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4 - t - 7- t - - . - - * - F 4P14 s-V V.LM 1 9S :-E b9 X 'I* The Sumter Banner: JBLIIlED-I.ffBY, WEDNESDAY MORNING, BY WILLIAM J. FRANCIS. TERMS: 'Vwo;Dollars in advance, Two Dollars and Fifty-cents at the expiratron of six months, or Three Dollars at the end of the year. No paper discontinued until all arrearages are paid, unless at the opti-on of the Proprietor DJ-Advertiseinents inserted at 75 cts. per 6qUare,-(.4 lines or less,) for the first and half that sum for each subsequent insertion ' U7The number of insertions to be marked on all Advertisements or they will be publish ed until ordered to- be discontinued, and charged accordingly. l7rOne.Dollar per square for a single in sertion. Quarterly and Monthly Advertise. ments will be charged the same as a single nsertion, and semi-monthly the same as new ones All. Obituary Notices exceeding six lines, and Coinmunicgtions recommendi ng Cand dates for publickiffices or trust-or luffing Exhibitions, will be charged as Advertise ments. -%7All letters by mail must be paid to in sure punctual attendance. (FOR THE BANNER.] BISnOrvILLE 5th July, 1849. Editor Banner: After the conclusion of the Anniversary celebration at Piedmont Church near Bish opville on the 4th instant, a meeting was forthwith called, for the purpose of taking in to consideration, the subject of Northern in terference with the institution slavery, and other matters connected therewith. The meeting which was large and highly respec table, was organized by calling Dr. Joun E. DENNIs to the Chair, and appointing Wmn Rogers Secretary. The Chairman then ex plained more fully the object of the meeting by stating, that it was called to take into con sideration the cause of the northern people, touching the institution of slavery, more es pecially, in regard to the efforts being made to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia and to prohibit its further extension into the Territories of the United States; and also, the course that has been pursued south, as re gards southern rights and interests. A mo tion was made and carried, to appoint a coni inittee of 20, to draft preamble and resolutions expressive of the sense of this meeting. Wher upon the following gentlemen were appoint ed the comniittee, viz, Capt. Jae. Rembert, T. M. Muldrtw, John 0. Durant, M. Dubose, J, W. Stuckey, IRI. . Engai* ;m E. Muld row, Rev. T. R. English, Geo. AlcCutcheon, Alfred Scarborough, Esq. L. L. Fraser. Win. Shaw, Hardy Stuckey, Adison Stuckey, Jas. *#*Witherspooni, A. Alexander, T. B. Fraser, E1sq. Geo. Huggins, E. Keils, and J. A. Carnes. The committee thereupon retired to the Church, and upon their return made the fol lowing report, REPORT, Your Committee, in approaching iis sub. ject, have felt that it was environed with difficulties of a very serious nature, which, had not a sense of duty and interest forbid den, would have stopped them in the very outset of their undertaking. These difficul. ties arise, in part, from the very freedon *hich we enjoy, and particularly the free 4dm of speech, and of the Press. Under the broad egis of the Constitution these are en joyed by every mai. subject only to those limitations, which common sense and experi ence have found to be necessary to the exist ence of society, and the interest of its miemi. bars. No action on our part can effect or di mninish this freedom. Again, your Committee have felt that, to some extent, complaint and remonstrance against rabid abolitionists, and all others wvho syinpathise wvith themm for transmitting through the public mail their pamphlets and papers to the people of the South, are undig rights under the Constitution of the gUnited States, we should entrench ourselves behind this rampart, and wait until thiose rights were openly assailed, and until this bond of Union was rent assunder by violence, and trammpled under foot. To complain andl remonstrate will only lend our aid to effect a diversion from the true merits of the controversy be tweeni the free and slave states of this Union. It is a course also wvhich, in all probability, will niow, and for time to come, as well as in times past, be attended with no advantage to the South.. Your Committee might also mention as another difficulty wvhich has pressed upon them ini considering this subject, the state of publicopinions and feeling upon the same. The youth, in regard to thie. matter, may be divi ded into two classes. The lirst of these ap prehiended no danger from any measures - which abolitionmists have hitherto employed, or are nowv employing, to brinig about their aims. Even the powerful atom of the Press wielded against us in the dissomination of abuse-.nay of the most insurrectionary and incaendiary publications wvhich they can issue, ~hey regard as comparatively harmless "Gal lie-like they care for none of these things." The second, are carried away by rage and jnadness against the authors of such nefari ous schemes; and as usual with men under the excitement of strong passionis, they nei thmer do, nor are they capable of wisely plan ning how to defend their rights. Of the first of these classes, or those wvho fear nothinig upon this subject, your Committee would on ly say, that they evince neither wisdom nor kr.owledge of human nature. Nor cani your Commilttee discover any improvement which they have made by the stidy of the pages of history, either ancient or modern, however shrewd and calculating they may be upon other matters we can give them no credit for shewdness and powers of calculating here. Of the second of these classes, or the furiohs, your Committee would ouly say that they act unwisely in suff'ering passion to dethrone reason. If ever coolness, and deliberation, and firmness of purpose, backed by an intel ligent view of things are necessary to men, they are to the people of the South. Yet all dangers are not death. Every threatning cloud does not contain the whirlwind or tor nado. Every storm which rises at sea does not swallow up those within its reach. And of every ball discharged in battle, it has been estimated that only one in ten thousand takes effect. Such are some of the difficulties which have met the Committee in approach ing this subject. But these difficulties, how ever formidable, have not kept them fromdis charging their duty to the extent of their ablity. As the ardent scholar redoubles his efforts when his lessons grow harder, and the true Patriot makes the greater exertions to save his Country the more its liberty is threatened, so your Committee trust they have acted in the discharge of their duty. That the results of our deliberations may ap pear in some tangible form, we will present thema under the following heads: 1. Oar Rights. 2. The injuries which have been, and are still doing us, in the enjoyment of these rights. 3. Our duty in the premises. 1. Our Rights. When we speak of rights in this connec tion, we mean, as a matter of course, only those which have relation to negro slavery, and in the first place. we remark concerning these rights, thaL they are not of that class about which men may form various opinions as to their existence, nature and extent. They are recognised in the Constitution of the United States, interwoven with it and make a part thereof. Take then away and it is no longer the Constitution of 1789, that glorious bark which has weathered every storm from the time it was launched until the present moment. Take these away and what remains, so far as the South is concerned, is not worth preserving. It can do us no good, but only evil and that continually. I lad not those rights been recognised, this Union would never have been lormed; and as soon as they are destroyed the value of this Union to us is gone. The compact iriginally form ed in the same spirit of compromise must be preserved in thesame spiriL It will avail but little for two persons who are estranged from each other, to become reconciled by imutual compromise, unless they preserve the same sirit which first brought theim together. Agam, we remark that, so tar as the consti tition is concerned, they are guaranteed to us just as strongly as the right u trial by jury, or the rightto the ree and unrestrained choice of worshipping God in whatever manner our conscience.s, enlightened by his word, shall dictate to us to be proper. In other words, our rights With regard to the institution of doimestic slavery stand upon the same footing in the Constitution With those last ention ed: and as the lattar can never wrested from us until liberty has beenstrainpled in tlh dust so neither can the former. Then two things wth regard to those rights whiehi are under coisideration, your Committee judge to be highly imortant, and ought to be constantly remenbered and well considered by every citizen of the South. And it is for the accom pishnient of these ends that they are intro duced here. It is only in this way we can prepare ourselves for the worst, should it ev. er come. Yet your Conuittee fear that our citizens, to some extent at least, are inconsid erate and unmindful of these things. Vhat we say to all is, we have constitutional rights to the free enjoyment of this domestic insti tution, standing upon the same footing with many of the dearest rights which we enjoy as citizens of these United States. These should be carefully studied, duly estiiated, and coi. stantly kept before our minds, so that whenn they should he invaded we shall be prepared for an intelligent and prompt defence of them at any, and all hazards. 2. The injuries which have been, and are dloing us, in the enjoyment of this right. And here let it be remarked that we are not aware of anyv essential ditierence between the laws which govern private rights, and ahose which govern ptublic rights. F~or ex aimple. If A. utliciouishy, ol~ensiv'ely, and re peatedlly intermeddle with the ahifairs oa 13. obtruding upon him his opinions and vitu perations for not agreeing with him, none will hold A to be a quiet anid peaceable citizen. (Or if, again. Tihie cotton grower of the South should set himself uip to adlvise and control ,the maniutactturer of the North, by insistig that lhe should puirsue some other business, or should have balances of another kinad fromi those emnployed; anid then not meeting with success in is self imposed task, should load him with abuse and pursutade his labourers to qutit his service, would not this lie held to lie most unwarantable aind reprehmensible con. duct, an offence against all good njiorals as well as constitutional rights. Now to Abolitioniists, and all others whuo act in cotncert wvithi themi ini disturbming t he South we can say "Mutato nozumie tabula, de to, un'rritur" while quietly minding otur own business, we have been assailed by the Press, in Congress, andl from the Pulpit. The peace of our citi zens has beeti interrupted by insturrectionary aind incendiary Pamphlets anid Doctuments. Our slaves have been excited to revolt and rebellion against their owners by such inhin eances brought to bmar upon their minids. We are thtus brought into jeopardy by those who, are under every obligation to defenad us. Ouir natural friends have become our encemies, even ais we have rallied around the Constitu tion, we have born the shock of their as sauls, We are threatened with being driv en from this strong hold,-the very honors of the alter of the Constitution, it is dotermnin ed, shall afford us no0 protection. Buat let tus look a little miore in detail at, these wrongs. TIhey commenced at a very early >)eriod in the history of our Government. i'he Mis souri compromise was by no means tiheir star made by the Soutljsliiatltir of peace, put asto) Minisiri compromise only i htii i mot proviso and. ichi follhwed and' are1 ly Astb.t out of that act 6tM InAotic'6/ ti6 Jd- " however at- the iore publio, An - t wrongs which have been Aone s.thae your Committee wish' tl - puilic ttelibn. Those of a niore prita~nd ihidinui haturoe shall briefly comebunder6yview 1. School books and pi4tpqri1 publica tions for children, arimnie the'or e of car icature and abuse of slavery at t 136M1B.-. True these are not very common idwongl us (at least in their offensivo forms) frpuTtho fact that it is hazardous for pullmibeif and .book sellers to expose to sale such -WAieas. far from Masons and Dixona line as tho -,t gions we occupy. And yet many stfaggling publications of this sort find their way even into South Carolina. Go 'however, to.the border states, and you will-find inany such publications. From these paid. over mto'the: free states and there scarcely aiything else. will meet your eye in the hands of childrepi. 2. Account of the meetings of Abolitionists,: and of their doings which they manage tu. git circulated among ti, and which are Often copied (we think injudiciously, into southern papers) is another wrong we endure. These. are read here and there by6'colored people, and their contents doled out to otheis. - Now it is enough for all the purposes of mischief if only a few have access to them; for the history of insurrections, and of all at temps made in that way, most conclusively proves that a few ring leaders cause all the mischief; the mass are mere tools. In this connection your committee would remark that even the colonization society to those only professed object is to remove all free persons of color who are willing to go their Fatherland (which would certainly be a great blessing to the South) has become incidentaly a source of danger to the South. For in the first place, while this is the professed ob. ject of the society, written upon the very face of the Constitution, its supporters in a great mary instances, are hostile to the in'stitution of slavery, and fondly hope by this instrumen ality to sap its foundation in this country. It is not however at their sus esses in getting Southern moen to send off their slaves, ' that we c4miiplain so much; but at the tendency of their eflbrts, and in some cases their direct aims to briag this institution into disrepute. This moreover has an injurious influence up on our slaves. They hear Liberia spoken of in such glowing colors,-its growing prosper ity and increasing resources,-the case of ob. tailing a support, and the freedom enjoyed by its citizens, that their heads become ad died. They wish for such a state of things, and the wish, very naturally, becomes father to the thought. 3. Another wrong is the sending to South ern men, through the publei mail, pamphlets and documents-touchimg negro slavery, and in many cases of a grossly nousive character. No man has tie right to wound the feelings and excite time passions of another, needlessly. It is an act of wantonness which no system of morals can justify; and especially is this true after fair notice has icent given of the of fects produced by such a course of conduct. Same of your Committee have been receiv ing such coimnunications for years past, without knowing either the source from whence they canie or being able todevise any plan to defend themselves. How long this miay continue, or how imuch more annoying it may become, they are una ble to conjecture. Perhaps if a law were enac ed by Congress requiring every post master to stamp the name of his oilice upoin all newspapers mailed there (as in the case of letters) it might enable us to determine, in part the chercabouts of those who are thus assailiing tis. 4. Still another evil to be deplored is the existence of a class among ourselves sprung up it seems of late, who are advocating eman cilpation. \Ve will not suffer ourselves to canvans, either their character or either mo tives. Our imaginations shall not picture theim before us, as disappointed statesmien, mei of shattered fortunes.---more visionaries or reckless revolutionist in their feelings. \Ve know not who thay are, either "JBrutus" or true "Caroinian"! but we do know; that with such views feelings and aims as they have, it would be wise ini them, to refrain from pubhishimng and scatterinig broadl cast their pln;or if they caiinot contain to go north of Al ason's andI Dixon's hne before I hey stop to proclaim them. Above all men upon the face of the earth, they coiie with the worst grace from "A True Carolinian'"' or from "IBrutus,"' who professes to have coniton iin terest with the imiass of our citizemis. I laying nowv considleredl our rights, and the wi ongs which have beeni, anid are still doing us, in the enijoymient of these rights; before disissing this part of the subjiect, we feel called upon to declare, that, wvith those of our brethren at the North, who have carefully refrained fromi dusturbinig tus in any manner upon this point, we have no quarrel and to wards t hose who have stood biy us, anid nobly dlefendled us, entertainu thme very kindest teel ings, which heaven grant, may long conit iinue. 3. Otur duty ini the premises. Iloere your Committee, as you may readily suippose. feel munch emubarrassed bthl as to thme niatter and muanner of their recotnmneiida tions. They would however, venture to makhe the following suggestiotns. 1. We should make ourseives familiar with the nature and extent of our rights, as an in tegrel portmin of this Confederacy. Knowh edge is ever favorable to liberty. The sound est expoisuists of Constittutionial law should1( he carefully studhied, anid urged upon our children, as worthy of their highest attention. liven classical and mat heiiatical k~nowledge, must yield in point of imoportanice to tIlIis. Above all the Constittution itself must be car.. fully studied. 2. We shoutld never allow ourselves to bie thrown off our guard, by the excitemet of passion. Aleii under the excitemient of passion, are not wise ini council or v'ery form idable in battles. 3. It is the opinion of your Commiittee, that all abolition papers and documents touch ing negro slavery, adlverse to the views and interests of the pekil ople te Souihahould. be destroyed immeditely upon their "recep tion, by trlie to whom -they are addressed, and they a.coidingly reeinsend. he adop tion of this cause, ai most ikily to defeat the ends of our enemies. 4 We should'a far aws ' can, be indul 'gentin our feelings towards tiose who are prejudice0d against:, us, merel- 'bee use of, ignorance. Such may be .valuable. friende, -and especially willit be thte case if they un dsraiand and are dbiernilned to abide by, the Constition of thd:United States 5 .We should endeavor'by the public 'dis. cusion of all questions touching our Consti 'tuti6al' rights, to disseminate just concep tionpof their-nature and extent among our ellow citizens. And also, to awaken in their mninds 'becoming zeal for their preservation. 1o people can long retain their, liberty,, who are not36alous concerning'eneroachment up. 9 tiirrights. Fully to understand- their. nature and duly to estimate their Importance, 'are especiolly necessary to the preservation of freedom. In conclusion, your Committee feel that Jhey.Are called upon to present in some more tangiblo form than they have - yet done, the esult of their deliberations upon this whole subject, of such:.momentona. hnportance to the people of the-South; and, would ac cordingly propose, for thWa tion of the meeting the following: RESOLUTIONS. 1. Resolved. That the people of the South will yield to no portion. of this confederacy, in. their attachment to this vernment ad ministered in accordance wi the Constitu tion of the United States. - 2. That the South has ever borne her-full 'shard of the public burdens, ever been prompt to respond to any and every call for men and *woneylo defence of the nation's rights and lionur. 3. That much as we prize this union, we prize for more our constitutional rights, guar anteed to us in the federal compact. 4. That it is the deliberate opinion of this meeting and also of the great majority of the South,.that our, constitutional rights have been long trampled upon, and are in great danger of being; wrested from us entirely. . . That the South has borne their violation so long that forbearance will soon (if not al ready) cease to be a viriuc. 0. That we have witnessed with profound regret, that indocision and to us apparent tameness, which our late Convention has nianifestid. 7.. That in-the -opinion of this meeting a SoutheruConvintion should not only have been urged, but the time and and 'place pro posed for its meeting.. 8. That this body in Its organized capacity, and as individuals, willstrenuously endeavor to bring about unity in feeling and action at the South in defence of our common rights. 9. That allcongreilonal action at touch ing the abolishment 'of negro slavery in pla ces under the control of the Federal Legisla ture, is in derogation 'of our rights, and un waranted by the Constitution of the United States. 10. That Territories, acquired at the -ex pences of the blood and treasure of the whole Union are, and of right ought to be, free to all. 11. That the assaults made upon negro slavery, and the numerous abductions of our slaves, and oppositions of all kinds raised to their recovery by the North, justify and call for, upon the principle of self preservation, a strict vigilance to be exercised over 'all among us whose principles are adverse t' ours, and who are found in any manner tam pering with our servants, 12. That the Committee and meeting, as individnals, pledge their property, their lives, and their sacred honor, should it ever become necessary to make such sacrifices, for - their Constitutional rights-their paternal inheri tance. All of which is respectfully submit. ted. On motion of Capt. J. D. Ashmore, the preamble and resolutians were unanimously adopted by the meeting. On motion of Gen. S. R. Chandler, it was Resolved. That this preamble and resolu tions be published in the Sumter Banner, Charleston ialercury, and South Carolinian. .NO. E. DENNIS, Chm'n. WVar. RoG EHS, Sec'y. [From tihe Washington- Union.j Who has betrayed the South? It cannot be denied; thtta very groat change in relation to the subject of slavery has taken place in the free States, not only in the sentiments which prevail among the mass of thogpeople of those States, but in the. political ac tion of both of the great parties into which they are divided . The fact. can not be denied, that it is but a few years since when Abolitionism was a mneagre faction even in the New England States, and its advocates wore oven there treated with contempt, ridicule, and sometimes with violence, when they attemplted to hold meetings for the. pur pose of discussing the doctrines' which they professed. Nor had it made' any head way in Congress. The South presented, at that time, an undivided front upon a question which affected"so v'itally her great interest, and she was sustained by a band of firm and intro pid friends among the Democratsofthe free States, which enabled her in* n great measure to suppress oven .th ig itation of the dangerous qro (o slavery. It cannot be deniod,'lt nuot more than six years ago the South w.s triumphant in the halls of Cong~ess 'ol' this question, which so intimatelyin volves her peace and security, and wds enabled through the fidelity ofth Democratic Representatives from the free States, offe~ to sup '~aU agitatior. -2p She subject. Such was the state oF things no farther back than six years. Now what is the state of the question both in Congress and the States in .which slavery does not exist ? In Con .gross the South .have bben defeated and prostrated on this great question. She has been insulted, and even the sa cred 'guaranties of the Constitution, which should be her protection, have been grossly violated and trampled upon in the Huee o Representatives. The rules adopted prev.cnt the agitation of the subject have been repealed, and even on the great question relating to the territories, she has failed in obtain ing the rights and securities which she claims under the Constitution. And what is the state of the question in the free States ? A cliange equally as radical and profound has there taken place among both people and politicians. 6x years ago the South could rely im plicity upon the support of one of the great parties at the North. She had friends in Congress from the North be longing to the Democratic party, who nobly defended and mAintained her rights. But now, what is the state of things ? Nearly all those friends have been stricken down and have disappear ed, and she is left to battle for her rights almost alone and single-handed. These are facts, stubborn facts, and they cannot be denied. And now it remains to inquire into the causes which have produced this great change in the sentiments and conduct of the people of the free States, and in Con gress, upon the subject of slavery, and to ascertain, if possible, who have been its authors. In our judgement, there is but one cause, and the authors to that cause are as apparent to our view as the cause it self. It is the alliance of the South ern Whigs with Northern Whigs; for which the leaders of the Whig party in the South are alone responsible. Let us look back into the history of the slavery question in Congress, and see if we have not abundant evidence to support the position which we have as sumed. Every Southop'man will remember, that the agitation of the slave question in Congress is comparatively of recent date. It commenced under the auspi ces of the late John Quincy Adams, who owed a debt of hatred and revenge to the South for the political hostility wbiich both he and his father encoun te-ed from the Democracy of that por. tion of the Union. He became the great agitator, and the patron of the pretended right of petition, under which the abolitionist claimed. the-right of inun dating both Congress and the country with his inflammable matter upon the subject of slavery. In 1838, the nuis ance had become so intolerable in the House of representatives, that body found it necessary to take some steps to suppress and put an end to it. And hence the resolutions known as the "Atherton resolutions" were adopted. Those resolutions were presented by Mr. Atherton, a Democratic member from New Hampshire, and were adopt ed by a unanimous vote on the part of the Southern members, and a large share of the Democratic members fromn the free States, very few if any Whigs from the free States voting for them. They provided that Abolition petitions should be received and referred to a committee without reading. Still the agitation was not allayed. Under the lead of Mr. Adams, 'aided and assisted by Mr. Slado, a Whig from Vermont, and Mr. Gde dings, an other Whig from Ohio, petitions of the most objectionable character, and inost insulting to the South, continued to be presented in greater numbers than ev er ; and so great was the excitement produced by them, and the consequent interruption of business, that the House was compelled, at the session of 1889-'40, to adopt the celebrated 21st rule, which excluded the reception of petitions upon the subject of slavcery. This resolution was adopted by the unanimous vote of the Southern mem bers, and twenty-eight Northern Dem ocrats ; all the Whig members from the free States voting against them except one. Th~us, at that time, the whole Whig pgrty of the North had abandon ed the interests of the South and, come cut on theosido of the Abolitionist ; is jeaving the South and a devoted band ofNortherii Democrats to fight the bqtles of the South against the incen s,-ie who wore endeavoring to light tetotrch of insurrection and servile wa ti her very bosom. .Aftor this olear - demonstration- that the South hadnothng to hope rt Whigs of the Noith, and l hope from tha diemoirats whV proved to be her true and steadfabt friends, what course ought she'td 1uie. pursued ? The voice of re'.on a dof common sense answers, thatieshetsiu'1 have stood by her true 'friehas Iftvtid free States, the ,Deaddrats. Bdfwhi course did she take?' TheDer ifo4( of the South continued to -stppoit . Northern friendd.oftho South; but the Whigs of the South deseited hidA After this demonstration .6f 'divisi6 among the politicians ad pe'plo of A& South, and the alliance of the Southeij4 Whigs with the Northern Wliigs, ivhif was the course' of the latter? They became openrand avowed Abolitionists: They passed resolutions against slave ry, not only in their popular conenz tions, but in their State Legislaturei; and permitted no opportunity to; pidS to inflame the popular mind against slavery. And in Congress,'Whig Rep: resentatives from the North voted on all occasions and on. all estions, against tho.South. At home t ey wa ged incessant war against; the Demo:. crats who. had maintained the ri hts of the South. They joined with the Ab olitionists in hunting down and desto ing politically every Northern man who dared to stand up ir defence of ti constitutional rights of the SoUth: And while these Whig enemies:'of the South were engaged in this infarnous, work of hunting down the true friends of the South. Southern Whigs aided -them and encouraged them, - Oxulting with them over ever victim whom they had prostrated and iestroyed. South ern Whigs rejoiced in every victory, which their Northern Abolition allies gained over the Democracy -of the North, upon whom alone the- South could rely for the defence of her rights. When the Democracy of -New Hamp-' shire was temporarily broken down and defeated by the treachery of Hale, Southern Whigs, both orators and presses, were loud in their rejoicings at the event. They exulted at the election of Hale to the Senate, and a gan in .the election of Wilson and Tu k (Abolitionists) to the House These are Afacts which cannot :'with truth be denied or gain-sayed. eIt eni not be denied that so far back as the adoption of the twenty-first rule, the Northern Democrats were the only friends which the South had in= the North. Nor can it be denied that fromr that day to this, Northern Whigs, aid ed and abetted by Southern Whig - have been constantly hunting then4 down, making this very friendsip to the South and support of Sou ter rights the pretext and cause of accusa tion against them. But these are not all the facts goin' to show the treachery of southoni' Whigs to southern interests-conduct which has tended more than all other causes to alienate the Democratic friends of the South, and to throw he# great interests at the meray of NorthI ern Abolitionism. In the session of 1843244 the 21st rule was repealede It was accomplished by the unanimotg vote of Northern Whigs, a prtion 'or Northern Demnocrats, and several Southern Whigs-Stanley of North Carolina, and Botts of Virginia, being; among them. Here is an instance is which Southern Whigs not only desert. ed the true friends of the South froi"* the North, but they deserted the 'Southo ern cause itself. After such a betraJ al of Southern interests by the: South. ern Whigs, could the South look lois ger even to the northern Democrat0 for sympathy and support. We appeal to all candid Southern men of all par ties, and conjure them to ponder this qjuestion. But this is not all, The ter ritorial question came up,- and was 'd& bated in Congress. Northern 1)etW crats desired that the question shpuld1 be settled. Mr. Clayton's componM bill was offered'; and 'uhile not aNoti ern. Whig voted foi- it, enegh' ofthe Northern Democratic rebilentt did, to insure itspasg-i i Southern Whigs iadvtd' b~ But they did not, ti eluding, Stephenso Pendloton of Virii,~O defeated it, andlett~I presenl, to disttaqt monaco it#' OaC ie 4 Here is anwo~ desit$' inteests b'4ther[ in alliande- it 'hf~~) era interests is not 1 e(. 0