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VOLUM E 4.
CURIOUS MEDLEY. By the lake where dfr<>oped the willow, Row, vaMsal", row! I want to be an angel And jump Jim Crow! An old crow natrnin hickory limb, Non«- nuiued him bm to praise, Let mekisi him for hit mother, For he smells of Schweitzer kwo. The minstrel to the war ha* gone, With the Banjo on hie knee ; He woke to hear the sentries shriek There's alight in the window for thee. A frog he would a woold* go, IliA hair wan enrjed to kill, He line.! to war an old WAy comt, And the *w«>rd of Bunker Hill. Oft in the ftllly night, Make way for liberty I ho cried, I won't go homo till morning, With Peg** by my tide. I am dying, Egypt, dying, SnflanMfdoh't you cry; Know how eiiblimo a thing it Is To brubh away the blue-tailed fly. Tho boy *ti»od on the burning deck, With hie Lagg»V" ''lurked fir»r Troy, One of tiio few immortal names, liis naiue was l'at Mali#/. Mary hail a little lamb, lie could S title unfold, lie had no teeth fur to eat rom cMce, And his spectacles wcro gold. Lay on, lay on. Macduff. ,\lan wants but little here below, And I'm to be ot the May, So kiss me quick and got RECONSTRUCTION. In his closing speech on the reconstruc tion question, Mr. Stevens takes occa sion to say that the Republican majority in Congress "has agreed that the htates lately in rebellion are conquered territO' ry. ' Immediately upon the close of tho war, Mr. Stevens advanced the theory, then peculiarly his own, that the South ern States, having engaged in an insur rrction which became in time magnified to the proportions of a rebellion, and so powerful as to command the recognition by our own, as well as other governments of belligerent rights, became for all po litical purposes a foreign power, subject in case of ultimate defeat and overthrow to all the liabilities of a conquered ene my, with no other rights than those als lowed by the laws of war, the laws of nations iyid the laws of humanity. So far as we can recollect, he advanced this theory and argued for its recognition with but little sympathy either in or cut of Congress. It was regarded generally as dangerous ground, and as n theory revo lutionary in its character. Ihe Hepubi lican party generally accepted the tact that rebellion had placed the Southern States outside of practical relations with the Union, and insisted that on genoral principles the work of restoration and reconstruction should be committed to Congress; but Mr. Stevcii3 stood nlono at first in maintaining that the rebellion had o nisummated tho work of secession so f,r as the liabilities of the States to the government were concerned, and that they are in consequence of the failure of the rebellion conquered territory. Tho .difference between Mr. Stevens and those of his party who opposed him was just thi s —insisted that our arms had con quered a government, owing, by its own repeated declarations, no allegianee to tho United States; they maintained that we had merely suppressed a rebellion, which by its magnitude and long contin uance had disordered aud confused the political relations of the States that had engaged in it. Mr. Stevens' view, if correct, would make theso States for all political purposes conquered territory, and entirely dependont upon Congress.— The other would simplv warrant Congress by virtue of supreme necessity, in restor ing order and government to those States under constitutional restraints and re strictions. According to Mr. Stevens' view, the constitution could impose no restraint to congression action, that instrument being n compact between States and not apply ing to territories, no matter how acquir ed. No direct issue was ever made be tween these opposing theories, llcccn struction was allowed to progress inde pendent of theory but governed by ncs I oessity. Congress legislated upon the subject not on the basis of any particu lar theory, but as circumstances demand ed and the necossities of the country re quired. The result of it all is unques* tionable a practical recognition of tho soundness of' Mr. Stevens' view. On no other ground can the legislation of Con gess be justified. It implies a total for feiture of rights by the rebellious States and assume a sovereign power in Congress to govern, direct and control them so long as they remain in thoir present condition. Mr. Stevens' assertion therefore is war ranted by the facts of the case. Ho is equally correct when he says that we would have had but very little trouble in reconstructing the government had we recognized the principle at tho outset.— Once concede the Southern States to be conquered territory and the whole prob lem is solved. The supreme power be> comes lodged in Congress and no other department of the government can inter fere with its exercise of that power.— That power extends not only over the po litical aelat o is and con litioni of the ter ritory, but by the laws of war, and sub ject to them, is made to embrace even the lives and the property of its people.— Reconstruction as applied to them would mean simply admission as States, just as any other territory is built up into States, and by the same power. A twelve months experience has done more to make Congress of one mind on this important subjoet than all of Mr. Stevens arguments, unanswerable as they were. Instead of standing alono as he did at first, he is supported by nearly all who then opposed him. The events of the last year has justified his predictions, and the country regards bin views as completely vindicated.— Franklin Jie yoiitory AMERICAN CITIZEN. MAXIMILIAN. TlO.Vt Kill V I > MEXICO. Responsible Government for Franoe. THE EXECUTION OF MAXIMILIAN, An English Defense of Juarez. A telegram from Paris, of the 9th of July, evening, report? : In to-day's sit ting of the Legislative body the Mexican question was discussed. M. Thiers said—The Mexican question has ended without any good results to France. Our compatriots remain expos ed to greater losses than ever, our com merce with Mexico is ruined, and the prestige of our greatnen u compromised in America, liven ill Eurupe the Mex ican imbroglio lias hampered our attitude towards the great revolution accomplish ed in Germany. The lesson of this un happy expedition is that control and op position are necessary. The Mexican expedition was a]>prored b>/ no one in France, but was, nevertheless, undertaken and continued for several years. There are two ways of understanding monarch ical government. The first is the rule of a prince with irresponsible ministers, who merely execute the orders they re. ceive. The second is a prince governing with responsible ministers, who have to submit their views to him as the head of the State, and can, if necessary, lean upon a representative Assembly which is able to oppose the Ministers, both, how ever, dependent upon public opinion.— This is tho form oi monarchy towards which we must advance as speedily as possible in tho interest of the govern ment and the couutry. Perfect silence prevailed in the Cham ber during this speech. 5!. Granier de Cassagnac defended the Mexican expedition. M. Jules Favre stated that the real idea of the expedition was the subversion of the Mexican Republic and the estab lishment of a throne in Mexico, but this intention had been eoucealed by the g<*v ernment. The French troops ought to have brought back Maximilian, and thus have saved France from the stain ot blood which will rest upon her. [Noisy inter ruptions.] M. Ilouher protested strongly agaiust the words of Mr. Favre. MAXIMILIAN'S EXECUTION EARL DKltur's ANNOUNCEMENT TO THE ENGLISH I'KERH- In the English House of Lords, on the 9th of July, Lord Stratford dc ltedcliffo said that, seeing his noblo friend at the head of the government in his place, lie wished to put to him a question of con siderable interest, and as to which ho had given him private notice. It related to the Emperor Maximilian and the allcgod unhappy termination of his carter. He wished to ask his noble friend whether the government had received any official account of the Emperor Maximilian's -death, and whether, if the government had received it, it was their intentiou to move that the Ilouseahould take auy no tice of the event, and propose that they should ofter their condolence to her Maj esty on what must be to her a subject of so much affliction ? There was another subject to which he wished for a moment to direct the attention of his noble friend, and that was the continued detention of the Abyssinian captives. The Earl of Derby said he had only just received from his noblo friend a pri vate intimation that he intended to ask two questions. lie would bo obliged if he would postpone the one relating to the captives in Abysfinia. With regard to the other question, which concerned the fate of the Emperor Maximilian, he had to state that he had received within the last few hours a telegram from Paris which unhappily showed that there could be no longer any doubt upon that sub ject. That telegram was as follows: FROM MR. FANE. PARIS, July 9—1:30 p. M. Moustier has just received a telegram from the French Minister at Mexico, da ted 27th of June. It reports that the Emperor Maximilian was shot on tho 19th, in spito of every .effort made to save him ; the lone of the victorious party was defiant towards all foreign powers, including Unitod States; they refused to give up the Emperor's body ; the French Minister was preparing to depart with his legation, but although hitherto unmolest> ed, he thought he might be detained as a hostage for the surrender of Geseral Almonte. Earl Derby continued : My Lords, I must say that I share in all the feolings of your lordships—(cheers)—at this most unnecessary, most cruel and barbarous murder, which must excite horror in ev» ery civilized country. (Cheers.) It is a murder purely gratuitous, and so far from producing any beneficial effect, can only add to the miseries of which that unhappy country has been for so many years the subject, and I fear it b only too probable that it will have to sustain similar miseries for raany years to come. I hope my noble friend will excuse me at the present moment for declining to give any auy opiuiou as to whether your lord ships will be invited to express your feel ings on the subject by any public act. Viscount Stratford de Kedcliffo said that, as a member of the House, he beg ged to stale that he would bring forward some resolution on the subject in caso her Majesty's government did not think that sufficient reasons existed for inviting an expression of opinion from tho House with regard to tho matter. Lord Kedesdale hoped the noblo vis* couut would give public notice of hi* "Let us have Faith that Right makes Might; and in that Faith let us, to the end, dare to do our duty as we understand it"— A. LINCOLN BUTLER, BUTLER COUNTY, PENN'A, WEDNESDAY, JULY 31, 1867- question, and not give it privately, as he was in the habit of doing. The giving of private notices prevented every other peer from taking part in the discussion of the questions brought forward, al though they might feel an interest in them. It was extremely inconvenient that notices were not given publicly. It might induce noble lords to cone down to the House and take part in the debated. [Hear, hear.] QUEEN VICTORIA'S OPINION. [London (Jnly 9) corrwipondMice of Manchester Uuardiaa.'j On Friday there is to be a discussion on recent events in Mexico. Mr. Otway brings forward a pioposal that cur Min ister, Mr. Scarlet, should be recalled, in ooder to mark this country's reprobation of the execution of Maximilian. Lord Stanley, it is said objects to being forced into taking such a stop, which would no doubt be the avowal ot a policy at vari ance with that imperturbable neutrality which he has always advocated, and which so far he has practiced. Other members of the cabinet take more of the old Pitt and Sidmouth view'; and it would not be difficult, in the present ill humor of the tory party, to blow up an flame. It would be a mistake, however, to sup pose that this movement, should it take place, is in any way inspired by the Court. The Queen, it is undbrstood, !euds no countenance to hot or hasty counsels pro fessing resentment against the republi cans of Mexico. She is too well read in constitutional principles to suffer her sympathy for Maximilian's widow to con found her judgment as to the wisdom of his course, and the impolicy of our shap ing our diplomatic behavior by the de plorable events he himself precipitated. The Queen, like her sagacious uncle Le opold, regretted that he should have gone to Me xieo; and that, having gone, he should have tarnished his brief reigu by the fatal acts of October, 1800, regard > ing prisoners of war. Mr. Scarlett may have leave of absence for a year, without his absence doing any hurt to Hritish in terests iu Mexico; and if at the end of that time Juarez shall be able tore estab lish the form of government which we recognized up to 1804, when our plenis potentiary, Sir Charles Wyke, returned to Europe, we shall then be free to ac credit some one else as Minister to Mex ico. Hut for Parliament to sit in judg raent on events with which England has nothing to do, and to break off diplo matic relations on account of them, is a course which tho majority of the House of Commons is very unlikely to favor. NO AUSTRIAN REPRISALS. Referring to the telegraphic onnounce ment from Vienna that Admiral Teget hoff is to proceed to Mexico to claim tho body of the Emperor Maximilian, and that an Austrian squadron will accompa ny him, the Paris Debuts, of July 9, de clares that the second part of that asser» tion appears to it completely inadmissa ble. No squadron, says the Debuts , is wanted to bring back a coffin. The mis sion of theconquerorof Lisas,with astrong force seut into Mexican waters, would seem to announce tho intention of chast ising Juarez and his partisans. Wo most heartily wish that means could bo found to capture the bands which seized aud put to death the brothel of Francis Jos« eph : but is the thing possible ? On tho other hand, would there not be as much injustice as barbarity iu bombarding Vera Cruz, and thus punishing, for tho Em peror's murder, tho town which remained longest faithful to tho empire 1 Austria will doubtless understand, just like France, what is the most prudent course at the present day—namely, to entrust to the ambitious gladiators of Juarez themselves the task of chastising each other, and of exterminating themselves, turn by turn, in a sauguinary anarchy. Alas! why did wo not adopt that policy towards Juarez and his accomplices a lit tle sooner 1 JURAEZ's DEFENSE—ENGLISH JUSTIFI CATION OF THE MILITARY EXECUTION. (Fp->m tho Loudon N«ws, July 10.) It is ouly too easy to account for and excuse the distressing exaggeration into which some of our contemporaiies who conspicuously applauded tho attempt of the Emperor Napoleon, to found a vica* rious empire iu Mexico, and others who habitually practice upon the iguorance, the credulity or the forgetfuluess of their readers, are descanting upon tho deplora ble execution of the Archduke Maximil ian of Austria. These journals appear to imagine that when they have called President Juarez a "savage" and an "as sassin," sentenced bim to the execration of the civilized world and of posterity, and invoked the retribution of the United States Government —of all Governments in the world—on the head of tho man who has at last succeeded "in clearing the Western world of an invading army and of an alien monarchy," history will ac cept their suppressions and distortions of the truth and their hollow declamation as a conclusive verdict upon a seriei of transactions of which the court martial at Queretaro is the last and most; lamen table, but not perhaps the most disgrace ful. Withovt surprise, but not without regret and shame, we find English jour nals vieicg with the • Mcniteur in veracity and with the Comtitutionnel and Patrie in expressions of remorse which read like Mr. Brodhead's indignant denunciations of the crimes ho ordered and paid for. Need we protest that there is not a man with a heart in his breast, of what ever political party or opinion, who con templates with the prafouadest pity the tragic destiny o? a prince endowed with all the charms and grace- of character which in private life won the lovo of i'pMU ds ud publiic life engage the loyalty of nations ? Assuredly if there be any political party, or any portion of the prise of Europe, which has a pecu liar light to condemn and deplore au act of vengeance and the loss of a rare op portunity and example of mercy and for giveness, it is the Liberal and Democrat ic party, who, in 1848, abolished the punishment of death for political offen ces—it is that portion of the European press, which, in 1861, dissaaied the nn> fortunate Archduke Maximilian from of fering himself as the dupe and the victim of the Emperor Napoleon's dreams and designs. Those dreams and designs de pended for their fulfilment on the disrup tion and subversion of the American re public, and the recognition by force of arms of the slaveholding Confederacy, at the bost of untold calamities, for the greater glory of the second empire. Our tory contemporaries are at least consist", ent; they have seized theoccas on of this catastrophe in Mexico to renew their complaints of the shortsighted policy of the liberal English government which declined to lend the blood and treasure of this country to that Napoleonic "idea;" which consented, indeed, to join with France and Spain in demanding of the Mexican government the payment of cer tain money claims, and the punishment of outrages committed, not by the acts of President Juraez, but by the promoters of a Mexican empire^ —by Marquez and Miramon and their accomplices—but declined, thanks to the honesty and pru dence of our Minister accredited to I'res l ident Juarez, and to the commander of our naval forces, suppor&d by the Span ish General (Prim) to breyk [after the fashion of the French General at Rome, in 1849,] the convention of Soledad,and to convert a limited and defined expedi tion into an illegitimate, inordinate and ruinous adventure, begun in perfidy, and fated to disaster. Let the official rhet oricians in the Corps Legislatif, and the official journals of the second empire, pretended to disguise, if they cau, the full and absolute responsibility of their master for that enormous conspiracy of factious priests, palace jobbers, imperal ist agents and adventurers, and Mexican outlaws, against the independence of the United Slates, under cover of a crusade against the anarchy of Mexico. llund reds of innocent French families have paid the penalty of that magnificent ro mance in the blood of their children and in "bonds' not worth the paper they wore printed 00. The claims of French mer chant i'.po» the Mexican republic were insignificant in comparison with those of English creditors. The Mexican empire has cost France forty millions sterling; and, according to the Moniteur, the last state of Mexioo is worse than the first. The French army not only did not ex tinguish civil war in Mexico; it exasper ated and inflamed every domestic faction in that distracted country ; it brought oivil war and left civil war behind. Is it, we take leave to ask, the part of in dependent English journals to absolve the real authors of this immense calami ty, because Matxmilian jrjferred his honor to his safety, aud declined to take shelter with his deceiver* aud betrayers? Tue true history of ail these transactions remains to be written, and we believe the materials for writing it are in sure hands, and will be submitted indue time to the judgment of the civilized world.— That 1 black spot" in the splendid pics tore of imperial success, which even M. Itouher confesses, will not be wiped out: I do tho wrong, awl flrnt begin to brawl, The secret mischief* Uiat 1 Hot apriuich . 1 Uy unto Cti«* grievou* < harp»« of other*. Hot then I sigh, au<l with * pieoo «»f Scripture, Tell them thnt Uod bills us do good for evil. With a stiange Confusion of ideas, the Moniteur describes the sentence of the court-martial which unfortunately follow ed the instructions of the French Gener als, as "au act of regicide." If the na tive constitutional government of Mexico had been a monarchy, and the Austrian Archduko had been the hereditary or even the elected sovereign of that coun try, defeated aud slain by the leaders of a domestic insurrection, then no doubt it would be proper to characterize the'san guinary of the victorious insurgents as "regicide." Hut Mexico was not u mon archy; Maximilian was neither the reditary nor the elected ruler of Mexico, as the simple fact of the total collapse of his empire within two months after the departure of the French army too clearly proves. At any rate he was not a mon arch in the eyes of the native republican government, which never ceased to ex ercise its functions, though, as it has sometimes happened to European mon archs, it was temporarily superceded by a foreign prince invited by a rebel taction, and imposed by a foreign army, liow could the authorities of the Mexican re public be guilty of regicide ? Such a orime was unknown to their political cal endar. Nor is the name of Yturbide very judiciously cited by the Moniteur. Yturbide, it is true, was made Emperor by the Mexicans; he was a Mexican born; he was created Emperor by his own people, and by his own people de posed and pensioned. It was not as Em peror, but as a rebel who had attempted a coup <r etut against the institutions of his countiy, that ho was subsequently shot , and that, no doubt, is enough to justify tho sympathy of the Moniteur. While we most heartily subscribe, in common with the whole liberal press of Europe, to tho abolition of the punish ment of death for political offenses—a doctriuo, by the-by, by none more elo quently jitoocatcd than by Louis Blanc, in the chapter of hia " History of the Revolution" on tho death of Louis XVI —we cannot but percoive that tho fate of Maximilian of Austria bears no sort of analogy to any of those "judicial mur ders" of great personages which history records and • milder age condemns.— The apologists of that savage decred of October, 1885, whioh the French per* suaded Maximilian to sign, are doubtless justified in asserting that the unhappy and amiable Prince was overdone by the pleasure of military men, who, as all Europe well knows, are never slow to shed blood, and who have not learnt to respect hnman life in Algeria or in Paris. Is it, then, unreasonable to suppose that President Juarez, whom those who know him intimately declare to be "a brave, humane and honest citizen," was over-, borne by the military officers who sat on that court martial at Queretaro, some of whose comrades, friends and relatives, perhaps, had been shot in cold blood in pursuance of that Imperial decree ? It is hard to be compelled in the interests of truth and justice to recall these facts at the present moment. Rut if history is philosophy teaching by example, let us at least, whether Imperialists or Repub licans, monarchs or subjects, endnavor to draw some profitable, though bitter, les sons from these sad events. There is another point in the mournful narrative, which, in justice both to Max imilian and to the Emperor of the French should be correctly stated. In March last the Emperor Maximilian had decided on abandoning Mexioo. Two Austrian ships-of-war were ready to receive him at Vera Cruz. An aid : de'Camp was ac tually sent from Vienna to Gibraltar to meet him on his return to Europe. Who detained him? That clerical party which three years ago was intriguing at the Tuilleries, and agitating at Miramar to induce tho Archduke to embark upon a crusade for-the overthrow of the consti tutional government of their country.— That clerical party, from whose counsels the honesty and intilligence of Maximil ian, and even the courageous piety of that gentle and admirable lady whose bright young life was destined to set so soon in dark perplexity, recoiled in dis gust when they discovered all its foulness and rapacity; that clerical party which denounced the Emperor Maximilian at Rome, and withdrew from him the bent diction of the .Holy Father, in March last, when tho French army had precip itately disappeared from tho scone of its sterile triumph and its uncompleted con quests, and Maximilian was abandoned an easy prey to the national forces he had defied; that clerical party which had in' vited, deserted and denounced him, in tercepted him 011 his way to Vera Cruz, and, with offers of a new treasury and a new army, entreated and persuaded him to retrace his step* to the capital and pursue the war in that quarter. Aud who wore the Generals of this clerical party? The notorious Miramon and Marqucz: Miramon, who had broken into and pillaged tho British embassy; Marquez, a man of a thousand murders. But the clerical piastres wore not forth coming ; and the clerical army was a handful of desperate outlaws, led by men of infamous reputation. Thus, as evon a semi-official compiler of news for the French public is fain to acknowledge; " those who first invited Maximilian to Mexico kept him there; and as they deceived him when they said that the whole country awaited him as its savior, they likewiso deceived him, wh?n, at the last moment, they persuaded him that he might hold the country by force of arms, although the Fronch themselves admitted that this was impossible." This semi official historian of course forgets that M. Ronner himself, over und over again, in the Corps Legislatif, has said and written precisely what the clorioal party in Mex<. ico told tho ill-fated Maximilian "last March, and what the French themselves admitted was impossible. Our duty as simple servants of the truth is to take care that neither tho clerical party nor tho second empire shall be dofraudod of its just share of responsibility. The task is not a happy or a grateful one,and were it not for the ill-judged attempt of certain of our cotemporaries to assist the Moniteur in darkening knowledge, we would gladly leave it to the passionless and tearless tribunal of history MARSHAL BAZAINE'S RULE. [From tho London Star, July 10.] Some persons are employed in Paris in collecting the proclamations of Mar shal Bazaine, in which he exercised the most cruel severeties towards the Mexi can republican party, while it is intend ed to give a list of the persons' shot by the imperialists. THE PRISONERS PnOTOORAPHED. [Prom (July 0) correspondence of London Star.] ' By a steamer arrived at Southampton on the 2d, a photograph has reached Paris, which was executed at New Or leans, of a drawing taken in the prison of Queretaro, representing the Emperor, Miramon, Mejia and the Prince of Selm- Salm, in the convent of Lafl Capuchinas. The Emperor, in plain clothes, is wri ting at a table, whilst tho Prince, in a braided palisee and Russian boots, stands next to him. Miramon lies on the only mat in the room. Mejia in uniform, is wearing a naval cap, is nmoking. Through an open door two Mexican officers are to be seen, who watch the prisoners day and night. LETTER FROM THE EMPEROR. It is stated on good authority, says The I'all Mall Gazette , that tho letter of condolence on the death of the Emperor Maximilian addressed by the Emporor Napoleou to the Emperor of Austria, was to tho following effect: " 112 send you the expression of my condolence on the dread ful news of the death of tho Emperor Maximilian. My grief is the more lively because 1 feel the responsibility of the painful parti have had in this misfor tune. But God, who penetrates our heart*, know) that I never had any other object than to extend to those dis-* tant places the influence of our civiliza> tion. In doing this I have found no no bler or more worthy intercourse tliau your Majesty's unfortunate brother." IMPERIAL DECREE TO TIIE AUSTRIAN NAVY. [From the QustU do Vienna, Joly 4 ] We have received for publication the following decree : As a mark of gratitude and respect for the eminent services rendered by our au gust brother, His late Majesty the Em peror of Mexico, in aiding the develop ment of the Austrian navy, whoso supe riority has been established by the achievements of many brilliant results, I hereby decree that the Austrian navy celebrate aboard its vessels a solemn mass for the dead, accompanied by the usual mouruing salutes, and that for seven weeks the flag at the topmost be shrouded with crape. (Signed) FRANCIS JOSEPH. Saultsbourg, Jdly 3, 1867. FOREIGN CHASTISEMENT UNCALLED FOR IN MEXICO. (Ffotn tho Journal das Dobat*, Jalj o.] A telegram fron Vienna announces that Admiral Tegethoff has been instructed to proceed to Mexico to recover the remains of the Emperor Maximilian, nnd rumor adds that an Austrian squadron will ac compony the Admiral. The latter intel l'genceappca-s to us wholly inadmissible No squadron is wanted to bring back a coffin. Tho mission of the conqueror of Ijissa with a strong force into Mexican wc ters would seem to announce the inten tion of chastizing Juarez and his parti zans. We most heartily wish that means could be found to capture the bands whioh seized and put to death the broth• er of Francis Joseph ; but is the thing possible ? A COLO IN TU* HEAD.- A l)r. Palion, of St. Foy, France, has dis<: ivere 112 a new method of curing tho malady of Now Engs land, cold in the head. Herewith is the pre script ion : "It consist? in inhaling through the noso tho emanations of ammonia contained in a smelling bottle. If the senso of smell is completely obliterated, tho bottle should bo kept under tho nose until tho pungency of the volatile alkali is felt. The bottle is then removed, but only to be re-applied in a minute; the second application, howover, should not be so long, that the patient may bear it. 'I bis easy operation being repeated seven or ei/Jht times in tho course of fivo minutos, but always very rapidly, oxcopt tho first time, tho nostrils become free, the sense of smell is restored, and tho secretion of the irritating mucous is stopped. This remedy is said to be peculiarly advantageous to singers." BEAUTIFUL ANSWERS.— A pupil of tho Abbe Sicord gave tho following extraordi nary answers: "What is gratitude ?" "Gratitude is the memory of tho heart." "What is hope ?" "Hope is the blossom of happiness." "What is the differences between hope and desire?" "Djsire is a tree in leaf, hope is a tree in flower, an 1 enjoyment ;s a treo in fruit." "What is eternity ?" "A day without a yesterday or to-mor row—a line that has no end." '■What is God ?" "The necessary being, the sun of eternity, the machinist of nature, the eye of justice, the watchmaker of the universe, tho soul of the world." SIGNIFICANT REPLY OF MAXIMILIAN. —Tho following question was put to Max imilian during the trial: " Are you willing to admit that you are responsible for all the strife that oo» currod in Mexico since the evacuation of the country by the French ?" " No," he answered. " Juarez is re sponsible for it all. After the departure of the French I sent a message to Juarez and proposed to him to proclaim a gens oral amnesty, and to grant a full pardon to all who had been identified with me and the Imperial cause. Juarez refused this, and I had no course left but to re main and to do all in my power to pro tect a large proportion of the Mexican people." —"Did you lake tho note, and did you see Mr. Thompson, Jack ?" "Yes, sir." "And how was he ?" "Why, he looked pretty well, but he's very blind." "Blind ! What do you mean ?" "Why, while I wur in the room, he axed n.e where ray hat wur, and I'm blessed if it wur not on my head all the while." A REMEDY FOR INSECTS. —An experienced gardr.er says a decoction of the leaves of common chamomile ia very disagreeable to all, and destroy several species of inseets. Nothing contributes so much to tile health of a garden as a numlnsr of ehamomile plantsdispersed through it. It is a singular fact that if a plant is drooping and appar ently dying, in nine eases out often it will recover if you plant chamomile near it, Reports received from Home r present the Papal Government much alarmed by the menacing attitude of the party of action under the leadership of Garibaldi. Many batteries around Rome aro being restored and put into effective condition, and it is S'ated the Pope has made an appeal to the Emperor of the French for the protection of the Holy Seo. —Jtdmond About says "there arc two things in this world which a man docs not often find away from home; the first is good soup; tho second is disinterested love." —A lady about to marry was warned that her intended, although a good man, was very eccentric. "Well," the said, "if he is very unlike other men, he is more likely to make a good husband." NUMBER 32 A HOPELESS STRUGGLE, When Mr. James Brooks says that if he were President of the United States ho would not allow Congress to impoSff upon him a law utterly subversive of the Constitution of the United States, what does he mean ? Does he mean morely that if Congress passed a law over his veto he would refuse to eseeute it, or that, he were required to execute af law which he considered unconstitution al, he would resign ? If he means the latter, thou President James Brooks would do precisely what the country would gladly see done by President An drew Johnson. Everybody wonld bo sat isfied. But if he means the former, then he declares that he would, if possible, try to subvert the Government. In that case one of two things would happen.— Civil war or impeachment. The Presi dent would certainly be removed, or he must bo able to remove Congress. Mr. Brooks seems not to know that the will of the President is not the Govern ment of this country. When laws am passed by Congress which ho oonsidera unconstitutional, he may object by his veto. When those laws are passed again over his veto, lie must execute them or resign. And why not ? Why are not two-thirds of Congress as likely to be right upon a question of constitutionality as the Prosidont? Mr. Brooks declaim ed against the Reconstruction Bill as out rageous and infamous. But however bad it may be, could it possibly contain any proposition so monstrous as that the ['resident's pleasure is tho law 112 The speech of Mr. Brooks and of Mr. Wood in opposition to the House bill ro vealed once more tho melancholy inabil ity of tho opposition in Congross and the utter folly of the party whioh conduct it. They declare that the late rebel States as ever, and that the whole system of re construction is an unpavrlleled military despotism which strikes at the very found ation of the Magna Charta whioh tho barons wrung from King John. Now this position is exactly the one upon which tho President planted himself in his famous policy, which is as much a thing of the past as the gun-boat pro* jeots of Mr. Jefferson. Tho Demoorats do not seem to see that they are engaged in a hopeless struggle upon this point, for they are fighting with the oommon sense of the nation. We arc occasionally informed by sanv guino Democrats that tho Republican party is at an end, and that i.othing is now between the Democracy and triumph. Nothing but tho people. The Democrat ic leaders are constantly saying to tho people of this country, "You have fought terribly ; you have won a great victory ; you are exhausted and want peace ; give up all you have been fighting for and you shall hrvo it." They wish us to regarl the war as a mere trial of strength, in which wo havo succeeded,and every thing remains just as it was. Now, if any thing is clear, it is that the common sense of tho people does not agree that every thing is as it was. They havo ro* solvod that tho late rebel States shall bo reorganized npon the terms whioh thoy may prescribe, and not npon such as (hose States themselves may choose—* And this is precisely the point of diver» gence between the Democratic party and the people. Until this question is settled thoro is and can be no other issue. But tho pol icy of Congress being heartily approved by the country, every patriotio man will do what he can to promote it, with a view to tho speediest restoration and the poaco and prosperity of the Union.— llarper't Weekly. ECONOMY OF MOWING MACHINES—A gontlaf man of oxperionce gives as his opinion that a good mowing macine will save a farmer upon an average one-eighth of his orop of grass, aside from the fast that 'haying' is done, much sooner, and therfby a great sav ing must be made. lie says the average height of grass is about lf> inches, and that a machine mows, upon an average, tWar » inches closer than the scythe, thus saving two inches of grass over the wholo surface. If a man cuts forty tons of hay with a mow-' ing machine, lie saves five tonsof hay, as ha would havo got but3s tons with the scythe. Calling hay worth, upon the average, $8 per ton, there is a saving of $lO a year Jo hay, to say nothing of labor. SALT ron TUB POTATO CROP.— I planted a few potatoes last spring, for an experiment. 1 soaked saw-dust in strong brine and put a* much iu each hill as I could hold in one hand. In a few hills with tho soaked sawdust I pul from one-half to a tenenpful of salt. I Wish« el to find out if it would kill the potatoes# Where the sawdust was, without the addition of the salt, the potatoes grew very rank, th# vines spread out on the ground, as there was not strength to hold them up j'but when straightened up, some wore nearly as high as my head. The potatoes were very largo. It took but afew hills fora bushel. Where the salt was added they were not as large in tops or bottoms. It was evident that thero was too much salt.— N. E. Farmer. —lt is reported from Topcka, Kansas, that the Osage Indians have takon tho war path. Govern<r Crawford, of Kansas, has written a letter to Senator Ross on Indian af fairs, in which ho says 5,000 men havo been killed the past year. ll<* also says that no promises of peaco' are to be relied on, and strongly ap* peals to Congress for aid. —A servant girl employed in the' family of Henry Swaye,in Brooklyn, was burned to death by the ignition of a can of kerosene oil which sbe was injudiciously pouring upon a fire on Sunday. A gentleman and a lady who attempted to rescue the' girl when they saw her in flames were severely burned about the face and hands-