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THE AMERICAN CITIZEN, IS published rvery Wednesday In the borough of Butler, by THOMAS KOMNHOXA C. E. AMDKRSON on Main street, opposite to .lack's ll<»tel—office up atairs in the brick ormcrly occupied by Eli Yetter,af< a storo TKRMS:—SI 50 a year, if paid in advance, or within thr first «ix month*; or s•£ if not paid until after the expira tion of thr flr«t «ix month*. KATKS or AnvEßTistxo:—Onesqnare non., (tenlim^or I»HM,) three insertions . 0° Every milmequent insertion, per square, . Husincfm card* <>( 10 lines or le»e« for one year, inclu ding paper & 00 ('an! of 10 line* or lew 1 year without paper 4 «*) Y\ column f>r six month* J** for one year J* column for six m>-nth* * % column for one year •••«£ j** 1 column fornix m..nth« 1 column for one year . .. ' l> Speech of Hon. Thomas Williams ON THK ENROLLMENT BILL. Mr Chairman, if this had been a new question I should have felt greatly embar rassed as to the policy or propriety of commuting military service for money.— This is a war measure, and not a revenue measure. The Government wants men and not money. The latter has been fur nished by the people with unstinted and ungrudging liberality; nay, with a prod igality which has surprised ourselves, and at which the world stands amazed. Ido not know how to value the stout heart or the strong arm of the American freeman in the current money of the merchant. — I do not like the traffic in men and money and sinew, whether it be white or black. Looking to the experience of other re publics, I should greatly deprecate the conversion of the soldier of ours into a mercenary. Between men of American growth and training and the richest of the metals I know no common standard of comparison. With me they are quanti ties incommensurable. A\ hen the Repub lic demands the services of her children, I know no answer they can make except that of Isaac, that they arc ready for the sacrifice. It is the answer which their unealculating instincts prompted when the echoes of the guns in Charleston har bor thrilled along their nerves, and half a miilion of them sprang to their arms at the first summons of the President, to avenge the insult to our flag; when the very yearnings of maternity were hashed, and the American, like the Spartan moth er. arryyed her youngest born as though it had been for the bridal, put the musket in his hands, and sent him out with the invocation of God's blessing upon his er rand, and the injunction to do his duty and come back upon his shield, if such were the fortunes of war, but not without it. It is the answer they would still make if their ardor were not chilled by the fa tal and inglorious inaction, the wearisome delays, (he inadequate results, and the want of earnestness'which have distinguish ed so many of our commanders; or, what is worse still, if their love of country was not overlaid and smothered by the devi lish suggestions of wicked counselors who liavc squatted at their ears and distilled into them the subtle venom of party. They have ceased, however, to wake that answer. Enthusiasm was too weak to survive rebuffs and disappointments, while treason at home was but too ready to make them the occasion for denuncia tions against the 'Government and ques tions as to the rightfulness and the suc cessful results of the war. It has become, of course, a necessity to remind the back ward of their duty, and to insist that it shall be performed. These arguments have prevailed, however, with many of the people who had been accustomed to take counsel from the malcontents. They have held back accordingly until it has become indispensable to awaken them to a sense of the obligations which they owe lo their country. Their advisors do not 'however, deny the duty ; so far as lip-ser vice is concerned, there is an abundance of it. lint they insist that the perform ance shall be a voluntary one, or, in other words, that it shall rest in their own dis cretion. Like Falstaff, they would do .nothing on compulsion. To compel a Democrat to fight would be anti-republi ■r;tn, or if there is to be compulsion it must be, upon the authority of a great casuist of the Roman church, who has not read Bellanuine in vain and knows how to turn a corner as adroitly as the original and in imitable .Jack himself, a voluntary one, a sort of compulsion iu the Pickwickian sense. To compel him in any other way would be a violation of his prerogative as a freeman. A perfect liberty is the right of doing what we please, but never any thing on compulsion. And now u word or two in sober earn est on the objoction taken seriously bore, and urged throughout the couutry, in re lation to the legitimacy of the draft. I need not apologize for speaking on that point. It is always important to satisfy the people not only that a thing is law but that it is right. It is always well to add • the sanctions of conscience and the sense of duty to the luaudtttos of the law-giver. Without this laws are practically impotent. The " sic volo, sic jubeo, stet pro ratione voluntas" of an imperial rescript is not the argument for an American citizen.— He wants more than it, and he wants it here because immense pains have becu ta- AMERICAN CITIZEN. ken to cloud his perceptions and pervert his moral sense by representing the com pulsory performance of the highest of his duties as a violation of his liberties. The oracles of the Opposition have proclaimed —their highest legal authorities in Penn sylvania. in the exercise of a jurisdistion heretofore unknown, have decided—that the act of the hist session was unconstitu tional. Men equally trusted by them here have insisted that its principle was anti-republican. It is important, there fore, to enquire whether these things are so—whether there is anything here to au thorize these imputations or to excuse even a reluctant submission to a measure which is essential to the safety of the nation and has been made necessary by the counsels of the very men who now complain of it. I do not propose to enter into objections of detail arising out of the peculiar fea tures of the law, or to argue the question upon merely technical or professional grounds. These arc for the courts. This is a higher forum, and the objection made to the principle—radical as it is—an ap peal from the lawyer to the publicist, from the courts to the people. It is the states man who must decide it.and not the judge. Is it true, then, that a compulsory levy of troops—a conscription, if you please— in the extremity of a State is nuti-rcpub lican in principle, or, in other words, at war with the spirit of our institutions and the gonitis and character of this Govern ment '! It has been so announced on this door, on authority supposed to be conclu sive, and has gone to the country without contradiction. It was a challenge of the law from a higher point than the Consti tution. It was not the assertion in terms that the law was in variance with the Con stitution, but in effect that the Constitu tion itself was not republican, did not con form to the fundamental idea on which it rested. Tt was the proclamation of a high er law which the authority " to raise and support armies" had ifnpigned upon. Well. I am no higher-law man, except so far as the consideration of the public safety or the nation's life may make me so. ]am not ashamed or afraid to recog nize publicly the maxim of the safttx p"p uli xnema* ler. * * * * For the sake of grcator clearness, I quote the passage itself, translated by me from the French version in default of an English one. of the " Treatise on the Re public," by Macliiavelli: " This part of the Constitution of Rome deserves to be remarked, and ranked in the number of those which contribute the greatness of its empire. Without an in stitution of this nature, a State cannot es cape but with great difficulty from extra ordinary convulsions." • * # * * * * " It follows from this that all republics j must have in their Constitutions a like es tablishment. When it is wanting it be- j comes necessary, by ordinary j track, to see the constitution perish, or | rather to depart from it for the purpose of J Miring it. But in a State well constituted no event must happen for which there j shall be occasion to resort to extraordinary ways J for if extraordinary means do good , for the moment, their example constitutes J a real evil. The habit of violating the i constitution to do good afterwards author- j izes its violation to cover evil. A repub lic, therefore, is ncvor perfect if its lawjy have not provided for everything, lidfl the remedies always in readiness, am H furnished the means of employing jfefialr, And I conclude by saying that the lies which in imminent dangers j recourse either to a dictator <; j magistrates must inevitably pej^flPfcre- Thc war power of our Coiaffiition is j the equivalent of the RomanjMßitorship. It is, however, here as the extreme medicine of the Cdjjffitution, and j not its daily broad. The of a re public is peace ; war is a state of violence, j To conduct an anny updti the principles of republican equality would be fatal to all subordination and discipline. For such | an exigency as this the normal condition ! of a republic will not serve. Its very or ganization would forbid it. War is anti-! republicin in its effects, and can only be j successfully waged on anti-republican prin ciples. While it prevails the lav itself must almost necessarily be silent. Its code of laws is necessarily anti-republi can. With such a Government therefore, it is an unnatural condition, and the thirst for territorial aggrandizement through the the agency of the sword does violence to its nature and its life. But while wars of conquest are anti-rcpublican, a war of self defence to preserve the nations life is a legitimate because it is a necessary one. The doctrine of non-resistance would be fatal to any government. When there is no mode left fbr supporting the Constitu tion, except by suspending the enjoyment of an individual right, that right must yield to the occasion. It is not the Con stitution that authorizes the suspension of the haleai corpus. lieeognizing, as its framers did, the necessity-of putting the highest privilege of the citizen ir obey ance, they do not grant but only q .alify or abridge its exercise, by provir ig that " Let us have Faith that Right makes Might; and in that Faith let us, to the end,dare to do our duty as we understand it"-- A LINCOLN BUTLER, BUTLER COUNTY, PA., WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 17, 1864. it shall not be suspended except in the cases indicated. Every attribute of sov ereignty which pertains to any Govern ment that is supreme may be exeercised when necessary, unless it is expressly for bidden. Thus the right of eminent do main. as it is called by the publicists, or that which authorizes the seizure or de struction of private property for public uses, and the kindred power of taxation which seizes it without other equivalent than the protection which Government af fords, are not the subjects of special grant but only of special limitation. Establish a Government that is independent and sovereign, and they belong to it of course, because they are essential attributes, in seperable from the very being. If a Gov ernment can, however, take private prop erty, which is the product of labor, with out compensation, for a public use, it is but a step further, and an easy one, to take the producer himself, as it does when it compels him to work on the highway, on the grounds of public necessity. It is not disputed, os I understand, by anybody here, that the Government is en titled to the military services of all its cit izens when they are needed for its defense. The objection is only that a compulsory levy is anti-republican. If this be true, then the idea of such a thing as a repub lican government is the wildest of chime ras. Admitting the dutj-, the right to en force it is a corollary, a necessary conse quence, in this case as all others. The notion of any government presupposes su premacy, subordination, and constraint.— No government ever did or ever can rest upon the mere voluntary principle. All the duties of the citizen, except those merely moral ones that are said to be of imperfect obligation—-all that arc political at least—rest upon the idea of coercion. That is the principle of ever}* law. That is the import of the whole judicial ma chinery with which we arc surrounded.— ■ The potse comitatus itself is nothing more nor less than a compulsory levy, an army improvised to execute the laws. When the time arrives'—which will not be until the millennium foreshadowed by the proph et, and several years after the modern De mocracy shall have died out like the ex tinct monsters of the earlier geological epochs—when men shall perform their duties voluntarily, there will be no further occasion for either government or laws.— . The notion that the mob of New York, and the unnatural sympathizers with the rebellion everywhere, shall not be compell ed to defend the government that protects them in all their rights and endows them with the unwonted privilege of governing other people, is but the extension of the argument of the late Attorney General of the United States, anil now reporter of its Supreme Court, that there could be no ' coercion of States, and that this great I Government was without even power of [ self-defense, was entirely helpless against i the parricide, and must uncover its bosom, j or wrap its robes around it and submit to 1 death without a struggle whenever the I murderous blow was aimed by the hands lof its.own children. That was according |to programme. Both have the same pur pose and meaning. That would have Browned the work of the traitors with im- Hfcdiate success. This is a slower poison, K'hieli would leave the defense of the na tion to the loyal Untwist in the field, and I transfer the direction of the government to the hands of the auxiliaries of the re bellion, who choose " to kiss my lady peace |at home who know that they can serve | the cause they love with more effect and greater safety here by affecting loyalty, j misrepresenting the designs of the govcrn- I ment, discouraging volunteering, and de ; nouncing compulsory levies of men, than j by taking their places openly in the armies of the confederacy. Ido not know a man j of them who is not now an " uncondition ; al Unionist," provided he c!ln have " the Union as it was," which he knows to be | impossible, whether we succeed or fail, or j treat, as he desires us to do, and hopes to ! bring about by cherishing the disease, pre serving the cause of the disunion, and I declining to employ the most necessary j effeetivo weapon which Providence has I placed in our hands for compelling the , eventual restoration of the Union itself. Thank God! the instincts of the people, the loyal army at home, have revolted at the special plea of the attorney, and even converted him at the late elections into the "Boisiest of patriots and the professed advocate of the vigorous prosecution of the war; that is to say, on peaco princi ples, and provided you will refuse to allow the willing negro or compel the reluctant and recalcitrant Democrat to fight. The fear is, in view of the well-known Army sentiment, that it would chango the very nature of the latter by showing him the realities of war. and making him a radi cal, or, in other words, an earnest man. We have the authority of one of the apostles of the new Democracy now hold ing a seat on this floor, if the newspapers have not misrepresented him, for the opin ion publicly expressed in the great peace convention at New York, that a war Dem ocrat is an impossible thing; and that any man here who wonld draw a sword in such a quarrel—l mean on this side of it —is no better than a Black Republican. And so it is, that while all the Democracy of Butler and Burnside and Hooker and other fighting generals of that stamp, who have proved that they were in earnest, has failed to shelter them from the denuncia tions of the rebel papers in Richmond or New York, the non-combatant qualities of the grave-digger of the Chickahominy and the loiterer at Bull Run have made him the idol of the Democracy iu both those capitals. If the gentleman from Kentucky, who was taxed a few days ago by his colleagues with infidelity to his pledges to vote for a war Democrat, had adverted to the sentiment to which I have just referred, he might have answered that a war Democrat was a myth—a per sonage even more apocryphal than Prester John or the man with the iron mask. If it be true, however, that a compulso ry levy of men for the protection of the government or the enforcement of its laws is anti-republican, then I say again that republican government is just as impossi ble a thing as a war Democrat. The nation which cannot command the military ser vices of its people has no guarantee of life, and must inevitably perish in its first formidable convulsion. To presume that they will all rush to its standard at the first summons, and that they will adhere to it alike through good and ill fcirtutie, alikethrough sunshine and through storm, is to suppose in the face of our present experience that it contains no bold traitors who will lift their hands against it in bat tle, no cowardly miscreants who, with pro fessions of loyalty on their lips, will adopt the safer policy of sneaking from its de fense, oraidingandencouraging those who are attempting to overthrow it. The time was when this service was a privilege of rank or fortune; when the soldier served without wages, although he derives his name from the idea of pay, and when the craven who refused to respond to the sum mous of his country was visited with the dire anathemawhichisso well paraphrased by the genius of the immortal Scott, and finds its climacteric iu the imprecation, " Woe to the traitor, woo !" A greater than he has remarked that " the ago of chivalry has gone, and the age of sopliis tcrs and economists has succeeded." It was not so at the commencement of this rebellion. I happened to be at tlic scat of govern ment of Pennsylvania when the news of tho bombardment of Sumter came over the electric wires, and shook its capital as with an earthquake throe, then sped on its fiery errand along tho Susquehanna, and the Delaware, and the limpid Allegheny, uutil it reached the distant shore of the great lake which bathes her northwestern confines. The fiery cross that passed from hand to hand and gathered the clansmen of the hills around the banner of their chief never travelled, never lighted such a conflagration as was kindled by that message. Before the setting of another sun a hundred thousand Pennsylvania men were begging for the privilege of laying down their lives in the defense of the insulted flag of their fathers. The political managers of the Democratic par ty who had bargained against coercion and pledged themselves that Pennsylvania woyld take side with the rebellious States were appalled by the demonstration, and slunk away from the public gaze which would havo blasted them. It was only when reverses overtook our arms—revers es which were the consequences of the unsuccessful effort to propitiate themselves by taking counsel with and employing men of the same type of thought—that they ventured to reappear, and managed to seduce the loyal men of the Democrat ic party into the belief that a Republican Administration wa3 unfit to conduct the war, which they reinforced by the argu ment that it waMipbliged to borrow its generals almost exclusively, from the Dem ocratic party. If a draft was made nec essary after such a demonstration it was through their agency. If it has proved ineffective or unpopular, it is because they have endeavored to make it so. The country knows how the question was dealt with by the Democratic authori ties of New York. It knows, too, the process by which the Democratic judges of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania undertook, with indecent precipitancy, and in the exercise of a jurisdiction en tirely new, to restrain the execution of the law which authorised it. And we are reminded here from day today that there are men among us who apparently do not intend that the country shall find soldiers, either white or black, if they can prevent it; who insist that we shall not enlist the negro because it is a privilege which be- longs only to the white man ; who say to the white man that he ought not to vol unteer because it is an abolition war; and that the conscription is unlawful and very unnecessary because we ought to depend on volunteers ; and who, after doing everything iu their power to render the law ineffective, come here and, with a coolness that would be absolutely refresh ing if the times were not so much out of joint, demand its repeal on the grounds that they have succeeded ! I have heard it stated that the district of the gentleman from New York who is most importunate on this point has yielded —under his pat riotic auspices, no doubt —about three hundred and fifty soldiers, leaving his vo ters of course, most comfortably intact, and in a condition to govern the nation at least, if they will not fight for it. If he fajors the war however, as he says he does, why does he not endeavor to amend the law ? If the commutation clause is the difficulty with his constituents, and he thinks that a poor man can pay 81,000 for a substitute more easily than he can 8300, why does he not move to strike it out? I fear it cannot be made to suit gentle men of that cast of mind and heart, un less it can be so framed as to defeat, the object entirely. Their constitutional scru ples will not allow them to do anything for the salvation of this nation. They have found no difficulty heretofore iu discover ing in that instrument every power that was required fo further the interests of the divine institution. They had no dif ficulty in regard to the Louisiana or Flor ida purchases; none as to the annexation of Texas; none as to the assumption of its debts ; none as to the purchase or seizure, at the expense of another war like the Mexican if necessary, of the gem of the Antilles. When the attempt is made, however, to extract anytliingvaluable from that instrument for the interests of human ity or the preservation of the nation's life, it is no better than a caput mortum— without vitality, full of obstructions, im potent for good, but alive all over, in all its members, and actively omnipotent, too, for mischief. These constitutional ex pounders who strain at a gnat make no ac count of taking in a camel at a breakfast. I should despair of making anything out of them by a constitutional argument. GARRETT DAVIS IN THE SENATE.— That Garrett Davis, who is permitted to pollute the Senate of the United States with his presence, is practically a rebel, no one can doubt who has watched his course for the last two sessions. Recently he of fered a series of resolutions, seventeen in number, in nearly all of which he denoun ced the Government in his usual billings gate style, and in one of which he calls upon the people, if his views are not car ried out, to revolt against the Government and destroy it. For this, Senator Wilson offered a resolution for his expulsion from the Sonate. When it came up for consider ation, Davis, in his reply to Wilson, con firmed all that he was charged with. He threatened, if expelled, togo home and raise the cry of opposition, tyranny, usur pation and revolution against the faithless who have charge of the Government.— This is treason, if anything orally spoken can be. Jesse D. Bright used similar lan guage, and he was sent home, but his threats were as impotent as Davis' will be and sunk into the merited oblivion which Davis will find among the loyal, brave and intelligent people of Kentucky. The President, during the term of his office, is the visible head of the Govern ment; there cannot be two Presidents at the same time, and there cannot bo a di vided power or two kinds of loyalty. Men holding this high office may be changed by the power of the ballot-box, and with them public measures may be altered, but the President, must be supported in the execution of laws. All counsels to the contrary arc simply disloyal and treasona ble, and should be so treated. The Sen ate owes to itself, it owes it to the Presi dent, whom it advises, and it owes it to the brave soldiers fighting against the re bellion, and it owes it to the loyal people of tho land to expel Garrett Davis from the Senate of the United States of Amer ica, that all the world may learn to respect and esteem the purity and the patriotism of that most august and powerful body of legislators in tho world.— Exchange. «■ y ■» A GOOD REASON. —A Grand Jury at the South ignored a bill against a huge negroe for stealing chickens and before discharging him from cus tody, the Judge bid him stand repri manded—lie concluded as follows: "You can now go, John, but (shaking his finger at him) let me warn you never to appear here again." John with delight beaming from his big white eyes, and with a broad grin, displaying a row of ivory, replied— "l wouldn't bin dis time, Judge, only the constable fotched me." From the WaTerly Msgnrhie. THE PATRIOT BOY. Hark! dear mother, hear the clamor! Brave Columbia's traitor sons Madly rise against the banner Under which has been their homes I Sec! like wolves thej seek to rend it, Shame! oh shame ! they trample o'er I But her true sons will defend it Though the earth reek with their gore. Now to save my bleeding country, Duty calls me—l must go. lie, who ever haa watched o'er theo Mother, He'll protect thee now, One sweet kiss, my dearest mother, Fold me to thy heart once more; I'll return to thee and sister " When this cruel war it o'er/* By the great God who now rulea o'er us By that name we hold so dear, Freedom's banner floating o'er us, We will conquer—never fear! Like the worm that fading dies, But to change to brigher form, So our starry flag shall riae, Radiant from rebellious storm. Where the muskets sharply rattle- Where the cannon's loud death-knell— Tell the scene of hottest battle, Foremost In the ranks he fell. And, as solemnly they laid him On the field so dearly won, His bravo soul arose to heaven, Hanked with that of Washington. J. n. 8. WIT AND WISDOM. A MORAL INSTRUMENT.—An upright piano. THE beautiful tresses of youyg ladies are beau-strings. THE highest premium for meanness has been awarded to the anonymous letter. PUNCH teaches book-keeping in three words—" Never lend them." PRIDE breakfasted with Plenty, dined with Poverty, and supped with Infamy. PROSPERITY is no just scale; adversity is the only balance to weigh friends. SAM, why am de hogs the most intelli gent folks in de world ? Because dey nose eberyting. To prevent the kitchen door from creak ing get a servant girl whose beau comes to the house to see her. " THE eyes of your beloved, after she has been crying," Punch calls "ornamen tal fret-work." A KISS, says an ingenious authority, is like the creation, because it is made of nothing, and is very good. THE ancient Greeks buried their dead in jars. Hence the orgin of the expres sion—He's gone to pot." " No pains will be spared," as the quack said when sawing off a poor fellow's leg to cure him of the rheumatism. WHY is a child a year old like a sugar bowl'! Give it up ? Because it's a teeth ing (tea-thing.) YOUNG MEN who stand around church doors to watch young ladies as the con gregation is going out, are called " the Devil's picket?.'* " How many deaths ?" asked the hos pital physician. "Nine." "Why, I or dered medicine for ten." Yes, but one would not take it." " I THINK our church will last a good many years yet," said a waggish deacon to his minister; " I see the sleepers arc very sound." ALL personal antagonists arc infernal. Hence ho who cherishes hatred against his fellow-man shows that he himself is a bad man. A FRENCH wit said of a man who was exceedingly fat, that nature only made him to show how the human skin would stretch without breaking. ONE of Walker's men, who had a Cos ta Kican bayonet at his breast, refused to ask for mercy because an American can't take Spanish quarters now. 'MRS. PARTINGTON says that because dancing girls arc stars, it is no reason why they should be regarded as heavenly bo dies. REMEMBER that every person, howev er low, has rights and feelings. In all contentions let peace be rather your ob jegt than triumph. Value triumph only as the means of peace. THE following question is now before the Sand Lake Debating Society: " Which is a bad man least fitted for— to live or die ?" We shall issue the verdict in an extra. A I.ADT said to a servant the other day at dinner, " go down cellar and bring up the bread that lies on the shelf there. " It won't do no good, ma'am," was the reply, " for the bread on that shelf down cellcr is up here in this cupboard, ma'am." A COUNTRYMAN walking along the streets of New York, found his progress stopped by a barricade of lumber. " What is that for T" said he to a per son in the street. " Oh, that's to Btop the yellow fever." " Aye, I have often heard of the board of health, but I never saw one before." A BOSTON correspondent tells us of a homestiek conscript on the Kapidan. A lieutenant found him solitary and alone, weeping like a big booby boy. " What's the matter t" Oh, I wish I was in my father's barn." " And what would you do there ?" " I would go into the house plaguy quick 1" said the poor fellow, boo-hoomg again at the rate of 2:40 a minute. NUMBER 10. from the fenns. School Jotiroal Educational Halters in other States, MAINE.—The Editor of the Maine Teacher, undet tlr« licftd of " a Raid up on our Exch&ngetj," has commenced the publication of Selections from the Edu cational Periodicals of the Union—a prac tice first regularly introduced, if We mis take not, by this Journal, ft is a good thing and brings the school men of the various States together in tbougM and action, as well as in a common purpose. VERMONT.—An intelligent correspond ent of the School Journal, pronounces the Academic System of that State, with few exceptions, a failure. The same may be said of Pennsylvania. The Acade mies endowed by the State in the early part of the present century, are nearly all defunct, except where large accumulated funds keep a few in operation. Among those since established by private enter priie, very many have failed. A few and those only cases of eminent profession*? and administrative ability in the Princi pals, have proved cither profitable to their proprietors, or beneficial to the publio. The recent Annual School Report of Vermont shows a considerable diminution in the practice of " Boarding round," by Teachers, —" a consummation most de" voutly" to be thankful for. In other re spects, also, the report is encouraging.— County Institutes are strongly commend ed and urged. The consolidation of the' Colleges of the State and the remodeling of the Common School System are re commended, so as to profit by the econo my and efficiency of a thorough classifi cation of all the educational institutions RHODE TSI,AND.—At a Inte meeting of the State Institute, at Westerly, the ques tion " How far shoufd teachers assist their pupils" in study, was vory freely discussed. Of course the opinions were as various as the speakers and their pecu liarities of temper and early training their idiosyncrasies. Consequently no con clusion was arrived at. Yet this a great educational question, and orte which each teacher must disenss and settlo for him self, on the ground not merely of tem perament and habit, bat of the latfs of mind and its development. A just me dium must bo adopted; the truth proba bly being, that as much of evil resultrt from too much as from too little assist ance. OHIO. —At the quarterly meeting 6f the north-western Ohio Teachers' Asso ciation, at Sandusky, November 21, 1 K6.1, a noble" plea for the unfortunate and va grant children of Ohio" by R. TV. Ste venson, Superintendent of Norwnlk pub lic schools, was made in the opening ad dress. This is a most proper subject fot the consideration of all teacherf, and seems to have been handled in ti frrarfiner suited to its importance. How diffferftnt from the efforts of some teachers \vftos6 desire is the expulsion of these uriforttf nates from school, when occasion-ally bto't within their care, instead of coveting tfr6 opportunity to reform and save. INDIANA. —There is a good editorial article in the December number of the School Journal on " some of tht> Unem ployed educational forces,', tbr the ad vancement of education iri the State.— One is embraced in the adage—"keep it before the people"—or Agitation ; arid as promotive of this, the full publicity of all educational events and proceedings. An other is the adoption of special mcahs for the diffusion of educational intelligence ; to effect which educational columns id the newspapers are properly recommfendfed.— A third force of means is, " interest in elections to educational positions," by all who wish the success of the cause—Hot only in the election of Trustees, Directors, Examiners, County Superintettdettts, arid State Superintendent, but of Legislators who are to make, amend or spoil school laws. This is all good and to the poiilt, and hits the point, elsewhere, as well as in Indiana. KENTUCKY. —We were recently applied to by a gentleman of Louisville, for infor mation relative to Normal Schools—the Legislature being about to act on that foundation part of a good Comtnod School system. This is glorious news, and sounds like the beginning of true peace. A PLAIN SPOKEN WITNESS. —"Facta are stubborn things," said a lawyer to a fe male witness under examination. The lady replied: "Yes, sir-ee : and so are women, and if you get anything out of me, just let me know it." " You'll be committed for contempt." Very well I'll suffer justly, for I feel the utmost contempt for every lawyer present." '■»> ,m A©"*■ We are acquainted with A printer who is so enthusiastic in his business that he never flita down to dinner without insisting on seeing a proof of the pudding. We know one who think* proof occupies too much time, and irbeec heata down ta table, he says: " Come in eatables."