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REPUDIATE LEADER Fernier Supporters of Bryan Assart Their Manhood and Quit the Continuous Office-Seeker. Thousands of Bryanites Turn to Taft as the Campaign Nears the Bnd— Neither the “Cleveland Demo crats” Nor the Independent Voters Take Their Places and Bryan’s Defeat Is Certain. The thousands who formerly voted for Bryan, but who refuse to endorse that candidate’s latest plea to be elect ed President, Include thinking men of all occupations and conditions in life. They are now convinced that Bryan is too unstable and impractical to be en trusted in power. They like to hear him talk, but they tremble at the thought of him in the White House. As the campaign has neared the fin ish the defections from the Democratic party in favor of Taft and Sherman have gained in volume and Tt has been easy to sec the steady drift away from Bryan. With his old followers leaving him, the “Cleveland Democrats” still refusing to lieed his advice, and the absolute failure to add new recruits to his cause, the chances of the Nebras kan for success have decreased steadily as Nov. 3 approached. The Fear of Bryan. The fear that the election of Bryan will turn back the hands of the pros perity clock, no one knows how many years, is obvious all over the country and the feeling is shared by business men and laboring men alike. Samuel Rosenthal of Baltimore, of the firm of St rouse & Brother, one of the largest clothing manufacturers in the country, has expressed the belief that the prosperity of the country and the steadiness of business depend on the election of Taft. Although a Dem ocrat of many years’ standing, Mr. Ro senthal says he will vote for the Re publican cjuididates. In Omaha a railroad man—one in the ranks—was listening to Bryan make one of his big campaign speeches. He stayed until Bryan began to attack Roosevelt and to ask “what has Roose velt ever done?” The railroad man quit the meeting, procured a Taft badge and pinned it on his coat In place of a Bryan button, which he threw away. He said he had intended to vote for Bryan, but that Taft would get his bal lot. Carllslo Not for Bryan. Some of the Bryanites have been pre dicting that John G. Carlisle would take a stand for the “Peerless,” but so far their prophecies have failed and It Is said by men who are close to that adamantine defender of sound govern ment policies that he will not urge tin.* election of Bryan. Joseph B. Gill. Lieutenant Governor during the administration of John P. Altgeld ns Governor of Illinois, and a lifelong Democrat, has announced that he will vote for William H. Taft. Mr. Gill, now a resident of California, reg istered at the Palmer House, Chicago, on his return from a visit to his old home at Murphysboro. where he still owns a daily Democratic newspaper. In the lobby he met I*en Small of Kan kakee, field general of the Yates forces during the primary fight. “I have been a Democrat all my life,” said Gill, “but I am going to vote for Taft. Why? Well, the reason is short and simple. Taft represents the true Roosevelt prin ciples and Bryan represents almost anything for Bryan.” An Incident from Nebraska. Frank Currie of Gordon, Neb., for merly a State Representative, relates the following, which is extremely Il luminating as regards conditions in “Bryan's own Stute”: “In my travels over Nebraska I have been able to find but one Republican who snya be Is going to vote for Bryan. Another little incident shows the way the wind Is blowing. Recently at din ner twelve voters were seated. Eight had voted for Bryan In 1890 and four of the twelve had voted for him in 1900, but each and every one declared that this year they were going to vote for Taft. I thought for a minute they might be trying to string me, but after talking it over with them I saw they were all sincere in their convictions.” John W. Reynolds, a Confederate vet eran, writing to the Baltimore Ameri can, says: “It is true deplorable conditions ex ist through some parts of the country, but at the time Mr. Bryan was at the helm in Congress they existed every where. Ask the manufacturers, the me chanics and farmers and laborers of the country. It was the period that few have forgotten. Never will I, as a Southern man from the grand old State of North Carolina, four years in the service of the Confederacy fighting for a cause I believed to be right. If I live I shall cast my vote for the Hon. W| H. Taft and Sherman for the pres idency and vice presidency." California •■ffarlcr Taras Away. R. M. Hoteling of San Francisco, who has been a liberal contributor to! Democratic campaign funds, refused to do so this campaign and announced he had gone over to the Republican cause. George B. Jones, former president of the Democratic Negro Jefferson Club of St Louis, started bis audience cheer ing at the meeting of the precinct or ganization of the Missouri Negro Re publican League Club at 2349 Chestnut street when he told why be left the Democratic ranks. He promised to try to Induce the members of the Demo cratic organisation to follow him. UfM I. Maxwell of Now York City, Who fens supported every candi date ef the Democratic party since lit*. Sat come out la a long public —Copyright, 1908, by the Mail and Express Company. letter, telling why he has quit Bryan. In closing he says: “Many other suggestions occur to me, but these I have mentioned suffice to determine me, not to abandon Democ racy, but to vote for a candidate for the presidency whose election will go far to insure the prosperity, peace and happiness of this great people. “EDWARD J. MAXWELL. "New York, Oct. 14, 1908.” Every Community Has Taft Converts Efforts of the Buffalo News to ascer tain the sentiment in the smaller towns of? western New York reveal the fact that in every community are many for mer Bryan men who declare they will vote for Taft and the assurance of prosperity. Brig. Gen. Iloratlo G. Gibson, U. S. A., retired, of Washington, says: "I am a Democrat, but I don’t see how the Democrats can supi>ort Mr. Bryan. He docs not seem to stand fqj any of the real principles of the party, and If I had a vote for the pres tffenev. I certainly should not cast it f» him.” P. L. Jones of Ardmore, Okla., has written to the Ardmore Statesman, say ing that although a Democrat, he will break “a custom that has been a fam ily pride since the Civil War" and will vote for Taft. Bryan’s connection with Haskell was the last straw for Mr. Jones. Frank 11. Jones of Chicago, who was First Assistant Postmaster General for four years under Mr. Cleveland, said: “Mr. Bryan favors the guaranteeing of bank deposits and has committed the Democratic party in its platform and in his public speeches to this un sound and dangerous doctrine. It must be admitted that on economic ques tions affecting the farmer, the me chanic, business and country generally, either Mr. Bryan is dangerously un sound or lie is willing to mislead the people and threaten their prosperity by advocating measures he knows to be unsound, merely because for the mo ment his views seem popular. “I do not want to see the prosi»erlty of this country threatened by unsound experimental policies such as Mr. Bry an’s past career proves he is too prone to indulge In. “Business confidence must be main tained, the factories kept busy and labor employed and the farmer must not be disturbed in the prosiierity he is now enjoying. “The calm, forceful, intelligent and conservative attitude of Mr. Taft in aft of the important questions affecting the public good assures us of continued progress. "To risk Mr. Bryan is dangerous to our business prosperity.” Enoouraiceiuent to Swindler*. “Banks would be pretty nearly as nu merous ns barrooms if Bryan's scheme for guaranteeing national hank deposits should ever become a law,” said Josinh D. Dinkel, of Boston, who travels over a large part of the country in the in terests of a financial publication. I coifne into contact with prominent bank ers all over the United States aud I have not talked with a single one who is in favor of the scheme to guarantee deposits, mainly for the reason that they cannot see how anyone would be protected. They also think that the pljin would encourage, rather than pre vent, dishonest methods. Why, Just think how It would work out. Any faker who could, by hook or by crook, get a bank charter and persuade people to deposit money In the bank, could pack bis grip with the deposits and de camp. The worst of It is that he could get away with a comparatively clear conscience, because lie would know that the United States government, or some mother banks, would reimburse the de positors for what they had put In.” In one of bis speeches last week Mr. Taft remarked that “The tendency of Mr. Bryan’s mind is toward a theory that addresses Itself at once to the ap proval of an audience and not one that fits into the drafting of a statute to accomplish anything.” This view help* explain why Mr. Bryan gets so much applause from an audience and so little support at the polls. The sober second thought is too much for him.—BL Loots Globe-Democrat. Bryan Is sn apostle of fallacies. Hfs grest service to the country consists In being defeated.—Governor HiflMa. THE READY RUNNER. BRYAN AND FREE WOOL Not Anxious to Raise Price of Wool for Benefit of Sheep Raisers. But Would Lower Prices of Woolen Goods for Benefit of Wearers. In 1894, while a member of the House of Representatives, Mr. Bryan wrote the following letter to a constit uent : COMMITTEE OF WAYS AND MEANS, HOuse of Representatives, Washington, D. C., Feb. 0. 1894. Mr. V. Neuman, Oakland, Neb.: Dear Sir —Your favor at hand. I think you are right in saying that If we prohibited the use of shoddy, either directly or indirectly. It would Increase the price of wool to some extent by in creasing the demand for it. but it is not expedient always to do everything which It Is possible to do. I do not think that the taxing power ought to be used for any such purpose. I am not so much interested in raising the price of wool which will only benefit those who raise sheep, as I am In low ering the price of woolen goo<ls, which will benefit all those who wear them. Yours truly, (Signed) W. J. BRYAN. Bryan** Sophistry Show*. 'The American Bhcep Breeder in a recent *BBIIO exposes the fallacy of the Bryan contention as follows: Bryan’s free wool sophistry is knock ed Ir a cocked hat by facts and figures as far as the "dear public” is con cerned. Mr. Brynn doesn't believe in building up a great national industry like the wool Industry, at the expense of the general public. Really, bow much does the dear public have to pay to maintain the wool iudustry of the United States? Let us get down to facte and figures. There are something like one million men engnged in grow ing w’ool, with about five hundred mill ion dollars of capital Invested, with an annual wool production of say from fifty to sixty million dollars. Tbia fig ure Is based on an average of 18 cents per pound for the wool grown. In ad dition to that, say fifteen million mut tons are produced at a selling price of uruuml sixty-five to seventy-five million dollars. A fair valuation of the annual production of wool anil mutton would Ih» one hundred and twenty-five mill ions. What the annual loss to this In ti ustry would be under a free wool reg ime Is well known. Instead of the average of sny 18 cents per pound (which is au extremely low figure for wool under ordinary times) and the av erage of about half that price for wool (on a free trade basis) would mean a loss to the wool grower of at least twenty-five million dollars per year. Wool growing In the West, under Cleve land’s aduiinfstrntln. ruined thousands of flockmnsters. Montana wools sold as low as seven and eight cent per pound under Cleveland. Two years ago these wools brought anywhere from eighteen to twenty-five cents per pound, and even higher figures for exceptional clips. Free Trade No Btncat to CssraßW. Now let us find out the cost of cloth ing, and the so-called saving to the con sumer. For a spring suit ef all-wool clothes, three and one-half yards of cloth are required. Ono yard of doth welgbe ten ounces. This would require a trifle over two pouuds of wool. A fall suit requires three sod ooe-balf yards at fourteen ounces to the yard, or forty-nine ounces. The cost of cloth ing represents 85 per cent In labor and 10 per cent In material. The ordinary suit of clothing has 00 per cent of wool and the balance le shoddy and cotton. Suppose the tariff on wool were re moved, that wool that bad been aver aging 18 cents per pound fell 80 per cent; the saving on a spring salt of clothing would be a trifle under twenty cents, providing the manufacturer and the retailer cut down the price of the garment to the extent of tho reduced rains of tho wool sensed by a removal of tlie tariff. On a fall suit of clothing, based on the same figures and condi tions, the cost would be reduced to I lie extent of say 27 cents or therealniuts. This means all-wool clothing, and does not take Into consideration any shoddy or cotton, which everybody knows Is used extensively in low-priced gar ments. As a matter of fact all woolen clothing, or clothing made out of a mixture of wool, cotton and shoddy, never has, and never will, lie sold to the consumer for one |>euuy less under free wool conditions. Every school boy knows that the cost of his clothing un der ( levelaud's free wool reign was not one cent reduced by tlie removal of the tariff. Any reduction in the cost of wool used In the manufacture of an ordinary suit of clothing would be so infinitesimal that any manufacturer. Jobber, wholesaler or retailer would laugh at the idea of the public saving anything by the removnl of the tariff on wool. It is the veriest nonsense to consider this proposition for one mo ment. We have, for our own satisfac tto,n ireduced tlie possible cost of all the woolen clothing used In the United States for one year, providing the sidl ing value of the goods were reduced to the extent of the reduction In the price of wool, and it reaches such a ridicu lously low figure that It is not worth mentioning. Everyone knows that our manufacturers have to import about twice the amount of wool w f e grow !n tills country. Under ordinary business conditions the tariff on wool has kept the price up to a fair measure of profit for the grower. No, gentlemen, wo want no Bryan and free wool. If Bryaa Should Ba Elcetal, (From the Philadelphia Ledger. Ind.) Two letters have boon received from leaders who touch on the Intensely practical aspects of the minimlgn. A business man wishes to know what, hi all human probability, w'ouid become of business and of our wonted and desired prosjierity If, perchance Bryan and n Bryan administration should be chosen, and a blunt, intelligent workingman, whose letter Is too long for publication, says that there is a “lot of blather** in politics, and he w’ouid like to know* what the ordinary skilled w'orkinan is to “get” If Bryan Is elected and “what Tuft has to offer.” Those two inquiries embody n large i*nrt of the pertinent question for the mass of the nation, and the gist of the answer may be given In a few words: If Taft lie elected there will be rest, re cuperation, confidence and prosperity; If Bryan be elected there will be acute danger of unrest, lack of coofidonce and uncertainty at least for a long time, and the probability of a prolongation of resuscitation of that stagnation from which the country is now by slow, la bored and painful effort beginning to recover. The country is Just licglnnlng to re cover from the industrial paralysis. The crops are passing fair; the people of the nation are rich; our Institutions are all sound; every known factor and material influence concerned In the re turn of Immediate, abounding, astound ing activity and prosperity la present save only—complete restoration of con fidence. The only known or conceivable Influence which acts to retard manufac turing and general Industrial operations and the full employment of all work ers at this time Is the lingering politi cal unrest and the knowledge thst a presidential campaign must be held be fore the atmosphere Is finally cleared, so that “cowardly capital” will trust Its head forth again from Its safe deposit caves. lajaaatlssa Mntrala Capital. ”1 am against those guerillas who would destroy this most vital writ of conscience. The court of equity la the keeper of the people's conscience and the writ of Injunction Is Its most valu able power. It prevents the digging of a ditch that will damage adjacent property; compels railroads to furnish cars. It stays the hands of lawless corporations from committing acts, which once done would work as Injury that could not ba amended. Under tbs plan of the opposition yon take tbs bridle off for lawless wealtb aad bid It ran wild. Scores mere ef injunctions hare been loaned against capital tbaa against labor. Name me one and I will name you at least 100 against capital/* -Senator Albert J. Beveridge. REPUBLICAN PLAN RATIONAL. Neted Financial Expert Advises Against In considered Action. All Classes Interested In Retablisk lng Bound Nanking System. Victor Morawetz, recognized as an expert upon financial and economic questions, says the Bryan bank <kg>osit guarantee plan would encourage "wild cat” banking. These are excerpts from a recent article written on the subject by Mr. Morawetz: If It were true that the adoption of this plan would make all deposits In natloual banks equally safe and there by would inspire confidence In all na tional bank deposits, as Mr. Bryan claims, the plan would prove a direct encouragement to “wildcat” banking and would prove disastrous In the long run. It would enable speculators or inexperienced |*»r*ous to form a bank with small capital and to obtain large deposits ou the strength of the guar anty, by offering higher rates of Inter est to depositors than a conservatively managed bank could afford to pay : and they could then use these deposits In pro moting speculative or unsound ventures. They would only risk the loss of the small capital which they contrib uted and their individual liability for an equal amount. If tlielr speculations should succeed, they would reap large profits, but tf their speculations should fail and the money obtained from de positors be wasted, the sound batiks would have to bear the loss. Republican Plan Rational. Tlie Republican fsirty proposes to deal with this banking question in s rational, conservative manner. Having regard to the difference between savings deposits and those commercial deposit liabilities which are merely bank cred its created as a means of carrying on the business of the country, the Repub lican party proposes to establish a sys tem of postal savings banks *o that the tieoplo everywhere throughout the country can deposit their savings with absolute safety. A proposal bus ulso lieen made, and, no doubt, will l>e con sidered by Congress, of authorizing the national banks to establish savings de partments to he managed, under the sti perrlslon of the Comptroller of tlie Cur rency. according to the most approved methods of munaglng savings banks. The Republican party recognizes that the United States should have the soundest and safest system of hanking and currency that can lie devised, and to that end a Republican Congress has upfiolnted a national cmuiitlnsioii. con sisting of Senators and Representatives of both the political parties. That com mission Is now considering tlie subject in all Its bearings, and after holding public bearings will make Its recom mendations to Congress at tlie earliest opportunity. All CIMBM Kqnallr UlerMlcS, All classes of the i»eople and all sec tions of the country are equally Inter ested In establishing our system of hanking nnd currency upon the sound est iKMtslhlc bnsls. The welfare of the entire country depends ujmn a sound nnd practical system of bunkiog nnd currency, nnd the only patriotic course Is to eliminate nil party feeling nisi politlcs from the consideration of tills great subject. We know that tlie pres ent system is not perfect nnd should be Improved, hut we know also that we have prospered under this system aml that there Is no such pressing need for a change ns to warrant hasty or ill considered action. Tills plan of guar anteeing bank deposits undoubtedly will In* considered with the utmost care by the National Monetary Commission, and If the plan ran stand careful analysis and scrutiny It will be adopted by Con gress whether the government be con trolled by Republicans or Democrats. But it would Is* wroug—lnexcusably wrong—to treat tills great nud difficult question of finance ns a question of party politics, to lie dealt with by popu lar vote In the heat of a presidential campaign. Surely the Amerleou people will not make this far-reaching change In their banking system nnd try this dangerous experiment, upon the recom mendation of the Democratic party and of a leader who. twelve years ago. nnd ngnin eight years ago. urged the adoption of the worst financial fallacy of the age, nnd. If Ills counsels lind pre vailed. would hnvo plunged the whole country Into disaster and shame. Bryan's Draisalallos mt HsgbM. About this time In a presidential (ton teat partisan speakers run emptyings. As a melancholy Instance of this iieholjl Mr. Bryan denouncing Gov. Hughes ns the backer of trusts! No man In Amer ican life la more clearly entitled to credit as the defender of the rights of the people than the governor of the Empire state. He la a reformer who lias achieved results without talking everybody* to death. It may be added that the voter who wants to get at the real fact In the closing weeks of such a contest as la now In progress, when each side la hnsy misrepresenting the other, mutt dig them out for himself— nud very often, too. tfie aforesaid voter Is too mad to do It !— Springfield Re publican. Cause* Risk ■rr«slm. The American people cannot afford to rl* the government In the bands of a political schemer and a profession nl faker, one who Is constantly hunting for soma stalking horse ou which to rids Into power. Naturally the con servative, sensible voter tarns In dis pose from Mr. Bryan to the eanttooa. self-pol sad, wise statesman. William H. Taft, whs Is • pillar ef national strength. Seas tor William O. Bradley of KWMtftrr - ' THE SUPREME COURT. Choice of President Will Nraalwe Par-Reaching Consequence* (From Gov. Hughes* Ttnphwii speech.) "Not only will the coming eßmlfton directly affect the executive ksunrfe of the government, but It Is moat Im portant In Its relation to the JnSleial branch. Rarely has the choice of Presi dent Involved more far-reacMag con sequences, for It la not Improbable that the next President will appoint nt least four Judges of the United States Su preme Court Upon these appointments will largely depend the quality ef the Judicial work of this great court for years to come. Congress may paaa laws, but the Supreme Court Interprets and construes them and determines their validity. The Constitution, with Its guarantees of liberty and Its grants of Federal power. Is finally what the Supreme Court determines It to mean. Ui>on the learning, wisdom and char acter of the Judges of the Supreme Court rests not merely tlie Just de termination of the Important matters of private right which ceam before that august tribunal, but tea very larg£ degree the course of ear pelitl cal history and the development and security of our Institutions, la view of the vacancies which In the natural course of events will most probably oc cur during the next few years we must remember that we are about to choose a representative of the people to whom Is confided the nomination ef Federal judges, a power second to asse pos Kcssed by the President, the exercise of which calls for the highest Judg incut. If we should search the coun try for a delegate of the people who could be conlL»«utly Intrusted with this Important duty It Is probable that t»o one could command higher confidence than the - Repub)i<-nn candidate for President. Himself a Judge, learned In the wisdom of the law, be com inn ruled the respect and esteem of tlie entire bar of the country, without re gard to partiaau division. By litigants and lawyers alike It was felt that when he left bis Important place upon the- Circuit Court of Ap|>enl* to undertake his difficult duties In the Philippine*, the Judicial branch of the government had sustained a must serious loss. And lie has loug been regarded as one in every way worthy to succeed ttie pres ent chief justice of tlie United States. With his fairness nnd acumen, with tils wide knowledge of the bar from which the Judges must be recruited, with bis broadmindedness nud demo cratic sympathy nnd his keen Interest In all that pertains to the welfare of the people, we may be assured that If lie la selected to perform this duty tbs interests of the country wltt be impar tially nnd wisely safeguarded In its discharge.” MISSIONARIES CAPABLE AND EARNEST Taft Speaks Wall of Mission Work in Orient. Reference to the recent flattering In tcrvlew about Mr. Taft by Bishop flash font of the M. E. Church in China led the candidate Into s talk of mhartona. lie referred to a book written by Dr (1. E. Morrison, of the Ixuidon Times. In which the missionaries are crttlrleed an not being of real use. nnd slighting reference Is made to ”ltlce ChrtathHis." These, ns Mr. Taft explained, sre the natives who are said to nretead to be come converts only to enjoy the bsimty of the missions. “My own observation* In the Nrlnil.'* said Mr. Tsft. "lend me to brttove (hat Dr. Morrison’s criticisms are net Jus tilled The missions nre the aat(H»sin of our western civilization la China and the other Oriental countries, aad I tin vs found tlie missionaries an earnest nnd capable lot of people. It was tovaawe of my observations of the good dune by them In the Bast that our government established clubs on the Ist bams of Panama, and put Y. M. C. A. secretaries In charge. We also employed seven preachers, Protestant sod CatbsNa, who have built up churches. There are per Imps 10.000 white (teople sad MkOOO others brought from the West Indies In the canal zone. It was nbaolatelr socm anry that something of this htod ba done to prevent the pernicious effects of vice, which grows luxuriantly there If not cheeked.”—New York World. What Hew Brraalam ■—a, “Reduced down to Its final nagfih. this new Uryanlam la the moot daager ous fallacy that be has yet advocated. Ills main argument la that tbs otate and the national government exact of bankers security for public fund* aad therefore that tbs ordinary depositor should ba likewise secured. The plain nnawsr la, an Individual depositor has the same right aa the govenanaat to require security for hla deposits. but neither the government nor the deposit or baa any right to require oae bank to guarantee a deposit In another bank.” —Oscar S. Straus, Secretory De partment of Commerce sod Labor. Taft, IMI| HaghM, IBM, To tbs Editor of the New York World: t was not for Taft at first, but now I am. Bryan's election means continuance of the hard times that wa are now having. Taft's election means the return of prosperity. I sbaM voto for Taft, Sherman and 81cm* bopfag to vote for Hughes in 1012 — T. & Reddts, 8a Itvllle, Va., Oct. 8. “Anything that makes capital MR* or which reduces or destroys It, MNt re duce both wages and the opportunity k vara wage***—Mr, Taft, aft Nregif Unto* New Tort City.