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Cañon City record. [volume] (Cañon City, Colo.) 1883-192?, October 29, 1908, Image 12

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Fernier Supporters of Bryan Assart
Their Manhood and Quit the
Continuous Office-Seeker.
Thousands of Bryanites Turn to Taft
as the Campaign Nears the Bnd—
Neither the “Cleveland Demo
crats” Nor the Independent Voters
Take Their Places and Bryan’s
Defeat Is Certain.
The thousands who formerly voted
for Bryan, but who refuse to endorse
that candidate’s latest plea to be elect
ed President, Include thinking men of
all occupations and conditions in life.
They are now convinced that Bryan is
too unstable and impractical to be en
trusted in power. They like to hear
him talk, but they tremble at the
thought of him in the White House.
As the campaign has neared the fin
ish the defections from the Democratic
party in favor of Taft and Sherman
have gained in volume and Tt has been
easy to sec the steady drift away from
Bryan. With his old followers leaving
him, the “Cleveland Democrats” still
refusing to lieed his advice, and the
absolute failure to add new recruits to
his cause, the chances of the Nebras
kan for success have decreased steadily
as Nov. 3 approached.
The Fear of Bryan.
The fear that the election of Bryan
will turn back the hands of the pros
perity clock, no one knows how many
years, is obvious all over the country
and the feeling is shared by business
men and laboring men alike.
Samuel Rosenthal of Baltimore, of
the firm of St rouse & Brother, one of
the largest clothing manufacturers in
the country, has expressed the belief
that the prosperity of the country and
the steadiness of business depend on
the election of Taft. Although a Dem
ocrat of many years’ standing, Mr. Ro
senthal says he will vote for the Re
publican cjuididates.
In Omaha a railroad man—one in
the ranks—was listening to Bryan
make one of his big campaign speeches.
He stayed until Bryan began to attack
Roosevelt and to ask “what has Roose
velt ever done?” The railroad man
quit the meeting, procured a Taft badge
and pinned it on his coat In place of a
Bryan button, which he threw away.
He said he had intended to vote for
Bryan, but that Taft would get his bal
Carllslo Not for Bryan.
Some of the Bryanites have been pre
dicting that John G. Carlisle would
take a stand for the “Peerless,” but
so far their prophecies have failed and
It Is said by men who are close to that
adamantine defender of sound govern
ment policies that he will not urge tin.*
election of Bryan.
Joseph B. Gill. Lieutenant Governor
during the administration of John P.
Altgeld ns Governor of Illinois, and a
lifelong Democrat, has announced that
he will vote for William H. Taft. Mr.
Gill, now a resident of California, reg
istered at the Palmer House, Chicago,
on his return from a visit to his old
home at Murphysboro. where he still
owns a daily Democratic newspaper.
In the lobby he met I*en Small of Kan
kakee, field general of the Yates forces
during the primary fight. “I have been
a Democrat all my life,” said Gill, “but
I am going to vote for Taft. Why?
Well, the reason is short and simple.
Taft represents the true Roosevelt prin
ciples and Bryan represents almost
anything for Bryan.”
An Incident from Nebraska.
Frank Currie of Gordon, Neb., for
merly a State Representative, relates
the following, which is extremely Il
luminating as regards conditions in
“Bryan's own Stute”:
“In my travels over Nebraska I have
been able to find but one Republican
who snya be Is going to vote for Bryan.
Another little incident shows the way
the wind Is blowing. Recently at din
ner twelve voters were seated. Eight
had voted for Bryan In 1890 and four
of the twelve had voted for him in
1900, but each and every one declared
that this year they were going to vote
for Taft. I thought for a minute they
might be trying to string me, but after
talking it over with them I saw they
were all sincere in their convictions.”
John W. Reynolds, a Confederate vet
eran, writing to the Baltimore Ameri
can, says:
“It is true deplorable conditions ex
ist through some parts of the country,
but at the time Mr. Bryan was at the
helm in Congress they existed every
where. Ask the manufacturers, the me
chanics and farmers and laborers of
the country. It was the period that
few have forgotten. Never will I, as
a Southern man from the grand old
State of North Carolina, four years in
the service of the Confederacy fighting
for a cause I believed to be right. If I
live I shall cast my vote for the Hon.
W| H. Taft and Sherman for the pres
idency and vice presidency."
California •■ffarlcr Taras Away.
R. M. Hoteling of San Francisco,
who has been a liberal contributor to!
Democratic campaign funds, refused to
do so this campaign and announced he
had gone over to the Republican cause.
George B. Jones, former president of
the Democratic Negro Jefferson Club
of St Louis, started bis audience cheer
ing at the meeting of the precinct or
ganization of the Missouri Negro Re
publican League Club at 2349 Chestnut
street when he told why be left the
Democratic ranks. He promised to try
to Induce the members of the Demo
cratic organisation to follow him.
UfM I. Maxwell of Now York
City, Who fens supported every candi
date ef the Democratic party since
lit*. Sat come out la a long public
—Copyright, 1908, by the Mail and Express Company.
letter, telling why he has quit Bryan.
In closing he says:
“Many other suggestions occur to me,
but these I have mentioned suffice to
determine me, not to abandon Democ
racy, but to vote for a candidate for
the presidency whose election will go
far to insure the prosperity, peace and
happiness of this great people.
"New York, Oct. 14, 1908.”
Every Community Has Taft Converts
Efforts of the Buffalo News to ascer
tain the sentiment in the smaller towns
of? western New York reveal the fact
that in every community are many for
mer Bryan men who declare they will
vote for Taft and the assurance of
Brig. Gen. Iloratlo G. Gibson, U. S.
A., retired, of Washington, says:
"I am a Democrat, but I don’t see
how the Democrats can supi>ort Mr.
Bryan. He docs not seem to stand
fqj any of the real principles of the
party, and If I had a vote for the pres
tffenev. I certainly should not cast it
f» him.”
P. L. Jones of Ardmore, Okla., has
written to the Ardmore Statesman, say
ing that although a Democrat, he will
break “a custom that has been a fam
ily pride since the Civil War" and will
vote for Taft. Bryan’s connection with
Haskell was the last straw for Mr.
Frank 11. Jones of Chicago, who was
First Assistant Postmaster General for
four years under Mr. Cleveland, said:
“Mr. Bryan favors the guaranteeing
of bank deposits and has committed
the Democratic party in its platform
and in his public speeches to this un
sound and dangerous doctrine. It must
be admitted that on economic ques
tions affecting the farmer, the me
chanic, business and country generally,
either Mr. Bryan is dangerously un
sound or lie is willing to mislead the
people and threaten their prosperity
by advocating measures he knows to be
unsound, merely because for the mo
ment his views seem popular.
“I do not want to see the prosi»erlty
of this country threatened by unsound
experimental policies such as Mr. Bry
an’s past career proves he is too prone
to indulge In.
“Business confidence must be main
tained, the factories kept busy and
labor employed and the farmer must
not be disturbed in the prosiierity he
is now enjoying.
“The calm, forceful, intelligent and
conservative attitude of Mr. Taft in
aft of the important questions affecting
the public good assures us of continued
"To risk Mr. Bryan is dangerous to
our business prosperity.”
Enoouraiceiuent to Swindler*.
“Banks would be pretty nearly as nu
merous ns barrooms if Bryan's scheme
for guaranteeing national hank deposits
should ever become a law,” said Josinh
D. Dinkel, of Boston, who travels over
a large part of the country in the in
terests of a financial publication. I
coifne into contact with prominent bank
ers all over the United States aud I
have not talked with a single one who
is in favor of the scheme to guarantee
deposits, mainly for the reason that
they cannot see how anyone would be
protected. They also think that the
pljin would encourage, rather than pre
vent, dishonest methods. Why, Just
think how It would work out. Any
faker who could, by hook or by crook,
get a bank charter and persuade people
to deposit money In the bank, could
pack bis grip with the deposits and de
camp. The worst of It is that he could
get away with a comparatively clear
conscience, because lie would know that
the United States government, or some
mother banks, would reimburse the de
positors for what they had put In.”
In one of bis speeches last week Mr.
Taft remarked that “The tendency of
Mr. Bryan’s mind is toward a theory
that addresses Itself at once to the ap
proval of an audience and not one that
fits into the drafting of a statute to
accomplish anything.” This view help*
explain why Mr. Bryan gets so much
applause from an audience and so little
support at the polls. The sober second
thought is too much for him.—BL Loots
Bryan Is sn apostle of fallacies. Hfs
grest service to the country consists
In being defeated.—Governor HiflMa.
Not Anxious to Raise Price of Wool
for Benefit of Sheep Raisers.
But Would Lower Prices of Woolen
Goods for Benefit of Wearers.
In 1894, while a member of the
House of Representatives, Mr. Bryan
wrote the following letter to a constit
uent :
HOuse of Representatives,
Washington, D. C., Feb. 0. 1894.
Mr. V. Neuman, Oakland, Neb.:
Dear Sir —Your favor at hand. I
think you are right in saying that If
we prohibited the use of shoddy, either
directly or indirectly. It would Increase
the price of wool to some extent by in
creasing the demand for it. but it is
not expedient always to do everything
which It Is possible to do. I do not
think that the taxing power ought to
be used for any such purpose. I am
not so much interested in raising the
price of wool which will only benefit
those who raise sheep, as I am In low
ering the price of woolen goo<ls, which
will benefit all those who wear them.
Yours truly,
(Signed) W. J. BRYAN.
Bryan** Sophistry Show*.
'The American Bhcep Breeder in a
recent *BBIIO exposes the fallacy of the
Bryan contention as follows:
Bryan’s free wool sophistry is knock
ed Ir a cocked hat by facts and figures
as far as the "dear public” is con
cerned. Mr. Brynn doesn't believe in
building up a great national industry
like the wool Industry, at the expense
of the general public. Really, bow
much does the dear public have to pay
to maintain the wool iudustry of the
United States? Let us get down to
facte and figures. There are something
like one million men engnged in grow
ing w’ool, with about five hundred mill
ion dollars of capital Invested, with an
annual wool production of say from
fifty to sixty million dollars. Tbia fig
ure Is based on an average of 18 cents
per pound for the wool grown. In ad
dition to that, say fifteen million mut
tons are produced at a selling price of
uruuml sixty-five to seventy-five million
dollars. A fair valuation of the annual
production of wool anil mutton would
Ih» one hundred and twenty-five mill
ions. What the annual loss to this In
ti ustry would be under a free wool reg
ime Is well known. Instead of the
average of sny 18 cents per pound
(which is au extremely low figure for
wool under ordinary times) and the av
erage of about half that price for wool
(on a free trade basis) would mean
a loss to the wool grower of at least
twenty-five million dollars per year.
Wool growing In the West, under Cleve
land’s aduiinfstrntln. ruined thousands
of flockmnsters. Montana wools sold as
low as seven and eight cent per pound
under Cleveland. Two years ago these
wools brought anywhere from eighteen
to twenty-five cents per pound, and
even higher figures for exceptional
Free Trade No Btncat to CssraßW.
Now let us find out the cost of cloth
ing, and the so-called saving to the con
sumer. For a spring suit ef all-wool
clothes, three and one-half yards of
cloth are required. Ono yard of doth
welgbe ten ounces. This would require
a trifle over two pouuds of wool. A
fall suit requires three sod ooe-balf
yards at fourteen ounces to the yard,
or forty-nine ounces. The cost of cloth
ing represents 85 per cent In labor and
10 per cent In material. The ordinary
suit of clothing has 00 per cent of wool
and the balance le shoddy and cotton.
Suppose the tariff on wool were re
moved, that wool that bad been aver
aging 18 cents per pound fell 80 per
cent; the saving on a spring salt of
clothing would be a trifle under twenty
cents, providing the manufacturer and
the retailer cut down the price of the
garment to the extent of tho reduced
rains of tho wool sensed by a removal
of tlie tariff. On a fall suit of clothing,
based on the same figures and condi
tions, the cost would be reduced to I lie
extent of say 27 cents or therealniuts.
This means all-wool clothing, and does
not take Into consideration any shoddy
or cotton, which everybody knows Is
used extensively in low-priced gar
ments. As a matter of fact all woolen
clothing, or clothing made out of a
mixture of wool, cotton and shoddy,
never has, and never will, lie sold to
the consumer for one |>euuy less under
free wool conditions. Every school boy
knows that the cost of his clothing un
der ( levelaud's free wool reign was not
one cent reduced by tlie removal of the
tariff. Any reduction in the cost of
wool used In the manufacture of an
ordinary suit of clothing would be so
infinitesimal that any manufacturer.
Jobber, wholesaler or retailer would
laugh at the idea of the public saving
anything by the removnl of the tariff
on wool. It is the veriest nonsense to
consider this proposition for one mo
ment. We have, for our own satisfac
tto,n ireduced tlie possible cost of all
the woolen clothing used In the United
States for one year, providing the sidl
ing value of the goods were reduced to
the extent of the reduction In the price
of wool, and it reaches such a ridicu
lously low figure that It is not worth
mentioning. Everyone knows that our
manufacturers have to import about
twice the amount of wool w f e grow !n
tills country. Under ordinary business
conditions the tariff on wool has kept
the price up to a fair measure of profit
for the grower. No, gentlemen, wo want
no Bryan and free wool.
If Bryaa Should Ba Elcetal,
(From the Philadelphia Ledger. Ind.)
Two letters have boon received from
leaders who touch on the Intensely
practical aspects of the minimlgn. A
business man wishes to know what, hi
all human probability, w'ouid become of
business and of our wonted and desired
prosjierity If, perchance Bryan and n
Bryan administration should be chosen,
and a blunt, intelligent workingman,
whose letter Is too long for publication,
says that there is a “lot of blather** in
politics, and he w’ouid like to know*
what the ordinary skilled w'orkinan is
to “get” If Bryan Is elected and “what
Tuft has to offer.”
Those two inquiries embody n large
i*nrt of the pertinent question for the
mass of the nation, and the gist of the
answer may be given In a few words:
If Taft lie elected there will be rest, re
cuperation, confidence and prosperity;
If Bryan be elected there will be acute
danger of unrest, lack of coofidonce
and uncertainty at least for a long time,
and the probability of a prolongation
of resuscitation of that stagnation from
which the country is now by slow, la
bored and painful effort beginning to
The country is Just licglnnlng to re
cover from the industrial paralysis.
The crops are passing fair; the people
of the nation are rich; our Institutions
are all sound; every known factor and
material influence concerned In the re
turn of Immediate, abounding, astound
ing activity and prosperity la present
save only—complete restoration of con
fidence. The only known or conceivable
Influence which acts to retard manufac
turing and general Industrial operations
and the full employment of all work
ers at this time Is the lingering politi
cal unrest and the knowledge thst a
presidential campaign must be held be
fore the atmosphere Is finally cleared,
so that “cowardly capital” will trust Its
head forth again from Its safe deposit
lajaaatlssa Mntrala Capital.
”1 am against those guerillas who
would destroy this most vital writ of
conscience. The court of equity la the
keeper of the people's conscience and
the writ of Injunction Is Its most valu
able power. It prevents the digging
of a ditch that will damage adjacent
property; compels railroads to furnish
cars. It stays the hands of lawless
corporations from committing acts,
which once done would work as Injury
that could not ba amended. Under tbs
plan of the opposition yon take tbs
bridle off for lawless wealtb aad bid It
ran wild. Scores mere ef injunctions
hare been loaned against capital tbaa
against labor. Name me one and I will
name you at least 100 against capital/*
-Senator Albert J. Beveridge.
Neted Financial Expert Advises
Against In considered Action.
All Classes Interested In Retablisk
lng Bound Nanking System.
Victor Morawetz, recognized as an
expert upon financial and economic
questions, says the Bryan bank <kg>osit
guarantee plan would encourage "wild
cat” banking. These are excerpts from
a recent article written on the subject
by Mr. Morawetz:
If It were true that the adoption of
this plan would make all deposits In
natloual banks equally safe and there
by would inspire confidence In all na
tional bank deposits, as Mr. Bryan
claims, the plan would prove a direct
encouragement to “wildcat” banking
and would prove disastrous In the long
run. It would enable speculators or
inexperienced |*»r*ous to form a bank
with small capital and to obtain large
deposits ou the strength of the guar
anty, by offering higher rates of Inter
est to depositors than a conservatively
managed bank could afford to pay : and
they could then use these deposits In pro
moting speculative or unsound ventures.
They would only risk the loss of the
small capital which they contrib
uted and their individual liability for
an equal amount. If tlielr speculations
should succeed, they would reap large
profits, but tf their speculations should
fail and the money obtained from de
positors be wasted, the sound batiks
would have to bear the loss.
Republican Plan Rational.
Tlie Republican fsirty proposes to
deal with this banking question in s
rational, conservative manner. Having
regard to the difference between savings
deposits and those commercial deposit
liabilities which are merely bank cred
its created as a means of carrying on
the business of the country, the Repub
lican party proposes to establish a sys
tem of postal savings banks *o that the
tieoplo everywhere throughout the
country can deposit their savings with
absolute safety. A proposal bus ulso
lieen made, and, no doubt, will l>e con
sidered by Congress, of authorizing the
national banks to establish savings de
partments to he managed, under the sti
perrlslon of the Comptroller of tlie Cur
rency. according to the most approved
methods of munaglng savings banks.
The Republican party recognizes that
the United States should have the
soundest and safest system of hanking
and currency that can lie devised, and
to that end a Republican Congress has
upfiolnted a national cmuiitlnsioii. con
sisting of Senators and Representatives
of both the political parties. That com
mission Is now considering tlie subject
in all Its bearings, and after holding
public bearings will make Its recom
mendations to Congress at tlie earliest
All CIMBM Kqnallr UlerMlcS,
All classes of the i»eople and all sec
tions of the country are equally Inter
ested In establishing our system of
hanking nnd currency upon the sound
est iKMtslhlc bnsls. The welfare of the
entire country depends ujmn a sound
nnd practical system of bunkiog nnd
currency, nnd the only patriotic course
Is to eliminate nil party feeling nisi
politlcs from the consideration of tills
great subject. We know that tlie pres
ent system is not perfect nnd should be
Improved, hut we know also that we
have prospered under this system aml
that there Is no such pressing need for
a change ns to warrant hasty or ill
considered action. Tills plan of guar
anteeing bank deposits undoubtedly will
In* considered with the utmost care by
the National Monetary Commission, and
If the plan ran stand careful analysis
and scrutiny It will be adopted by Con
gress whether the government be con
trolled by Republicans or Democrats.
But it would Is* wroug—lnexcusably
wrong—to treat tills great nud difficult
question of finance ns a question of
party politics, to lie dealt with by popu
lar vote In the heat of a presidential
campaign. Surely the Amerleou people
will not make this far-reaching change
In their banking system nnd try this
dangerous experiment, upon the recom
mendation of the Democratic party and
of a leader who. twelve years ago.
nnd ngnin eight years ago. urged the
adoption of the worst financial fallacy
of the age, nnd. If Ills counsels lind pre
vailed. would hnvo plunged the whole
country Into disaster and shame.
Bryan's Draisalallos mt HsgbM.
About this time In a presidential (ton
teat partisan speakers run emptyings.
As a melancholy Instance of this iieholjl
Mr. Bryan denouncing Gov. Hughes ns
the backer of trusts! No man In Amer
ican life la more clearly entitled to
credit as the defender of the rights of
the people than the governor of the
Empire state. He la a reformer who
lias achieved results without talking
everybody* to death. It may be added
that the voter who wants to get at the
real fact In the closing weeks of such a
contest as la now In progress, when
each side la hnsy misrepresenting the
other, mutt dig them out for himself—
nud very often, too. tfie aforesaid voter
Is too mad to do It !— Springfield Re
Cause* Risk ■rr«slm.
The American people cannot afford to
rl* the government In the bands of
a political schemer and a profession nl
faker, one who Is constantly hunting
for soma stalking horse ou which to
rids Into power. Naturally the con
servative, sensible voter tarns In dis
pose from Mr. Bryan to the eanttooa.
self-pol sad, wise statesman. William H.
Taft, whs Is • pillar ef national
strength. Seas tor William O. Bradley
of KWMtftrr - '
Choice of President Will Nraalwe
Par-Reaching Consequence*
(From Gov. Hughes* Ttnphwii
"Not only will the coming eßmlfton
directly affect the executive ksunrfe
of the government, but It Is moat Im
portant In Its relation to the JnSleial
branch. Rarely has the choice of Presi
dent Involved more far-reacMag con
sequences, for It la not Improbable that
the next President will appoint nt least
four Judges of the United States Su
preme Court Upon these appointments
will largely depend the quality ef the
Judicial work of this great court for
years to come. Congress may paaa
laws, but the Supreme Court Interprets
and construes them and determines
their validity. The Constitution, with
Its guarantees of liberty and Its grants
of Federal power. Is finally what the
Supreme Court determines It to mean.
Ui>on the learning, wisdom and char
acter of the Judges of the Supreme
Court rests not merely tlie Just de
termination of the Important matters
of private right which ceam before
that august tribunal, but tea very
larg£ degree the course of ear pelitl
cal history and the development and
security of our Institutions, la view of
the vacancies which In the natural
course of events will most probably oc
cur during the next few years we must
remember that we are about to choose
a representative of the people to whom
Is confided the nomination ef Federal
judges, a power second to asse pos
Kcssed by the President, the exercise
of which calls for the highest Judg
incut. If we should search the coun
try for a delegate of the people who
could be conlL»«utly Intrusted with this
Important duty It Is probable that t»o
one could command higher confidence
than the - Repub)i<-nn candidate for
President. Himself a Judge, learned
In the wisdom of the law, be com
inn ruled the respect and esteem of tlie
entire bar of the country, without re
gard to partiaau division. By litigants
and lawyers alike It was felt that when
he left bis Important place upon the-
Circuit Court of Ap|>enl* to undertake
his difficult duties In the Philippine*,
the Judicial branch of the government
had sustained a must serious loss. And
lie has loug been regarded as one in
every way worthy to succeed ttie pres
ent chief justice of tlie United States.
With his fairness nnd acumen, with
tils wide knowledge of the bar from
which the Judges must be recruited,
with bis broadmindedness nud demo
cratic sympathy nnd his keen Interest
In all that pertains to the welfare of
the people, we may be assured that If
lie la selected to perform this duty tbs
interests of the country wltt be impar
tially nnd wisely safeguarded In its
Taft Speaks Wall of Mission Work
in Orient.
Reference to the recent flattering In
tcrvlew about Mr. Taft by Bishop flash
font of the M. E. Church in China led
the candidate Into s talk of mhartona.
lie referred to a book written by Dr
(1. E. Morrison, of the Ixuidon Times.
In which the missionaries are crttlrleed
an not being of real use. nnd slighting
reference Is made to ”ltlce ChrtathHis."
These, ns Mr. Taft explained, sre the
natives who are said to nretead to be
come converts only to enjoy the bsimty
of the missions.
“My own observation* In the Nrlnil.'*
said Mr. Tsft. "lend me to brttove (hat
Dr. Morrison’s criticisms are net Jus
tilled The missions nre the aat(H»sin
of our western civilization la China and
the other Oriental countries, aad I tin vs
found tlie missionaries an earnest nnd
capable lot of people. It was tovaawe of
my observations of the good dune by
them In the Bast that our government
established clubs on the Ist bams of
Panama, and put Y. M. C. A. secretaries
In charge. We also employed seven
preachers, Protestant sod CatbsNa, who
have built up churches. There are per
Imps 10.000 white (teople sad MkOOO
others brought from the West Indies In
the canal zone. It was nbaolatelr socm
anry that something of this htod ba
done to prevent the pernicious effects
of vice, which grows luxuriantly there
If not cheeked.”—New York World.
What Hew Brraalam ■—a,
“Reduced down to Its final nagfih.
this new Uryanlam la the moot daager
ous fallacy that be has yet advocated.
Ills main argument la that tbs otate
and the national government exact of
bankers security for public fund* aad
therefore that tbs ordinary depositor
should ba likewise secured. The plain
nnawsr la, an Individual depositor has
the same right aa the govenanaat to
require security for hla deposits. but
neither the government nor the deposit
or baa any right to require oae bank
to guarantee a deposit In another
bank.” —Oscar S. Straus, Secretory De
partment of Commerce sod Labor.
Taft, IMI| HaghM, IBM,
To tbs Editor of the New York
World: t was not for Taft at first,
but now I am. Bryan's election means
continuance of the hard times that wa
are now having. Taft's election means
the return of prosperity. I sbaM voto
for Taft, Sherman and 81cm* bopfag to
vote for Hughes in 1012 — T. & Reddts,
8a Itvllle, Va., Oct. 8.
“Anything that makes capital MR* or
which reduces or destroys It, MNt re
duce both wages and the opportunity k
vara wage***—Mr, Taft, aft Nregif
Unto* New Tort City.

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