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WHAT MEN WILL DO FOR MONEY. BY EEV. HENRY WAID BIECHES. When the welfare of men, their vir tue, their intelligence and their happiness is weighed in the scales against money, avarice is the stronger. It is true, re garding the whole enlightened communi ty, and political economy, that, the inter ests of property are identical with the interests of virtue, and that whatever promotes virtae is a good investment, and whatever destroys virtue in the end in jures property. Comprehensively, in a large view, intelligence and religion are good for the lowest interests in a commu nity, as well as for the highest. They are not alone beneficial tin men in their family relations and in their higher so cial connections and future osteite; though they are prominently beneficial in these. It would bo to the interest of every man, even if he looked only at his pecuniary advantage, that there should be integrity, purity, disinterestedness, elevation of pi ety, true godliness. Vice is • corrup tion, not of morals simply, bot of prop, erty as much. It is not only a burden its victims, bat it is destructive to the whole community as well. It is a tax gatherer and oppressor. It wrongs the poor, it wrongs those who are next to the poor, it wrongs those who are next to them, it wrongs you, it wrongs me, it wrongs every body. Kvery single moral influence that is put forth in the commu nity, doing good to the actor, does gpod more or less to the whole community; -and every single evil infiueuce that is ex crtod in the community, doing harm to the actor and victim, also does harm to the whole community. We are so bound together, our social connections and sym> pathies and liabilities are sueh, that re flectively the good of one is the good of all, and the evil of any part afflicts the whole. Such is the moral oonstitution of this world, that Godliness is profitable in all things. But to those classes of men who do not understand or care for any good except immediate good, and good at that, it does not seem so. The profitableness of virtue, in are mote way, incidentally, is nothing to men who have no faith to morrow or of next year, who live by their scutes for the tin mediate moment, and to whom living means some pleasure in the uerve aud some gratification of the tnuscle. They do uut bositatc, therefore, to make money at the expense of human purity, and hu man happiness, and life, itslelf. It will not do, then, for us to be sen timental, aud exclaim against moU de grading views of human nature There iis nothing more potent an! nothing more melancholy, .than that a was will make money out of his iollow man —literally out of his blood «4i4 bones—if he Cau. There is no measuer of cruelty, there is bo depth of wickednean, there is no de gree of meanness, that uioii will not come to practice for the sake of getting mon ey? I hope at first with scruples and re luctances; but at last without sensation or delicacy. There is nothing gigantic in fraud; there is nothing base andit reach - erous and heartless, that man will not do for the sake of realizing pelf- If you should take the treatment of the emigrants that lnnd on our shoics; ifi you should take the deliberate deceptions, the fleecing, the overwhelming ruin bro't upon families, their beggary, their com pulsory degradations ; if you should call from mute lips histories now suppressed and unknown, of unutterable anguish suffered by those who can not speak the tongue of the land to which they have come; if you should know that these things were reduced to a business, and that heartless flceoings were carried on by men that oared neither for tears nor anguish, nor separation, nor the deep damnation that they heaped on the ric tim's head, you would not doubt that men would do any thing for the sake of money. Strangers that sojourn in our midst find themselves watched for, as men watch for game in the woods. The trapper does not more aunningly spread his snares aud traps than do gamblers and soul-destroy ws saMfceir trape iormen j and witfi no ..tfeought or desire except their txen.ifld omt jiAbat distraction nt>* end except to make their temporary gain. respect to the treat- 1 ment of sailors; in respect to the lairs jrod 4*»s into which »rjf|nflc«*,; in reepect to the outrages which they suf fer ; in respect to the utter abominations ,<rf inhumanity that, from year to year, for a long time, have remained unexplor ed and untouched ; this is one of the prolific chapters of bottomless lust and, avarice. ¥du know very well tow all the power of «h*jQorarfiiMAt, and all the tßhsrpo sitkiauf Uene&oient organized wtmens, in thejatKVK*' were .not able to •&*• the AMERICAN CITIZEN. soldier from the most audacious robber ies How many of them, after having gone through summer and winter in the camp and on the battle filed, and faced death and sick neon, and endeared them. selves to the imagination and the heart of every true man, have drawn their bounties and hard earnings, and started for home, and on their way thither been robbed of their little pittance, and ren dered bankrupt, and that by those who had the shapo of men, and would deny it if we said they were monsters! It strikes the imaginatiog when Jt is one who wears the uniform of the sol dier; but this villainy is carried on un der circumstances more trying still, where it is a 'oman instead of a mau. A man, if he is stripped of his possessions, can repair the damage again. If he is thrown down to-day, he is on his feet again to-, morrow. There arc endless resources open to him. But a woman, what can slie do ? There are thousands and tens of thousands in these cities who are de> pendent on one or two sources of sup. port; and they olten fall into the hands of men the most unprincipled and avari cious. There are thousands of sewing and laboring women who are driven down to * point of poverty, beyond which one single step is starvation—oh ! starvation is the door of heaven in comparison—• damnation ! And into that, with utter indifference and remorseless greed they arc thrust, as sheep ara thrust into the shambles for butchery. You know it.— Wo all know it. It is no time, there fore, to be sentimental, and say, <' Men can not commit such wickedness." It is no time to say that men can not, in civ ilized society, be guilty of cannibalism. I tell you, there are more cannibals in New York than in the isles of the Pa* citic ! And if you were to take away this night the support that comes from eating men, there would be thousands and thousands of empty maws to-morrow in that city 1 Now vast sums, millions and millions, are invested in a way which directly and obviously result in the utter destruction of men. All the forces of huge capitals are invested in ways so notoriously de peudent upon the morbid tastes of men, •»nd classes, that every step you take to correct those ways is understood to be an attaok oo oupital. There ar« haunts of thieves through out the cities without which robbery would almost bo paralyzed. They are known ; vigilant eyes have watched them; there is no doubt in respect to their char acter ; and yet the robberies goon be cause these places are often all secretly maintained in the interest of capitalists. There are dens of orgies. Nothing this side of hell jan equal multitudes of these j.laeos. We d« not need t<> goto Vesuvius to see volcanoes. We have them all around us, in spite of the po. lice, and the common sense of the com munity ; anil it is only because capitalists have an interest in them. They may not be known. You can not tell by the way a tree W>£s where its roots are sucking tap l'rorr. There is mart} infhn that wears clean linen, and hns good associi. ations, and appears regularly at the house of God, and sits down at the communion table, and munches the bread, and drinks the wine, and seems to be a CthHstian man, who, if you follow down his roots, you will find to be sucking sap out of the common sewers. And these dens are. kept open and are sustained in spite of law and publio sentiment, because capi tal is intere ted in them and is at the bottom of tbem. Palaces of pleasure there are where death is double-edged. Hundreds and thousands aro traveling in ways irhich are oelled ways of pleasure, but which are ways of damnation ; and there is great capital invested therein. These of miscalled pleasure are winked at and encouraged by thousands and thousands besides whp are ktrawn te be di rectly responsible for their. If it were not for what may be called re*pectdble hyp.crttic&t rafitaluu t&*yj:««kHc6>ex ist as Ibg&rj j err Saloons and gambling dens, which ar* never fir apart, are eaAteoad ip-wadrous' profmioOi <k^|OWtfct cwiea.,: Why, if there were such means for moral culture • if schools were as thick; if provision for refinement, or solace, or auocor, or relief, were as great, aieo would marvel. They would raise the cry of prodigality. Not Hies in summer we thicker than these sa loons for depravities. ►«'" > Loojjthe way wif) siflt their living, by adulterations ip food. We who are in cijaHiusbalNtcirouuistanees may by vig* "Kites save ourselves from the evils of thfts-r practice of- «dalter«tieg J odd ; but the poor, that must buy wfauu they can put uj,on them ! Ten thousand wretched i tale have Sighed, and sou»wed,>ad "Let us have Faith that Right makes Might; and in thfct Faith let us, to the end, dare to do our duty as we understand it"--A. LINCOLN BUTLER, BUTLER COUNTY, PENN'A, WEDNESDAY, MAY 29, 1867- prayed to God, saying, " Lord, why has my babe died ?" It was killed by foul milk, drawn from the r oul udder of foul animals, that were fed to disease, fever and rottenness And there are men that goon furnishing the community with such milk, just because there is a good deal of money mada by it. Buppose it does slay five hundred children in a year, what are five hundred children compared with money in the pocket ? To such an ex tent, in every civilised land is it carried that governments are obliged to inter fere and make inquisition by means of mechanical testa and in other ways, in to the frauds that are practiced in this direction. And it is fonnd that men learn to cheat faster than their cheating can be detected. Men tell me that they never think of patenting an invention in cotton machines; that when they dis cover an improved process they put it in use and use it all they can, before others can get it; that by the time others get it they have another ready and that they depend on keeping ahead in that way.— It is certainly so In knavery. You never come up with one method of cheating before men have another fresh coined and ready. As if it were, not enough to destroy human life by the adulteration of the supports of life, flour and meat, and all articles of luxury, medicine itself, that should restore us tp some degree of health, when sickness has thus been brought upon us, is adulterated to such an extent that doctors hardly dare proscribe, unless they know the brand and arc certain of its genuineness. Doubtless thousands of lives are lost at critical stages of disease, beftanse the potion failed to produce the desired effect, on account of its having been adulterated. And do you suppose that these men, who are adulterating food and medicine, and corrupting the slay and staff of life, do not know that they sre spreading sorrow and trouble and mischief? They know it perfectly well, but they do not care. They are making money; and that is the main thing to their minds. And all human comfort, and life itself, putin one scale, with mon ey iu the other, does not weigh a particle, so far as they arc concerned.— Herald of Health. GEN. SICKLES AND THE FLAG. The notion of General Sickles in ordering the National ting to tie carried and respects ed by the Firemen's pr toession in Charles ton tins been severely criticised by the cop perheads as the " iro«i heel," and by some Union papers as an unnecessary and there fore impolitic strstch of authority. Now, it is precisely such details of conduct which cannot be judged at a distance. The wis dom or impolicy oC such an order depends ontirely upun the TriforWSTion of the cora mandei ilpon the spot. _ Of course it seemed at first sight harsh that the General should have ordered the ling to be borne in a pro cession which, as it was rep irted. never car ried any flag. It appeared to be as arbitrary as an order to any private person or corpo ration to display the flag upon his dwelling house or offlae. Bur if ihe General hud is sued such ah order as that, have we not had experience enough, tJ know that it would not have been without reason? So it proves in t!ie»present case. It ap pears that nt the Firemen's ]>aradc of last' year the American flag -was not seen the General expressed hi* rggrets and the omis sion was reported to him by the authorities and citispns as an inadvertence. When the column was assembling upon this occasion, instead Vt appearing wrttrmrt flstgw-or em blems, which was stated to he the rule, the companies carried various emblems, but the Amerloon flag was omitted. The Stonewall Fir* Bogiua company appeared iu the rebel gray uniform, and with a full sised portrait of Stonewall Jackson suspended over their engine. It was plain that the parade was to be a covert ovation in memory of the res bellion, and the of the Uni ted States commanding the district therefore said to the proper authorities : " I shall not forbid the honOr you wish to show in this way to a man whom you respect, hut it oer-. i Uiuly should not be done at the expense of the h -nor of the United States you will also carry and respect tfceUnited States flag." Such an act of firmness shows to the mourners of the "lust cause " that the Uni ted States are in tamest When a State is under military rule, it is so because the State is in a condition in wbieh words and forma are deeds. The commanding Gen eral, who understands exactly what public demon -traliou* mean, is tk* bees judge of what shall be allowed to be said and done. Harper 'i Weekly. A modest young lady whs was a pass enger on board a packet ship it ia said, spraog out of her berth and jumped over« board uu bearing the captain, during a storm, order the mate to haul down the •beets- The saase lady one* left the the atre indignantly, because the scenes shif ted »« m «»- A lady leaving home was thus ad. dr&ssed by her .little boy will you remember and buy me a,whistle, and let it be a religious one so that I can ;MM it UkSOfttfA*"' THE MOBILE RIOT. Accounts From Mobile Papers. AN "UNPROVOKED ATTACK." TH« MOBILE PRESS ON THE RIOT. The Mobile Advertiser and Regutrt and the Ne m, while stating that the re cent ri#t at Mobile, and 4he attempt to assassinate Judge Kelley, was the "re sult of the merest accident," at the same time charge Judge Kelley with being the cause, from the language he used, which tbey style "inflammatory remarks."— Coroner Delchams, a Justice of the Peace in Mobile, however, testified before a Coroner's jury that he "listened atten tively to the remarks of the speaker, Mr Kelley, and I must say that I heart! noth ing which in ordinary circumstance would be considered wrong," and that the col ored peoplo would not have used their i weopons "had it not been that the opin ion prevailed among the crowd that an unprovoked attack had been deliberately made on this meeting." The following is an extract from the leadiug article in the Mobile Register on the riot: •'The disturbance that occurred at the meeting to hear Judge Kelley was the result, as we have statftl, of'the merest accident. First, a citizen who had been drinking made several loud comments on portions of Judge Kelley'g remarks that did not p'easc him. This happens at ev ery public political meeting. It was very imprudent and improper to have been in dulged in at this meeting. In truth, th» best thing that the white people call' do is to keep away from these — The police endeavored to quiet the tipsy citizen, and, failing in that, tp arrest liFin The arrest provoked a scuffle, and about the same time a carriage and horses rau off through the outskirts of the crowd, producing a rush to get out of tho way. The two circumstances created the im presnion in the body of the crowd that there was a fight begun, and the Whole mass broke up and dispenod nt double quick. Meuntims the freedmcn com menced firing their pistols, and, as we learn, in the air, at they ran. The la»t account must be true, for as there were from 150 to 200 shots fired, if they had been aimed in the crowd, nearly as many hundred men must have been hit. As As it was, the shot casualties do not ex ceed six oi eight, aud most all of thoso to white men. It has been charged thai shots were fired in the morning from the residence of John Forsyth, the editor of tho paper tVom which the above oxtract is taken, but the Register denies this. From the Register we extract the fol lowing sworn testimony of Coroner J. J. L elchamps : On Tuesday evening, at about 74 o'- clock, I wa9 on the corner of Goveru nient and Itoyul streets, where a large number of black men and some white uien. were assembled. I mingled anu con versed freely with the colored men, aod was strongly impressed by their remarks. I had occasion tQ discuns with them tho momentous questions of the day, aud was more than pleased to hear from them that they wished to live in amity with their old aud tried friend, and deal hon cstly and honorably with all who were willing to treat them in a like manner.— One of the number had a discussion with me, and see.j:ed to hold at heart Wrongs which he asserted had been done him ; he argued ably, and I must admit once turned the laugh of the crowd against me, but afterwards I did tbe same to him; and he afterwards stated that there was one Southern man in whom he had full confidence, and"for whom he would shed his heart's blood against any one living." We parted friends, and I, on my part, fully impressed that all the black men wanted was to hear and judge for them selves ; that they were peaceably dispos ed towards all Southern men who would treat tbem fairly and honorably. My conversation ended when the speaking began. I listened attentively to the re marks of the speaker, Kelley,and I must say that I heard nothing whiah in orJinary circumstances would be con sidered wioujif, "yeAiuder existing ones I thought them highly injudicious, believ ing, as I do, that what i» needed now is not high flown political ha'fangues, but plain, common sense remarks, calculated to promote harmony among a 9 classes, lead feeling and educate the Bias - es of all tolors to act right, lawfully and honorably towards all men without dis tinction. My position was on tbe sidewalk near tbe stfnd. The spesker had not spoken long before some injudicious remarks wera beard proceeding from the outskirts of th« assemblage. I remarked to the eol ored sea sroaad jot that We ought to pay ao attention to thai., and one answered me and said : "No, that's soma fool that aia't gut good sense." A few momeats after a slight disturbance occurred at or near the spot where th* first objectiona ble remark* had prooaeded from, and at the same time a street car or carriage, as I could not see, going down the street caused the crowd to jaai to together in Ihe direction of the street. The erjr wss at owea raised near me, "there's a fight," and a number of sticks were raised by bkek men. I, -With many others, wss forced by the rush to the foot of tbe steps ef tbe okl Qoart House, when shots were Aaard*.proofing i* the first instance /WJMte. &£«*»?<» *%? M* distutb»Bce im occored 4. w men near me laid down flat on the ground aDd one said to me, "Malta, lay down." I took him at his word, replying; "Yea, boys, very flat." By this time the firing was very rapid, but from the flasliM I aui satisfied a laige majority of the shots were fired in the air in all directions sev eral probably toward the speaker's stand, but I am almost certain comparatively few. The crowd having scattered, I arose and in company with some black men walked to the corner of Koyal and Church street*. Afterwards I went up as far as about >Vilkinson street in company with a number of black men and two white men; from that point I went home alone. From what I saw and heard at the meeting, and previous to the speaking, my honest conviction was, aud is still, that most, if not all the citizens bile, black and white went, to that meet ing with a spirit of good will toward all honest and fair dealing men, and with no iutention of creating a riot or any dis turbance whatever. I am still of the opinion that the citizens of Mobile,black and white, are actuated by the same spirit, and that the unfortunate distur bance last evening was occasioned by the ill timed remarks of one or more foolish persons who were about to be arrested by the police whon the passing of the car or carriage causing a jam of the crowd, induced the belief that there was a fight or riot, and pistols were fired. Subsequent to the scattering of the crowd several gangs of meu, colored en tirely, so far as I could see, were formed and seemed to chase white men down Government and lioyal streets, firing at tliem; but 1 am convinced that most, of them hastened quietly off to their homes. Nor do I believe that these fjanga would have been formed had it not been that the opinion prevailed among the crowd that an unprovoked attack had been dei liberately made on the meeting. My opinion is in nowise changed by the unfortunate disturbance of last night; but 1 still firmly believe that the great mass of the black, as well as the white citizens of Mobile, are anxious to live in p*ace and harmony with all men, and to avoid all difficulties or riotous conduct. A REHKI SKETCH OF ME. KELLEY. As some apology, we suppose, for the attack on Judge Kelley, the Advertiser gives the following sketch of him. He belongs ?o a party that has, first, denied us by brute force those rights in I the Union which it proclaimed during the war we should have if we would lay down our arms; second, that he belonged to a party that had reduced this people to military subjection; and third,that he had come out to insnlt and traduce a people helplessly pinned down by bayo nets which he had set at their throats. Who will say that this is not a brave act, all worthy of his party ? Shooting pris oners of war in cold blood ii only a little less chivalrio than abusing them to their faces, with manacles on their bands and feet. MR. KELLY'S DEPARTURE. Of his manuer of leaving mobile the Register Bays; A good deal was said in the streets yesterday touchiug the departure of Mr. Kelley from the city. That he left a littlooutof the regnlar way of doing things of that sort Was generally under stood, but the information as to how it was done was not so extensively diffused, lie did not take the regular passenger boat for Texas, but left on the Annie for the trip, while others bint that she was pre-ssed into service in spite of her smoke stack. The firs' assertion is most prob ably the truo one, as Mr. Kelley could have had neither the right nor the power to lay violent hands on a steamboat and force her to oarry him wherever he had a mind to go. Always Tell tub Truth—Tho ground work of manly character* ve taci ty or the habit of truthfulness that vir tue lies at tin foundation of everything said* 11 JW common it is to hear parents say, I have faith; in my child so long as 'it speaks tho truth. He have faults but I know he will Apt deceive. I build on that confidence they are right. It is lawful and 3*<l3t ground to build upon so 1 long as the truth remains in a child there is somthinx to depend on but wh«n truth is gone all is loot unless the ebilde is speedily won back again to veracity., Children did you ever Utll a lie ? If so you are in imminent danger. at once, little reader, and enter thf strong hold of truth, and from it may you never depart again. Good milch cows sell in N. Orleans for two hundred and fifty dollars each; milk ip twenty cents a quart; straw berries tow dollars and fifty rents a quart, and turkeys fivo dollars a pair. —A Western editor lately married one of his ooaspeeiters, another compos*, iter acted as bridesmaid; the officiating clergyman being a retired printer, and the local editor giving the bride any. Where was the devil? Distributing pi. An iiapertineat fellow asked a gentle man at a pabM.e gathering why he had shaved off his side whiskers, and was answered, "that to meet some men be required mor# elioek " Dioinot. —One of the most important point* of life in deoeney. Which is to do what is proper where it is proper; for many things are proper at one time and at one place which are extremely improp er at another. This deoeoey whioh shines in lite, assuers the approbation, of those with whom we live—by the regularity, point and modesty of our opinions and actions. Thi Agricultural Depart thinks the comiug w) eat crop will be the finest _ REGTJLATIONOF SUFFRAGE. One of the most acute of living politicnl writers in England says of our constitution: "The primary element in a free government, the|determination of how-uinny people shall have a share in it, in America depends not upon tho government, but upon certain sub ordinate local, and sometimes, as in the South now, hoetile bodies." And tbe wri* ter easily shows the danger of such a sys tem. There is ao doubt that it is a cardi nal defect in tbe constitution that it does not exactly define the qualification for the suffrage, and in leaving it to tbe various States to determine who should be the voters io the nation, the convention of 1789 exposed the country to the peril through which it has recently passed. Yet there can be liU tie doubt that if tho constitution had made every innocent male adult in all the States of the proposed Union a voter, it wonld not have been ratified by the necessary number of States. This, however, does not disturb tbe fact that the omission was a radical er ror ; nor the other fact, that Die constitu tion may oontain in otbei clauses a remedy for the omission. Senator Sumner has written a letter sug gesting three methods by which the eonse, quenees of the omission may be obviated under tbe constitution and tbe laws as they now exist. He thinks that the necessity for equalizing suffrage before tbe Presidential eleotion ia so pressing that it ia impossible to wait for the usual method of amendment by State Legislatures, which, in this in stance, also, he thinks i> too uncertain to be trusted. His propositions are : First, That Congress is bound Io secure to every State a republican form of government, and the wat has settled that political disability by reason of color is unrepublican. Second, The amendment abolishing slavery gives Congress power to enforce emancipation by proper legislation. It has, consequently passed tbe Civil Rights bill for the whole country, and it can equally pass a Political Rights bill. Third, The amendment pro posed by the Reconstruction committee, and adopted by three-fourths of tbe loyal States defines citizenship, and forbids any State to abridge the privileges of citizens. The second of these proposition seems to us untenable. The amendment abolishes chattel slavery, and authorizes Congress to enforce emancipation with proper legislation. But it cannot be fairly asserted, in the or dinary meaning of the words, except by a ! rule of interpretation which is wholly inad missible, that equality of suffrage ia New York is necessary to maintain emancipation in Florida. The third proposition is equally untena* ble. The amendment was indeed adopted by threo-fourtliß of tbe States; and thai should of course, under the oircumstances, be sufficient. But Congress has not made it so. It is tbe opinion of Mr. Sumner, it is our opinion, it is the opinion of many othors, that tbe States which maintained their interpretation of the constitution and were competent to legislate through the war, were equally and of necessity competent to amend the constitution. But they did not decide that they were. They have not pro claimed the amendment adopted by three fourths of tbem as part of the constitution ; and until that is done nobody to act upon it as if it were a part of the consti tution. * But the first 3f these propositions is un questionably correct. Congress must be the of tbe republicanism of tbo State gov* ernment which it is bound to guarantee, just as it must determine in a conflict be tween two elaimitig governments—as in Rhode Is)nnd in 1843—which is the lawful government. But how and when shall it exercise this power are purely questions of expediency. Insisting even upen an un» doubted authority is often the extremestffbl ly. Burke never denied that Great Britain had tbe right todax the Colonies, but he de but be declared that it was wrong, under the oircumstances, to exercise tbe right. So it would be very inexpedient Cor Congress, merely because it has a right, to assert that republicanism required the voting of all girls between the ages of ten and fifSen, and then call upon all the States to make their constitutions conform. Yet Congress is the final and undoubted judge of what constitutes a Republoan Government. Tbe constitution does not require it to ask the supreme court or any other authority to de- ' fine such a government" In the nature of the case it must dooide for itself, and from its decision there is no appeal except to the people at the Therefore Congress must decide to exercise the power discretely, which controls it will be tbrust from power. It will be said that the framers of the oonstituiiou, by leaving tbe suffrage to be settled by tbe various States in whioh the electoral qualifications differed, and in many of wiiicb slavery existed, conceded that sla very and politioal excluiion by reason of oolor were compatible wiib a Republican Government; and it trill be urged that as tba intention of the makers must coosirue ths instrument, we oannot fairly suy that authority to guarantee a republican form of government empowers us to call tbo disabil ity of co'.or unrepublican. To this there are two replies. In tbe first place the po litical disability of tbe colored people in the States that formed the Union did pot spring from their color but from their oondition. In other words, they were not freemen be cause tbey were slaves. ' But when slavery was abolished in any State, it oannot be fairly shown that poll heal exclusion for oolor oaly was republican in tba sense of the framers of tbe constitution- Indeed, Mr. Sumner «js that South Carolina was tbe ■fcaty ftWamstig thebriginal thirteen wfatjtf* NUMBER 24. constitution established political disability reason of color. Slaves did not vote, bat colored freemen did. The fathers of ths constitution followed the English precedent, whioh was, tliat whenever the disqualifies* tion of s'avcry was removed the slave bs «an,e. » subject. So Hamilton says k> ths h.iierqliit l N O . j t , g n j ß) jn #( j ,^ at ;j tlm laws were to restore the rights which have been taken away, the negroes oould BO longer be lefoeed an equal share of repre sentation with the other inhabitants." It is therefore not true that the fathor. held po litical exclimii n for color to be compatible with a republican form of government. And when New York imposed a political disa bility by rent en of oolor on a part of her citizens, tbo United States in Congress bad aright, ho* ever impolitic arvd impractical hie it may have been to exercise it, to pro test and interfere. But even were this not so—it it weff in disputable that tbe fathers did think exclu sion for color republican-it it both unwise and perilous, upon proper oecasioa, not to use every opportunity afforded by a written constitution to adapt it to th« changing fun damental opinion of tbe country. This is to be done in two ways: by express amend ment. and by interpretation. If fairlj', and without wresting plain words from their meaaiug, authority can be foood in tha con stitution even for object, not specifically con templated by tha frame™, but wbieh ( ia the course of time, and by radical ebaages of opinion, have become of tbo moat obvious neoessity for the attainment of those objects, Congress, tbo immediate representative of the people, may justly exorcise it. It was this whioh justified many of tbe measures of Congress and the Government during the war. It was upon what ia called " striot construction " that the rebellion relied for succes?, and it was in the achool of atrict con struction that treason wns nurtured. Tbo fundamental law must be ae flexible aa pos sible to the eonviction of the nation. When it is written like ours, and when the method of amendment is so cumbrous aa ia ours, tho moat liberal and elastic interpretation is es sential to tbe national welfare. It ia in this spirit that Senator freling huysen. of New Jersey, said in a late speech: "Tbe States may regulate suffrage; but can the States destroy tbe elective franebise sc? far as a Million of aativt born eitisens are concerned on account of tbeir ancestry T And, if tbey can nut, can Congress by a law v forbid the exelusioa of citiaens from voting on acooant of their raoof That is a ques tion that I am not now prepared to answer.'' —Harper's Weekly. JEFFERSON DAVIS. When Jefferson Davis was caught run ning away in his wife's pettiooats, if be bad been summarily tried, oonvicted, and exe cuted as a rebel in arms against ths Govern ment, the public opinion of the oountry and of mankind would probably have justified tha act. We are glad that sueh was not his fate, although it very soon became olear that nothing remained but to allow bins togo at large untouched. . l'bat result is now reached. After tho most dignified delay upon the part of the Government he has been surrendered to the civil authorities, and by them arrested for high treason and bailed ia the sum ol one hundred thousand dollars, precisely tho amount of the award offered by -the Presi dent for his capture as an accessory in tbe assassination of Mr. Lincoln. In maintain ing a consisteney of folly tbe Government not only has not formally withdrawn tha charge of assassination, but after two years of preparation announces that it is not ready to proceed with the trial for treason ; and the prisoner is released with the moat per fect understanding on all sides that he is not to be tried at all. When the Government saw that it could not sustain the charge of complicity in tbe assassination, and had de cided that Davis e<>uld not wisely be tried for treason, it should have released bim on his parole as it had released Alexander 11. Stephens. Before these Hues are read Jefferson Da vis will probably have arrived in New York, and the same feeling which lifted the hats of many in tbocrowd at Richmond will offer iiiir respectful homage here. But while wo rejoice in tbe strength and nobility of a pop ular government which can properly do an act so unprecedented as the virtually uncont ditional release of such an offender, let no American citizen forget for a moment, or fail to teach his children how wiaked the crime was.and how enormous the moral guilt of (hi criminal. It wns a crime meas ured bv which the offences for which every day men are sent to the penitentiary and hung are trivial and unimportant ; a cause less and cruel crime, for which hundreds ef thousand* of hearths are desolate and countless hearts are broken. Jefferson Davis, add his associates, to gratify a fierce politioal ambition, sought to destroy a mild government which they had always controlled,not 'oecauspit threat ened tbeir libeity and property, but b'cause they feared it might prevent their destroy ing the liberty and stealing the property of other men. l'bev attempted this w-jrk bv fire and sword and untold and unimngin • ble tortures. For fcur years they waged bloody war sga'nst a government which they did not allege liaj ever injured or was then irying to injure them- The flower of noble youth wua .tut dowu. Liko Rachel the laud mourned her d rlings be cause they lay dead npoo ths field or fctarir inic and mad in the pent of Andersouville and Salisbury. F<>rthe«e crimes—whioh in thoir nature and by the means necessary to subdue tbem transcend the f»rins of human law—for theao crimes, committed not in the hope-that jus tice might be done, but with the purpose of perpetuating the most revolting ipiustice forever, God himself will be the Judge.— And so long as A mericans love liberty, and respect law. and honor manhood—so long as truth and justice are swoeter io them than cruelty and wrong, their sense will pierce" the sophisms of Davis and bis aaso<- oiates to tbeir foul and ghastly purpose, which was not only the overthrow of tbe Government but the degradation of human nature, and to accomplish whieb tbey slew eur dearest and oat beet.'— Harper's 'Weekly.