red brick, whose
fanlighted doors and double shuttered
windows seem to quite exclude the out
side world. It looks almost forbidding
in its formal-dignity, but the old fash
ioned drawing room has a monastic
stillness and coolness all Its own and
very grateful on a hot summer morn
ing.
Mrs. Woodrow has a face like a rose,
eyes Jlke a girl's and silver hair. She
holds her head high and wears a
c harming old time black dress and im
maculate bib apron of fine linen, stiffly
starched. She takes the nomination
of her nephew very calmly and laughed
when I said I had come to hear all
about our next president.
'•He isn't elected yet," she reminded
me. "Of course, I want him to be
elected, now that he has gone into it.
But I am sorry he ever began it. He
was the seuolar of the family and we
Mr. Citizen, Here Is How Little Your
Vote Counts for President
great a change has taken place in pub
lic sentiment since the machinery of
the presidential election was con
structed. Such views are now looked
on as little short of treasonable.
To avoid resort to a direct vote for
the election of the president various
ideas were proposed in the constitu
tional convention. One of them
was to give the election to con
gress, but this was rejected be
cause of the fear that it would make
the executive subservient to the law
making body. Another suggestion that
the president be chosen by the state
legislatures was also rejected. It must
be remembered that party organization
did not then exist and that the first
national convention was not held until
a half century later.
In deciding upon the electoral college
the convention believed that it had
solved the difficult problem. The con
stitution originally provided that each
state should "appoint" as many elect
ors as the number of its senators and
representatives in congress. These
electors were required to meet in the
several states on a day to be prescribed
by congress and to vote for two candi
dates for president. The candidate hav
ing the highest number of votes became
president and the candidate having the
next highest number became vice pres
ident. This scheme did not work well.
The leading opponent of the choice
for president became vice president,
and In case of the death of the presi
dent while in office his successor, the
vice president, would have been a man
of opposing ideas, or, if the party sys
tem had then been in existence, of op
posite party.
Washington, however, was twice
elected under this scheme, practically
by unanimous consent. Then the fed
eralists la 1796 made John Adams their
candidate for president and Thomas
Pinckney their choice for second place,
while the democratic-republicans put
forward Thomas Jefferson for president
and Aaron Burr for vice president.
Popular Vote Useless
The vote in the electoral college re
sulted as follows: Adams, 71; Jeffer
son, 68; Pinckney. 59; Burr, 30; Samuel
Adams, 15; Oliver Ellsworth. 11; George
Clinton, 7; John Jay, 5; James Iredell. 3;
George Washington, 2; John Henry, 2;
Samuel Johnson, 2, and Charles C.
Pinckney. 1. This was the first con
tested presidential election. John
Adams was elected president, and
Thomas Jefferson, his chief rival, be
came vice president because he had
the second highest number of votes.
In the election of 1800, four years
later, the candidates put forward by
the two parties, if they could be called
parties, were the same as before. The
democratic - republicans had gained
strength and Jefferson and Burr each
received 73 votes. President Adams
had 65 and Pinckney 84, one federal
ist elector voting for John Jay, so that.
Adams might have the highest num
ber of votes and thus be elected pres
ident. As the vote was a tie between
Jefferson and Burr the election under
were very proud of him as that. Poli
tics—there is so much politics
one can not approve.
HE MIST CALL ()\ HER
•'Shall I visit the White House if he
should be elected? Oh. I think not,
Tommy must come to see me. Yes. I
have always called him Tommy. We
never think of him as Woodrow."
Governor Wilsons mother was Dr.
Woodrow's sister, Janet, or "Jessie,"
as she was always called. She was
born in Carlisle, England, but her
parents cam c from Glasgow. His
father, Joseph Wilson, was a Presby
terian minister and a Virginian. His
children were born *ln Staunton, Va.,
from where the family moved to
Augusta, Ga., and later, when "Tommy"
was 14 years old, to Columbia, S. C.
"They came to us at first," said Mr*.
Woodrow, in her soft voice. "After
ward they moved to the house in
Hampton avenue. Come, I will show
you the garden where Tommy used
to play."
We went through a long, winding
hallway and a great southern piazza
into a dream of a garden, shut in from
the streets by a wall high enough to
keep out every one but the angels,
and then overtopped by a clipped
hedge of wild orange. It was like a
bit of fairy forest shut into the heart
of a town.
A happy boy was "Tommy" when he
had this garden to play in. There is a
tamarisk tree with boughs like pale
green ostrich plumes; there are giant
magnolias, deodar cypresses, palmettos,
tea olives, bovvers of wistaria and jas
r«>jne and a varnish tree with great
the constitution was tbrown Into the
house of representatives. There, after
36 ballots, 10 states voted for Jeffer
son and four for Burr. Jefferson was
thus elected president and Burr be
came vice president.
It was seen at the outset that the
constitutional idea for electing the pres
ident was unsatisfactory, and at the
first meeting of congress an amend
ment was agreed to and submitted to
the states. It was adopted in time
for the election of 1804 and it has not
since been changed. It provides that
the electors shall elect the president
and the vice president by separate
ballots and that a majority of all the
electors shall be required to constitute
an election. If no candidate has a ma
jority, then the house of representa
tives, voting by states, shall elect the
president from the three candidates
having the highest number of votes.
In like manner, if no candidate for
vice president has a majority, the sen
ate must choose between the two can
didates having the highest vote.
Third Termers' Hopes
In the present campaign some of the
third term advocates are sanguine
enough to hope that they can elect a
sufficient number of electors to pre
vent either President Taft or Gover
nor Wilson from having a majority in
the electoral college. This would
throw the election into the house,
which would be compelled to elect a
president from among a list on which
would appear the names of President
Taft, Governor Wilson and the third
term candidate.
Something similar to this happened
in the election or" 1824, when Andrew
Jackson, John Quincy Adams, Henry
Clay and William H. Crawford were
the candidates for president. John C.
Calhoun had a majority of the electo
ral college for vice president and was
elected, but none of the candidates
for president had a majority. Jackson
had 99 votes, Adams 84, Crawford 41
and Clay 37. The election was thrown
into the house of representatives,
where Adams received the votes of 13
states, Jackson 7 and Crawford 4. No
SAMUEL i TILDEN
votes could be cast for Clay, as he
was not among the first three voted
for in the electoral college.
Impatience was manifested by the
voters from the beginning with the
cautious method of electing the presi
dent that the constitution provided.
They wanted to have something to say
about the choice of the men to be
voted for in the electoral college, and
they did not like the idea of leaving
the whole matter to the electors. This
desire was largely responsible for the
formation of political parties. They
grew up entirely outside the law as
voluntary organizations, and until
very recent years the law made no
attempt to regulate them.
The People Protest
Members of congress at first tried to
designate the presidential candidates.
Those of them who held like views
upon questions of governmental policy
got together In caucus and picked out
men to represent them before the elec
toral college. This idea soon became
extremely unpopular. The voters looked
upon It as a usurpation of power on the
part of congress, although it was evi
dent that, if political principles were to
be carried out in administration, the
men who upheld those principles must
have a president in sympathy with
them.
Abandoning the congressional caucus
as a means of selecting candidates, an
attempt was made to reach the same
leaves. You can hear the dropping of
ripe peaches in the stillness. There is
an immense pecan tree in a corner all
by itself.
LIKE A PECAN TREE
"I planted it 40 years ago," said
Aunt Felie. "Qh, yes, Tommy used to
play around that tree when they were
both young. He is very fond of it.
and of the magnolias."
Just beyond the garden stands a
noble building erected by the Young
Men's Christian association on land do
nated by the Woodrows to the associa
tion.
'"Tommy" left his aunt's house to go
to the new home built for his father In
Hampton avenue. The elder Wilson was
a professor at the theological seminary
in Standing street, and for some time
pastor of the First Presbyterian church.
In the shady churchyard of that
beautiful old place of worship are the
graves of the olergyman and of his
wife, "Jesßie-"
"Tommy" went to school to C. M.
Barnwell, on the corner opposite his
home. He was there prepared for
Davidson college.
"Wilson was a quiet boy," said the
postmaster of Columbia, who was a
schoolmate of his at Mr. Barnwell's:
"Tall for his age, thin and angular, a
good boy, never Indulging in pranks of
any kind. No, I never knew him to get
Into a fight. You see, he was never mcd.
dlesome or argumentative. He was a nice
fellow whom everybody liked. No one
at that time suspected that he was over
studious or overambltious. He was
fond of athletics—used to go in for
baseball and football.
end through legislative caucuses in the
several states. The voters objected to
these even more strongly than they
had objected to-the congressional cau
cus.
In the election of 1832, for the first
time the candidates were chosen by
national party conventions. The demo-
crats nominated Andrew Jackson for
president and Martin Var Buren for
vice president. The national republicans
named Henry Clay and John Sergeant,
and the anti-Masonic convention nomi-
ated William Wirt and Amos BUmaker.
In the popular election approximately
1.250,000 votes were cast, of which
Jackson received €87,502 and Clay 530.
--209. But in the electoral college Jack
son had 219 votes, Clay 49, John Floyd
11, and Wirt 7. For the office of vice
president Van Buren. Jackson's running
mate, had only 180 votes, Sergeant 49,
William Wilkins 30, Henry Lee 11, and
Ellmaker 7. The fact that Van Buren
received fewer votes in the electoral
college than Jackson showed that the
electors did not yet consider them
selves to be absolutely controlled by
the action of the party conventions. In
fact, it was not until the election of
1844 that the electoral vote for presi
dent and for vicepresident exactly tal
lied.
Bound by Honor
Although the electors are in honor
bound to vote for the national candi
dates nominated by the party to which
they belong, there is a test that proves
conclusively the legal fact that they
and not the voters really elect the pres
ident. Suppose one of the party candi
dates should die after the general elec
tion and before the voting by the
electors. This'is what happened in the
election of 1572, when Horace Greeley
was nominated by the democrats and
the liberal republicans and Ulysses S.
Grant was nominated by the repub
licans. B. Gratz Brown was nom
inated by both the Greeley conventions
for vice president. Greeley died on
November 29, and when the democratic
electors voted on December 4 of course
they were compelled to cast their bal
lots for some other candidate. General
Grant received 286 votes and the
Greeley vote was divided between
Thomas A. Hendricks, B. Gratz Brown,
Charles J. Jenkins and David Davis.
Upon objection, congress threw out the
votes of Arkansas and Louisiana and
three Greeley votes from Georgia.
Probably the most conspicuous third
party movement £-r:ce the nomination
of national candidates by party con
ventions began was that of 1884, when
Benjamin F. Butler and Alanson M.
West were nominated for president and
vice president by the greenback con
vention and by the; anti-monopoly con
vention. Cleveland and Blame were the
regular party candidates. In the total
poll of 10,000,000 on election the
Butler ticket had only 175,386 votes,
and not one Butler elector pulled
through.
It was a noteworthy fact that in this
election Cleveland had 4,854,986 votes
and Blame 4,855,011, or 25, votes more
than his rival, yet Cleveland had 219
electroral votes and Blame only 182.
The electoral vote, therefore, is by no
means even an approximate reflection
of the popular vote, and it was never
intended that it should be.
Political Parties Born
Political parties, with all their intri
cate machinery, sprang Into existence
after the constitutional method of elect
ing the president had been adopted.
This method is now applied to condi
tions which were never contemplated
by its authors. How Inadequate it is
to meet emergencies often has been
demonstrated, but never more conclu
sively than in the election of 1876. Sam
uel J. Tilden was nominated by the
democrats in that year and Rutherford
B. Hayes by the republicans.
Tilden admittedly had a popular plu
rality of more than 250,000 votes, but
several of the southern states returned
contradictory votes from two differ
ent sets of electors—one set republican
and the other democratic. The republi
cans had a majority in the senate and
the democrats In the house, so that
neither party was able to seat its elect
ors in the disputed states. In order to
solve this difficulty the "returning
board" was devised. It consisted of
five senators, five representatives in
congress and five justices of the United
States supreme court. The supreme
court of Florida had given that state
.to Tilden by a plurality of 84 and on
the face of the returns Tilden had car
ried Louisiana by 5.303; but the return
ing board gav e Florida to Hayes by' a
plurality of 926, and it awarded to him
Louisiana by 4,627. The electoral vote
of these two states gave 185 votes in
the electoral college, while Tilden
had only IS4. The count was
not completed until two days be
fore March 4, 1877, when the new
president was to be Inaugurated,
and the democrats threatened to resort
to force to prevent what they called
the theft of the election; but Tilden
counseled submission and Hayes was
elected by a single electoral vote.
This crisis was so acute that every
body recognized the necessity for some
legislation to prevent Its recurrence.
Accordingly the electoral count act was
finally passed in ISB7, and it is this
act. that controls the election and pro
cedure of the. electors today.
Machinery of Elections
It requires the electors to meet in
the several states on the second Mon
day in January following their elec
tion to cast their votes for president
and vice president. As soon as the
electors have been elected and con
tests decided the governor of the state
is required to certify the election to
the secretary of state at Washington
and to furnish the electors themselves
with three similar certificates, one of
which must be forwarded by them to
the president of the senate.
Elaborate provision is made in the
act to compel a prompt determination
of the count. When objection has been
made to the return from any state it
must be disposed of before the count
can continue. When the two houses
separate to consider an objection
no member is permitted to make
more than one speech, and that
one must be limited to five min
utes. Debates are limited to two hours.
In joint session no debate whatever is'
permitted and the joint session can not
adjourn until the count has been com
pleted and the result announced. If a
question of procedure under the act
arises a recess may be taksn until not
later than 10 o'clock in the morning
of the following day; but even this in
not permitted if the court has not been
finished on the fifth day after it began.
Announcement of the result of the
count by the president of the senate
constitutes the declaration of the result
of the election. •
Both houses of congress - are required
to be in session on the second Wednes
day in February following the national
election, and they must hold a joint
session on that day, presided over by
the president of the senate, to whom
the electors have forwarded the result
of their balloting in the several states.
In the presence of the members of both
houses of congress the president of the
senate must open the returns from the
states in alphabetical order and the
vote from each must be canvassed by
two tellers appointed by the senate
and two appointed by the house and
the result announced. Objection to the
reception of the return from any state
may be made in writing by one sen
ator and one representative. Such ob
jection must be considered by each
house separately, and no return given
by duly certified electors in any
state from which only one return
has been received can be rejected, but
the two houses by concurrent vote may
reject any return made by electors
whose election has not been certified
by the governor of the state. In case of
dispute over the legality of the certifi
cation or of the vote cast by the elect
ors the two houses by concurrent vote
may decide which return is valid, and
if they can not agree preference must
r e> HAvta
be given to the return made by the
electors certified by the governor un
der the state seal.
Various plans have been proposed
for doing away with the difficulties
arising under the present law. Most
of them are in the direction of a
greater degree of popular control. It
has been proposed, for example, to
abolish * the electors altogether and
amend the constitution so as to make
it provide for the election of the pres
ident and the vice president by direct
vote of the people. The chief diffi
culty in the way of the adoption of
this idea is that it would make neces
sary uniformity in the qualifications
of voters in the various states. The
conditions of qualification are now
very diverse. Some states require
ability to read and write; others de
mand the possession of a certain
amount of property; some permit
women to vote, while others do not;
the conditions regarding voting by
aliens who intend to become citizens
differ in various states. The tendency
in the west has been to extend the
voting privilege, and in the cast to
restrict it. The requirements in the
southern states are made especially
onerous In order to insure control by
the white voters. The elimination of
these differences would be extremely
difficult, if not impossible, since they
depend largely upon local conditions.
So indirect is the relation of the
individual voter to the election of the
president that he may not even be
What Doctors Say Concerning Hiccoughing
HICCOUGH is a sudden spasmodic
indrawlng of air to the lungs,
causing an abrupt shock to the
diaphragm and chest, ending with a
click due to sudden closure of the glottis.
Hiccoughing may occur In the course
of the development of many ailments
in diseases of the digestive organs, In
connection with abscesses of the phar
ynx and contractions of the esopha
gus. A common symptom of diseases
of the genito-urinary organs, it may
occur in cases of nephritis, vesical cal
culi and inflammation of the bladder.
Hiccough may also supervene in dis
eases of the respiratory organs, in
cases of poisoning and in nervous ail
ments. It is stated that in some cases
of nervous hiccough the attack may
last for days, weeks, or even months
and years.
Allied to the rare forms of nervous
hiccough there is also the emotional
hiccough, which arises in connection
with a moral shock, severe fright and
sudden emotion, the hiccough due to
irritation and hysterical hiccough. The
latter is a particularly noisy form,
with a rough, coarse sound. It Is some
times a sort of yplplng or barking
noise, persisting for some minutes or
even hours.
The epidemics of hiccough which have
occasionally been observed are probably
due to hysterical contagion and to the
nervous predisposition of the majority
of the individuals who are affected by
it. It is to functfonal derangement of
the nervous system owing to a slacken
ing of the circulation that the hiccough
of the death struggle, remarkable more
particularly in a period of abundant
hemorrhage, is to be ascribed.
In genera' it may be said that there
is irb therapeutic treatment for hic
cough. Certainly there is no lack of
means for combatting the ailment, but
as the latter is ordinarily dependent
upon very varied affections the medical
treatment of hiccough usually forms
part of the treatment adopted for such
affections- Accordingly, the first place
must be given to a curative treatment!
by modifying the morbid condition of
the organs upon which the hiccough
depends. It is on account of its action
The San Francisco Sunday Call
permitted to vote for the electors who
do the actual electing. The consti
tution merely says that "each state
shall appoint, in such manner as the
legislature thereof may direct, a num
ber of electors equal to the whole
number of senators and representa
tives to which the state may be en
titled in congress." Under thisfpro
vision many of the states originally
provided that the electors should be
"appointed" by the members of the
legislature. This method was fol
lowed until the election of 1828 by
Delaware, Georgia, Louisiana, New
York, South Carolina and Vermont;
and South Carolina continued it until
the civil war. There is nothing in
the constitution to prevent all the
states from going back to it if they
should see fit to do so.
In some of the states before 1532 the
electors corresponding to the repre
sentatives in congress were elected by
congressional districts by popular vote,
while the two electors corresponding tc
the two United States senators were
elected "at large" by the voters of the
entire state. This made it possible for
the electoral vote of a state to be
divided in tho electoral college accord
ing to the political complexion of each
congressional district. Michigan is the
only state which has employed this
scheme in recent years. In 1892 It
gave Cleveland five electoral votes and
Harrison nine.
Although the rule is now to permit
the voters of an entire state to vote
for the electors to which the state ii
entitled, division sometimes occurs
upon party lines. If a state is entitled
to 10 electors the majority party may
elect nine of its candidates and the
minority party may elect the tenth,
either owing to the popularity of one
of its candidates or the unpopularity ol
one of the candidates put forward by
the majority party. Two electors In
the same state rarely receive precisely
the same vote.
Direct Primaries Rise
What has especially complicated the
situation this year is the attempt to
bring about a greater popular control
of national elections l.y the application
of the direct nomination idea. The
basis of this direct nomination idea is
the belief that the voters themselves
ought to be permitted to nominate the
party candidate In the primary elec
tions.
Under the most advanced direct
nomination laws in the state the party
voters may nominate directly all the
state and local candidates. Sflme of
the states have adopted the "presiden
tial preference" primary, in which the
delegates to national party conventions
are pleflged to the support of specified
candidates for the party nomination.
If adopted in all the states this ar
rangement obviously would leave the
national conventions nothing to do but
to ratify the expression of the ma
jority participating in the primaries in
nil the states.
Going a step further, the electors in
certain of the states this year were
nominated at direct primaries before* the
national conventions met, and pledged
to tire vote in the electoral college in
ease of their election, for the third term
candidate. When President Taft was
on the digestive tube that washing out
the stomach is sometimes resorted to
The symptomatic treatment has most
frequently been based upon empiricism,
including the use of more or less diluent
tlsans or Infusions of medicinal sub
stances, cupping and even blood letting
When an attempt is made to bring
something like order into this thera
.peutic anarchy it is seen that the re
sults obtained are due either to me
chanical means and to medicamental
action or to the calling into play of an
other physiological phenomenon, name
ly, inhibitiort.
Mechanical treatment Is very popular.
It consists In holding the breath as long
as possible or in modifying the rhythm
of the breathing by sneezing, or again
in inducing vomiting.
But hiccough being essentially a ner
vous phenomenon, ft was only natural
to suppose that it might be cured by
bringing inhibitive actions into play.
Inhibition, so thoroughly studied form
erly by Dr. Brown-Sequard. is an act by
virtue of which a symptom disappears
from one part of the organism thanks
to a nervous influence exerted by the
irritation transmitted from any point
whatever to the part whence the symp
tom disappears.
Soothing, sedative and antispasmodic
medication relies upon similar popular
"remedies, such as the ingestion of very
cold water, the administering of ice o*
of pharmaceutical preparations. Among
the last have been recommended subcu
taneous injections of morphine, the in
gestion of chloral or chloroform, or,
better still, of cocaine. Injections of
pilocarpine have also been advised.
Therapeutic inhibition of hiccough
has been effected by the application of
blisters, by cutaneous irritation, pro
duced by means of irritant liquids ap
plied to the skin, and by compression of
the phrenic and pneunjogastric nerves.
It is also inhibition that explains the,
apparently singular cures of hiccough
by fright, emotion, a moral shock, or
tsore simply by fixing the attention on
ome object. Such cures, which are
nowadays considered a* triumphs of
suggestion, belong to the domain of in
renominated these electors found them
selves, politically speaking, high and
dry. The question immediately arose
whether their names should be printed
in the republican column on the official
ballot under the names of President
Taft and Vice President Sherman, de
spite their pledge not to vote for either
in the electoral college, but for some
other candidates whose names would
not appear in the republican column.
In Kansas such electors have appealed
to the federal courts for permission to
run on the republican (or Taft) ticket.
In other states they have resigned as
republicans and will be renominated by
petition, so that their names may ap
pear on the third term party ballot. In
Pennsylvania they purpose to remain
on the republican ballot and, if elected.
vote either for the republican or the
third term candidate, in accordance
with which gets the larger number of
votes in the state on election day.
Constitution Interferes
All these efforts to pledge the elect
ors by state laws represent attempts to
supplement, If not to override, the con
stitution by state legislation. It is
hardly surprising that chaotio results
should ensue.
There is a well defined movement, how
ever, in the direction Of federal legis
lation for the regulation of national
party nominations. Several bills on the
subject are already pending In con
gress. One of them, introduced by a
supporter of President Taft, and there
fore said to represent the views of the
administration, is the Howland bill,
which will come up for discussion in
December. It provides that "president
tlal preference" primaries shall be held
In all the states on the second Tuesday
in May in each presidential year.
Every candidate must declare him
self 45 days before the primary and
pay SI,OOO for the privilege of having
his name placed upon the primary elec
tion ballots. In each state the primary
election Is to be supervised by a board
of officials named by the president
with confirmation by the senate, and
a national board, constituted In the
same manner, is created. This na
tional board must count the returns
from each state and declare the result.
The successful candidates are author
ized to appoint the delegates to the
national party conventions, which may
be called by the national party com
mittees after the result of the primary
has been made known. They may also
appoint the electors from each state,
thus insuring fidelity in the electoral
college in case their electors are chosen
at the polls.
What is to become of the constitu
tional provision that the electors in
the several states shall be appointed
in such manner as the legislatures
thereof may direct has not been made
clear.
• This bill is a sample of the attempts
that are being made to make the na
tional election machinery fit changing
conditions. As opinion on the subject
is radically divergent it is unlikely
that any change will be made in a
hurry or without prolonged and care
ful consideration. Meanwhile the
presidential elector will remain su
preme, excepting in so far as he may
yield to precedent and custom in al
lowing himself to be bound by the ac
tion of the political party.
hibition applied to therapeutics. In any
case, if these practices are not always
efficacious, they at least have the ad
vantage of not condemning the patient
to swallow drugs.
LOVE YOUR PETS
LEARN HOW TO KEEP THEM
BOOK ON DOGS !r nrr
BOOK ON CATS ) t Ktt
*,J^ se B< l°£ B tell Z™ how to Feed and Care
free to own«ra of Does or Cats. Tell us which
yon want and write for
_ # tbem today, wltn full
address.
/««| GET YOUR CAT A
CATNIP BALL.
the Exerciser and Toy,
10 cents everywhere.
DR. A. C. DANIELS. Inc.,
1174 Milk Strelt, BOSTON, MASS.
.„? m ^ Da » Hor "*- D °K * nd Cat Medicine*.
and p og Bread at most medicine stores.
TEN CENTS WILL BUY
09 8 Now, graceful. Per
fect, FaU-vVorklng-.Slz*
1 ransfcr Patterns cms.
prising Designs I orßaar
«->•», e-aln-walst, 14.
•■«* *I** , .? p »»»ee, a 6.
inch »«H!e-. Usable
"•*.» "•»*•« «■
-cushion Tops, Ctnct
r««cr, »>•■»■ Haider,
Taleasn Box, Selssars
r«se. K«*dl«. R«*k, a
Hanrfkoiehlef Corners
and 1 6 more design* of
*,-p . _ M IMlfereat Slue* PoTtakU
Tm l£???!t JT* *VL A . 'J*'"' 8B p «*tern. with
CrV*« ts .? w "S, ontrl » 1 for * months for TFN
Aff*tX jr.!** H "»B* W 'FB 1» deroted to Home
otoA £i£ iol,, 'E£ nr * Wor *- Mothers and BaWea,
?it'-f L*7. »i» TW »W. ''WIT «tory "Th. Melt-
■•Hy" now running- and you'll he Inst In
UtVISC PLACE, NEW TOBE. ««* •»
""■ co -» <>10 _V- Washington. D. C.
fiiilQPilfi L< V? rP ~rotu» n,; " l *' fr «m cultt-
UHIULRtI v " '"- ■••'•••'•M*. the most vain-

xml | txt