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ftoetrg. For the Cltlxen. TWENTY YEARS AGO. When I look back iomi twenty yean, To kcenei that bare passed by, I think of those I oft ha»e The tear atarta in my eye! All my companion* then were email-- A happy ban*! wore uto, Ae then we ell together played Beneath the old Birch tree. Bnt where are now my coniadee£one; "Wbere may they now befOued? Some of ♦hem in the churchward Me, Low, mouldering id the ground ! Some hearkened to their Country's call, When it in danger stood, And lif«leee from the field were home, All crimsoned o'er with blood t And wme proclaim theOoepel souad Toaicaer* of mankind. While otfcer*, various trades pursue , Gcsgsnisl to their mind. It Is a end and tfrtlemn thought. But yes, ':ls even so : We never more shall meet ftfain As twenty year* ago J But then, a day Is eoraingftut. Wherein we all must meet. To give In o«r account at last Aronnd the Judgment eeat. Oh, may we all be well prepared For such tf scene as this, That Heaven may be our final home, Our portion, endless bline PmoiPECT, Oet. fr, 1H17.) M. |HisCcHniUoUfi. CIVIL RIGHTS BILL Opinion of Chief Justice Chase. THE LAW CONSTITUTIONAL. BALTIMORE, October 10. —In the Uni ted State* Circuit Court, yesterday, a hearing wa* had before Chief Justice Chose upon the petition of Elizabeth Turner, colored, by her next friend Chas H. Minaky, addressed to the Ron. Sal mon P. Chase, Chief Judge of the Cir cuit Court ot the United States, and for the Maryland District. The petitioner alleges that she is the ehitd of Klisabeth Turner; that ahe ii restrained of her liberty and held io custody by Philemon T. Hamble'on, of Talbot county, Mary land, in violation of the Constitution and laws of the Uaited States ; also that the petitioner is restrained of her liberty by ▼irtue of certain alleged indentures of apprenticeship made not in accordance with the laws of the State of Maryland, as applicable to the binding ot white children. The petitioner prays this Court for a writ of hab'at rnrjmt,^ id dressed to said Hambleton, requiring him to produce in court the person of the petitioner, and Certify the true cause of her detention, and to show cause, if any he has, why petiiioner should not be discharged.— [Signed by H. Stock bridge and Nathan M. Pusey, attorneys for petitioner.] The petition was filed September 20th, and indorsed, " Writ granted as prayed, Returnable October 15th, 1867. [Signed,] " S. P. CHASE, " Chief Justice of the United States." The master, P. T Hauibleton, made the following return to the writ: "In obedience to the commund of the within writj I herewith produce the body of Elisabeth Turner, together with a copy of the indenture of apprenticeship, show ing cause of her caption and detention, aud respectfully await the action of your honor." The petitioner appeared by counsel.— The Chief Justice inquired of the res pondent if he had counsol in Court. He replied in the negativo, and said he would let the matter be se'tled by the court.— The Chief Juatice stated he would pre fer that the case should be fully argued. The respondent stated that the child and ita mother were formerly his slaves, and were set free by the constitution, which went into operation is November lit, 1864. The child waa apprenticed No vember 3, 1864, two days after she was emancipated. The law of Congress call ed the Civil Rights Hill was passed since the child was indentured, April 9th, '66, and everybody told him that the law did hot interfere with this case. The Chief Justice aaid the questions In the case will be crave and important; that he wished to be advised by argu ment of counsel on the part of claimant. He woald adjourn the Court until to-day •t 9 o'clock, in order to give claimant or any other person interested in the decis ion an opportunity to appear. If io per son appeared, he would dispose of the case. The Court convened at 9 o'clock this morning, when the Chief Justice de livercd the following decision : The petitioner in this cose seeks relief fiom restraint and detention by Philemon T. Hambletcn, of Talbot counay, in Ma ryland, in alleged contravention of the Constitution and laws of the United States. The facts as they appear from the return made by Mr. Hambleton to the writ, and by his verbal statement made in Court and admitted as part of the re turns, are substantially as follows : The petitioner, Elisabeth Turner, a young person of color, and her mother were, prior to the adoption of the Maryland Constitution of 1864, slaves of the re spondent ; that Constitution went into operation November Ist, 1864, and pro hibited slavery. Almost immediately thereafter many of the freed people of Talbot eounty were collected together under some local authority, the nature of which does aot clearly appear. The younger persons were bound as appren tices usually, if not always, to their last masters; among others, Elisabeth, the petitioner, was apprenticed to Hamble. ton by an indeuture dated qn the 3d of November, two days after the new con stitution went into operation. Upon eoKpariog the terms of this indenture, whifl h is claimed to have been executed AMERICAN CITIZEN. under the law of Marylaud relating to negro apprentices, with those required by tho law of Maryland in indentures for tbe apprenticeship of white persons, the Variance is manifest. Tbe petitioner un der this indenture is not entitled to any education. A white apprentice must be tanght reading, writing and arithmetic. The petitioner is liable to be assigned and transferred at the will of the master to any person in the satire county. Tbe white apprentice is not ftfeble to the au-i thority uf the master. The petitioner is described iu the law as a property and interest; no such description is applied to the authority over a white apprentice. It is unnecessary to mention other par ticulars. Such is the case I regret I have been obliged to consider without the beuefit of any argument in support of the claims of the respondent to the writ, bnt I have considered it with care and an earnest de sire to reach right conclusions. For the present I will restrict n>yself to a bHef statement of these conclusions without going into the grounds tor them. The time do«s not allow more. The follow ing propositions seem to me to be sound, aod tbey decide the case : First, The first clause of the thirteenth Amendment of the Constitution of the United States, interdicts slavery or invol untary servitude, except as a punishment for crimes, and establishes freedom as the constititional right of all persons in tbe United States. Second, The alleged apprenticeship in the present case, is involuntary servitude within the meaning of these words in the amendment. Third, If this were otherwise ( the in denture set forth in the return does not contain important provisions for the se curity aod benefit of apprentices, which are required by the laws of Maryland iii the indenture of white apprentices and therefore in contravention of that clause of the first section of the civil rights law, enacted by Congress, April 9th, 1866. Fourth, The law having been enacted under the second clause of the thirteenth the enforcement of the first clause of the same amendment is consti tutional, and applies to all conditions pro hibited by it, whether originating in transactions before or since the amend ment. Fifth, Colored persons equally with white persons are citizens of the United States. The petitioner, therefore, must be discharged from restraint by the res pondent. [Prom the Columbia (Ohio) Journal. Democratic Orator Confounded. We are informed that •x village in one of the " backbone" Democratic counties was tho scene of a funny incident a few eveuiags tiuce, whereby a Democratic ora tor was utterly confounded and brought to grief by men of bis own party. The circumstances are as follows: lie had told them how the rich bond bolder had reduced them to slavery in despite of tbe efforts of the Qoddess of Liberty and several other personages, both human and celestial, till then un known to the audience. lie quoted ex» tensively from George Francis Train's | " demagogue" speech, and among other things the following : " Work! work! work ! From the dawn to the dunk of day, Per your h«p«e ore crmhad with a weight of debt. That the toil of your life won't pay F" Having wrought up his hearers almost to mutiny, he left that branch of his sub ject, and proposed to show up some of (he Republican leaders, beginning with Ben Wads. '• Why, fellow citizens," said he, •' there is Hen » ade, a regular agrarian, *»ho wants all the property di vided so that every man will have an equal share." [Thundering applause, and cries of " Bully for him ." "That's the ticket!" " He's the man for me!"] " Why, fellow citizens," said he, 14 Ben Wade is a Radical aud an agrarian ; he" —[Deafening applause, and yells of " Good for the Radicals !" " Bully for the 'grarianx !"] The speaker was thunderstruck. Evi dently, his hearers had never heard much of Ben Wade and the Radicals. They had been well stirred up against the rich, and they thought that radicalism was a species of detnocrscy, of which Ben Wade was the champion. " Gentlemen—fellow citiaens," contin ued the speaker, " I don't think you ex actly understand me. Ben Wade is the Vice President, elected by the Radicals, and he is himself \ Radical, and an agrarian land pirate to boot. Why, what do you think ! He proposes to take the rich man's property, for which he toiled in early life, and givs it to those who hate no property, even to those who do no work. What do you—" A voico J " Three cheers for Ben Wade!" And in spite of all that two or three village leaders, candidates for constable and supervisor, could do, the crowd gave three thundering cheers for Ben Wade and the " 'grarians." The orator, fiud ing that he had got on the wrong track, abruptly brought his remarks to a close. A lie, in that instance, made Ben Wade several friends, y*t wo scarcely feel like congratulating him on the acquisition. CHEERFULNESS. —A woman may be of great assistance to her husband in busi ness, by wearing a cheerful smile upon her countenance. A man's perplexities and gluominess are increased a hundred fold when his better half moves about with a continual scowl upon her brow.— A pleasant, cheerful wife is a rainbow set in the sky when her husband's mind is tossed with storuts and tempests; but a dissatisfied and fretful wife,in the hour of trouble, is like one of those fiends who are appointed to torture lost spirits. "Let us have Faith that Right makes Might; and in that Faith let us, to the end,dare to do our duty as we understand it"—A. Lmrfotw. BUTLER, BUTLER COUNTY, PENN'A, WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 23, 1867- SUSPENSION DURINGINPECH MENT. The President is reported to have said to a Tennessee friend that if Congress should impeach him and attempt to sus pend him daring the trial he would re sist. He would endeavor to justify such a coutse, probably, upon the ground that the Constitution—which is so preeions to him and to the Democratic allies and apologirts of the rebellion—provides for the removal of the President only on conviction. But if Congress, upon as sembling. should pass s law providing for the suspension froe their functions of all impeachment of the Government, from the moment of impeachment until the end of the trial, what then ? The Presidest would, of course, veto the bill; Congress would pass it over the veto, and it would become the law of the land. Would Andrew Johnson then undertake armed resistance to the law ? Undoubtedly he would if he thought he should be supported, and very pos sibly he would be remembered that the President is not only an ignorant, obsti nate and pass'onate man, but—if com mon report may be ttustcd—he is an in temperate man. It has been publicly Btated that he intended to relieve Gen eral Grant and make General Frank Blair Secretary of War. Now the hab its of General Blair are notorious. Jer emiah Black is tho President's confiden tial adviser, and Jeremfah Black is a patriot of the school of Fernando Wood and Robert Toombs. It is idle to sary that such men will not dare to do this or that. They will dare to do any thing. They would undoubtedly prefer the form and letter of law, but they conld very readily devise any pretext. Thero can be no more stupendous folly, with our recent experience,than to insist that it is a mere partisan trick to say that vio lence is very possible and probable upon the part of the President. He is besotted with the notion that it is his busines to defend what he calls the Constitution—in other words, certain theories of his own—against Congress.— Now as a mat er of fact, under the Const! % tution there is no power whatever lo op pose the action of Congress, when the veto has t<een outvoted. To the extent of the veto the President has a constitu al check upon Congress Beyond that, he is as powerless as the man in the moon. When, in opposition to his veto and by tho Constitutional provision, the will of Congress has become law, the sole constitutional duty of tho President is to take care that it be faithfully exe cuted in such manner as Congress may have appointed. The President may think that it is a law destructive of the Government, of civil liberty, and of the rights of human nature. But under the Constitution, when he has vetoed it in vain, he must see to its faithful execu tiou or resign. If he will do neither— if he remains merely an incumbrance and paralysis upon the law—Congress may, at its pleasure, constitutionally pro ceed to impeach him for high misde meanor. The truth is, that, under tho Consti tution, Congress, when it has a two thirds majority against tbe President, is the really superior and supreme branch of the Government; and the only final check ot its action is not the will of the President but of the people. One very advantage of tho present political situation is, that it dispels some of the vague traditional untruths about our Government. One of the most common theories has been that it was a govern ment of three co-ordinate branches. Co ordinate means not subordinate; and the theory, therefore, waa, that ours was a government of three eqnaily supreme de partments. Such a fallacy might been tertained until it was tested Then, of course, it was sure to be discovered that three supremacies in the same system was a mere fiction. When an actual contest arises between all of them, or any oae of them and the other two, it must either be compromised—which settles nothing, and leaves the essential question still open—or one must wholly yield—which establishes its infertority—or each must persist to the last—in which case force would determine the superiority of one or the other. The history of the present conflict be tween the President and Congress that when Congress has not a majority of two-thirds against the President he is master of the situation. But when Con gress has that majority tho President is utterly powerless. If Congress should pass a law over his veto, aod the Presi dent should refuse to see it faithfully ex ecuted upon the ground that the Supreme Court had declared it unconstitutional, Congress must either yield to tho Su preme Court, which would make that Court the government of the country, or it must impeach the President despite the Court. If then, the Chief Justice refused to sit upon tbe impeachment, there must be a compromise or a forcible solution. Or suppose Congress and the President united, aod tbe Court oppos ed to them. Congress passes a law and, the President sees that it is executed, while the Supreme Court declares it to be unconstituional. What can the co ordinate supremacy of the Court do ? Does tho Constitution require the Pres ident to ask the Court before he sees to tbe execution of a law, or does it require him to refuse to execute it because the Court declares it unconstitutional ? May every law be held invalid until the Court legitimates it? Such a theory subordi nates both Congress and the President to the Supreme Court In any case the fic tion of the co«ordinate branches is ex posed. Take another possible case. The Pres dent has issued an amnesty. Certainly ex-rebels demand to be registered under it and are refused- The Supreme Court decides that they may be registered and vote. They are permitted to vote by au thority of the President, sworn to see that the laws are faithfully executed Hut such voting is against the law of Congress, and the President is impeach ed for authorizing a plain viola Won of the law. There is again no alternative but submission or resistance. There is ceitainly no equal supremacy. Tho truth again is, that the will of Congress must prevail despite the President and the Supreme Court, or the Jupreme Court is the real Legislature. It was this combination of the Execu* tivc and the Supreme Court upon which the leaders of the Democrucy relied ten years ago to secure the nationally of sla very. They were sure that the opposi sition could not obtain a two>thirds ma jority in Congress, and they everywhere declared that a decision of the Supjeme Court settled finally and forever the con stitutionally of a law. Therefore Bu» channan in his inaugural announced the Dred Scott decision. When it eVftne, the Now York Exprets and the other slaves of the slave-power insolently asked "What are you going to do about it?" Mr. Dougias asked Mr. Lincoln tbe same question upon their stamping contest through Illinois. Mr. Liuooln as usual, answered for the intelligence and conseionce and determination of the country iu replying that the decision of a court might be|roversed asdecisions often had been. If Congress shall think it wise to im peach the President, after having pro vided for the suspension of all impeach ed officers pending their trial, there will be no letter of the law even upon which the President could hope to justify re sistance. Resistance would be mere rev olution. Even if he pleaded that he was persecuted for opinion's sake—which would be ludicrously untrue— thorp would be no course for him but submis sion or resistance. All that Congress and good citizens can do is to take caro that he has no excuso for violence. For the violence itself, however, they ought to bo prepared. If it is not attempted it will be chiefly because it is anticipated. —Harper Weekly. THE DEMOCRATIC PARTI AND POLITICAL PURITY. The leaders of the Democratic party hope to confuse and blind tho people of the county to tho vital issues of the sit uation by denouncing the corruption of the Republican Union party. What are tho facts ? They are simply that tho Union party having been for some Years tho domi nant party, has naturally been joined by all mauner of camp followers, while the war has produced a system of taxation requiring an immense increase of the number of government offices. To some of theic offices dobtful and dishonest men have been sometimes appointed, and the disgrace of their exposure has of course fallen upon the party. This is a misfor tun3. It is a pity that Jthc dishonest men will not go with the minority, and that the agents appointed by a party Jof good principles shjuld not be always good men That there is great corruption in poli ties everywhero is not doubted. Tho practical qnostion is whether that cor ruption is peculiar to any party, as such and whether tho antecedents of tho Dem ocratic party arc such as to justify the expectation that it would purity politics? To ask the question is to laugh. Tho politics of the city of New York are an epitome of those of the Democracy. Is it possible to conceive a more utterly rotten and degraded system ? It is no toriously a matter of bargain. Even Judges arc known to have bought their way to the bench, and the prices which they have paid are known. Moral worth intelligence, capacity, fitness, are official qualites wholly disregarded in the bar gain pf Democratic politicians which results in filling by enormous majorities the various municiptl offices. Or look at the States in which the Democratic ascendency is unquestioned. Is it supposed that the politics of Demo< eratie Kentucky and Maryland are pur er than those of New England or Wis consin ? The Republican party has been the dominant party in New York siuce the election of 1864, when Horatio Sey mour was happi'y defeated. Of late there has been a loud outcry against Legislative corruption and rotten canal management. But no man has ever heard that the Democratic members ofthe Legislature were not, in proportion, quite as venal as the Republican, while the Republican majority did not hesitate to investigate and expose the frauds in the canal contracts without inquiring wheth er or not tho scrutiny might not impli-. cate some Republican agents. Or, viewed nationally, it was the Dem ocratic party whose agents gave us the synonyms of swindlers and corruptions. It is enough to suggest Swartwout and Price, Floyd and Fowler, [and tho whole Cabinet of Buchannan. John Slidell in the Plaquemine frauds in Lou isiana merely repeated the "repeating" system practiced and taught in the City of New Yoik. We do not mention these things as "you're another" argument. We speak of them to recall to our readers the char acter of the Democratic party in the mat ter of political purity, and to remind them inat if that party does not very widely steal at present it is because it has no opportunity. It is out of office. Even Andrew Johnson keeps it out. The Now York World complains that tho President experts the support of"the Democracy," and yet keeps Democratic fingers out of the Treasury. Indeed, what right is there to expect peculiar honesty of a party which shouts and sneers with eontfempt af "moral ideas?" Why shoukt the people of New York, or af any State, anticipate integ» rity in the management of publio affairs from a party whose leaders preach repu diation openly with Mr. Pendleton, or stealthily and tentatively in magnifying the debt as crushing, and paralyzing, and iihsupportable, with Mr. ganford E. Church ? Men who canstantly enlarge upon the horrible opppressiveness of tax ation, upon the awful price of bread, and upon the pinching aud starving of.the workingman's wife and children, but who hare n'sver a word to say of the blessing that was bought with that price, and the incalculable advantage to every workiug man which was seemed by the war which he is taxed to pey for, is a man who is willing that the word should be said which he does not Bay, and the debt repudiated whose repudiation he doen not verbally advise. The Democratic party will promise re trenchment, reform, and all the cardinal virtues a? their policy. Having heard their protestations, let every voter at their history and at the character and views of men whom they can uot shake off as lehders, because their hold is vital men like l'ondlefon and Yalandingham. Let every voter consider the tendency ol Democratic supremacy everywhere, if ha tred of equal rights, its servility to ig norance and prejudice, and then de termine whethea this in the party from which political purity is to be expected. llarptra Weekly. [From the Toledo BUde j NASBY. MR. NASBT DETAILS HIS ADVENTURES IN A STRONG DEMOCRATIC COUNTY IN SOUTHERN OHIO —MT SUFFRAGE QUESTION IN THAT PART OF TUB DEM' OCRATIC TLERITAOB. POST OFFIS, CONFEDRIT X ROADS, (.wich is in the Stait uv Kentucky), > September 20 1867 ) Last week I wuz invited togo into Ohio to assist my brethren uv that Bute The Masiedonia cry reached me, "Come and help us!" and ez the cry wuz coup led with the asihooranee that I shood be parvided for,l heeded it. Couple Mas sedouian ories with whiskey, and I can't resist em. I never try. I knowd there wuzu't much difference atween the Dim ocrisy uv Ohio aud Kentucky, but I wuz onprepared fer the sirikin resemblanco I found. Twins is not more similar. My Ist appointmeut wuz in a pure Dime kratic oouaty. It wuz a settlement after my own heart, and the minit my practist eye restid onto it, my sole leaped for joy. It wuz a town wich had bin some day the seat av bizrins, bat a rale rode runuin some nine miles to one lide uv it hed cutoff its trade, aud their inhabv itants licvin uuthin to do, the better part nv em went with the trade. Nacher abhors a vadium, and there rushed in sich an found it diflikult to live elsewhere The whole population hevin much leiii ure fell to pitchin coppers, wich, to make the game excilin, tlicy pitched for drinks Pitchin for drinks soou rendered cm in* capable uv more violent exercise; and n a year from the timo the trade left em it wuz the strongest and moat intenso Democratic town in the State. Ez they must eat sutliin, and ez the groseries coodent run perpetooally without money, they hed occasional spasms uv labor. Then wood they look over to the Kens lucky shore, and see thousands uv jest rich men ez theirsclvcs a spendin their lives in one unendin round uv copper pitchin, hoss racin and poker playin, the nigger meanwhile a sweatin to fur nish the means and they would break out into mnrmurin at the crooel fate wich cast their lot where every man wuz forst to sweat for hivielt, and the cuss of labor coodent be filled by pioxy. Their prox imity to Kentucky tantalised em. They wood hev all gone their cood they hev raised enuff to bay a nigger apiece, but they coodent. There wuz a most deliteful look uv serene repose about the place wich charmed me. Notliin stood uprite. The sign-post uv the tavern hed bin leaned again 80 much that it hed contracted the samo habit, (he hastes, from a too rigid economy in the matter uv oats, wuz loaniu agin the sido uv the barns, the shutters on the grosseries hung corQcria across the winders in con sekence uv the lower hinges bein broke, the clap boards on the houses all haogin by a single nail at one end, presented any but a regular appearance, and the men were all either sittin on store boxes, or leanin agin whatever posseised suffi cient strength to keep em up. I wasenthoosiastically reseeved. The town wua excited on two questions. I. Taxation. 2. Nigger Eqnality. The chcermen uv the depntashun wuz the most cheerio style uv Demokrat I hed seen for years. His independent hair hed pushed its way thro the top uv his hat and bristled in all directiens, bidditt de fiance to-the world} his toes pertrudin from his shoes and his trowsers liangin lopeided by one suspender indicated a sovereign contcmpt.for appearances. He begced me, with tears gtreeming down his eyes, to rouse the people agin tbe dangers wich threatens em.—'-Think sed be, "uv tho hundreds uv thousands uv millions, wich we, the people are forced to pay in taxes to the General Govern ment, and rouee em to the necessity uv ackshen "I will," sed I, "I will. Stato to me tbe amount uv taxes paid tho tyraniklo government by this Areajen spot, that I may hev th 3 data from wich to speak." " Taxes !" returned this patriot with an amazed look onto his countenance, "Tax es ! We don't pay an 7 taxes here. The Assessor came here two years ago, and findin nothin to assess, hez'nt considered it worth while to come since. But, good Lord, our hearts bleed for thbSe unforti' nit victims uv Ablishn policy, wiph hev ■utbin, and is forced to pay onto it 1 The people.is bain ground Into dust by taxa shen." And the old mia wept bitter tears at the miseries uv the sitofashen uv the people. What techin benevolence! On tho question UT nigger ekality, I found em at a most deliteful heat. They hed seen terrors uv it, and know'd where of they spake. Niggers hed com* frurn Kentucky across the river to e»a, »nd in stead uf aoceptin normal speer, and yieldin quietly to tho irresistiblo decrees uv Ueaven, wich made em the interiors uv the white, they hed, the moment the/ hed accumulatid suthin to livo on, a3<- soomed tho airs of ekality. They rofooß ed to keep their places. The Cheeruian remarkt, ez shoyin the stubborn ousscd ness uv the race, that one uv em lived some months next to him. Ho (the cbeerman ) borrowed pork on several OCK cashens uv him, twipt a bakin uv flour, and, on one otreashei», n'nfe dollars uv the miserable rags wich we are forst, by a tyranikle Government tu accept ez mon ey.. That nigger hed the soopreme im pudence to iusist on beiug pade ! and even talked uv sooin for it. But on oon« sullin a lawyer, he didn't owin the onoet tainty ez to who wood hev to pay the costs. Another instance. A niggor, wioh wuz nearly white, settled in the vi> oinity. He hed not only a daughter, but a farm. My son sores. Labor be despis ses ez a occupashen only fit for serfs.— lie proposed to woo this nigger's daugh ter. It wuz a struggle with me. My son marryin a female wioh hed the ac cursed blood uv Ham in her vanes 1 Hut Jiniuel. my son, sir, threw dirt in my eyes. About sixty akers uv dirt. I thdt uv the ploasatit time I cood 'hov a iivin on that farm—uv the days devoid of la bor and afterasevero sthnologikle strug gle with my feofitfs, I consented. 1 want ed to take keer uv that nigger. Pitying him as an inferior bein—loaded in his abnormal condishen with responsibilities wich ho cood not be expected to din* charge, I wood hev taken oharge of his affares. I wood—my son Jiniuel aid I hev hev managed his farm and his stock and sich. Alas I Jiniuel menshuned the matter to the Ethiopian, sir, and with wat result 1 He wur ignoininiously kickt out uv the house, sir. He wuz d—d,sir, for a drunken broot, by a nigger wich threatened ef ho ever shotved his pim piled pimpilcd wuz the word face there again, he'd break every bono in his b6dy. Sir, this is becomin unsnpporta ble. They must be dragged down to our level. Sly proud Caucashen blood re volts. There must be a inferior race, and its us or the nigger/ The Injen is out of the question, ez there ain't any uv them here to be inferior. 1 wouldn't mind the InjeD, but there ain't none. It's the nigger or nothin. Uivo ballot, sir, and what'll distinguish us ? Hpeek with a angel's tongue onto this theme, 1 beg." Tho mcetiu wuz a glorious one, aud my speech one uv my most movin ffforts. — My perorashen moved me to tears. It wuz on nigger suffrage. Depictin its un told horrors I begged em to organize—to rally wunst more agin this common one my. " There is," said I, " seven thous* and nigger males in the State uv Ohio. Shel we peril the liberties uv the State by permittin them to approach the ark uv onr safety—the ballot box ? Shel we raise cm to the pint uv bein our ckals. Shel we marry em and give em in mars riage 112 Shel wc contaminate the pure stream uv Anglo Saxon blood, by mud dlin it with the tnrbid stream uv •" At that pint I (top- My eve balls wuz Searlkl. Joe Biglor, which 1 supposed wuz » hundred miles away in Kentucky, wuz up in t.ie aujeoce. "Agreein ' Bed he, - 'with wat the speek er is saying, 1 beg to nsk a questirn foron litement. lam a Kentuokian.,' "ltor for KeOtucky" Buwin, Bigler proceeded. There wuz a lurking devil in hit eye which afflicted me. *'l understood the speaker, he holds that the nigger if premited to vote becomes so much our Bushel ekal that we must take him to our buzzums—that we must marry the femais and uur guhin daughturs forth* with tie theiuselvs tu the males uv that ac cussid race. Is it so 7 "It is 1"' retiirted I. "My blood bils when I think uv it- Ef I recoloct arite, tho laws uv Ohio pre. niits all niggers to vote übo are only half black. Ez there are a good many mulattoes in this region the produx uv tha loose ekal ity uv the races over the river, thero must have bin, ever since that law pushed t much uv that kind uv inaryin here. May I be permitted to a.«k this oppressed people who hev suffered so from this unnatural state uv affairs, bow they like it7 Is yoor wife a nigger sir? sed he, oddressin the Secretary "and ef HO, don't yoo feel the wuz, by the force uv Dimukratio circumstance, to marry i her, take her to yourbuzzuin the mintit her father got a vote 7 Its enuff to drive a man into Ablishism to escape it. My brothren," sod this Bigler, "I'd advise yoo all toahjoor Dimocrisy. Up North the minit the nigger gits a voto you are forced to legal mes«eg- . egengashun—down South, the affinity Dim» j oerisy he* for niggers, heu bleached out tho race to the color uv molasses. There's no hope for yoo, save in Ablishnism, wich hcz the happy fakulty uv doin justis to em without marryin em T" And ho stilked out. It didn't make.'no difference. They didn't know what he wuz talkin about. The word "sefsengenashen" struck em with amaze ment, from wich they didn't recover till we left. In speakin to sich aujences, men must be kerful uv tho words they yoose. I finish my speech. The meetin then re solved they was better than niggers : that they never wood consent to be taxed for the benefit of purse-proud aristocrats ; that the Urods shood be luken up with greenbn • that there shood be a return to specie pay ments to wunst ; and that they were willin to give millions, ef need be, to resist usur- NUMBER 44 pasheii, but not onejeent in taxes in a un» coitftitooshnel manner. ~ , This resolooshen wuz passed, when a collekshen wuz taken up to pay for the can dles. But alas I There wasn't nary a eenl in the house, and I heiHopay fcr.em my self. Anothdr little insident didn't pleasa me. The State Central Committee lied fur nistrt me, e* it does all Its speakers, with a twenty doPkr gold pieee, nr>d a fifty dolWr bond, wich I wuz to exhibit to (how the difference atweea Aiilrahcn tad fiemoerotio ,money., I shoved 'pm at,the people,-and it excited 'em iuadoia. . laid em on tho tftDie afore pie. Wheri the, mcetid wyz acN journed. they wuz g„ne t WbtfTi&tik Vttij I know, not bnt this 1 do Kno*, thit fhfe Cheerman »iv the meetin hW.'iittrt mornW, « new pare of (.hoes and a lit, and Wn*. a talkin doubtfully upon.the propriety B'T! W kin bonds. Igo from herf to Pennsylvania, tq fill some appointments in that State. PETROI.ZIM V, NASIIV, „ (Wich is l'ostinaster.) WIT AKD WISDOM. —"SvrtRS Of the Ocean"—Midship meh. —Tailcr's Revenge Giving a custo mer fit*. ' —The lap of luxury—A sat enjoying her milk. . • . t —A. one-legged miller is at oeoe a miller and hopper. —lt is not so much trouble to get rfof* as it is to tell when wo arc rich. —A man who bumps his-head against that of liis neighbor isn't apt to think that two haada are better than one. —What is the difference between a hungry map and, a glutton ? Q De lougn to eat and the other eats too long. —Tears at a wedding are only the com mencement of tho pick'e that the young folks are getting into. —"W«ll, wife, you can't say I ever contracted bad habits." "No, sir ;• you generally expanded them." —Wnat is tho difforepce befweefi ft spider and a duck? One has its feet perpetually on a wo|),and the othef & web perpetually bin its feet. —Dr Hall sayß that for a period of a month before uiarriago, and a month af ter death, men regard their wives as angels. , —ln some, of Josh Billings' Into pa pars he aays: "The sun was a going to bed, aud the hevins far and near were a blushing at the perforuianea." —lt is a good thing to havo utility and beauty combined, as the poor washerwo man said when she used bar thirteen children for olotbs-pins. Woman's tears are generally mora effective than her words. In such eases wind is a less powerful element than water. "Patrifk, Jiow long has it been since yotf left Ireland J" "Eighteen months, my Lord; but I've been thore twiee siee." —Foote expressed the belief that a certain misor would take the beam out of his own eye, if ho knew where he could sell the timber. —lmitate the example of the looomo tjvo. He runs along, whistles over his work, and yet never takes anything but water when he wants to "wet his whistle.' —"I have the best wife in the world," said a long suffering husband ; ,"«he al ways strikes mo with tho soft eud of the broom." -""Am I not a httle pale?" inquired a lady who was thort and corpulent, of a crusty old bachelor. "fou look moro like a big tub ?" was the blunt reply. —A sharp-talking lady was reproved by her husband, who requested her to keop her tongue in her mouth. "My dear," responded the wife, "it is against the law to carry concealed weapons." —Picniee are vanegated fooleries.— They are sultry stupidities. Thoy are elaborate funeral processions marching with melancholy steps between two rows of pies, ice-cream aud cakes. —On a tombstone in a churcihy ird in Ulster is tho following epitaph : "Erecv ted to the memory of John Phillips, ac cidentally shot as a mark of affection by his brother." —rlt won't do to be so devoted t> a tender hearted wife as to comply with her request when she asks you—"Now tmtn ble over the cradle and break your neck, my dear, won't you ?" —A gentleman met another in the street who was ill of consumption, and accosted him thus . "Ah ? my triend, you walk slowly." "Yes," replied tho man, "but I am goiog fast." —What "is tho difference between a rifleman who Bhoots wide of the target, and a husband who blackens his wife's eyes ? Tho one misses his mark and tha other marks his missis. —Quilp thinks it rather remarkable that while several thousand feet are to quired to make ona rood, a single foot properly applied, is often sufficient to make one civil. —"l'l['teach yott to play pitch and toss ! I'l} flog you for an hour, I will." ■ "Father," instantly replied the incorrigi ble, as he balanced a penny on his thumb and finger, "I'll toes with you to make it two hours or nothing." —"I wonder where the clouds are go ing I" sighed Flora, pensively, as she pointed with her delicate finger to tha heavy masses that floated in the sky.—• "I think they are going to thunder," said her brother. —The great objection to smart chil dren is, that when thoy oommenee hav ing whiskers they leave off having brains By forcing children, you get so much into their heads that they beooma crack ed in order to hnld it.