Newspaper Page Text
i MEMPHISEBIDAY;; JULY 25, 1862. Editor and Proprietor UNION APPEAL WILL be published Every morning,' plonday ex- SAMIEL SAWYER, ' A. BONO OH OtJB OOUKTEY AMD HEB r i - PLAQ. r. - - b it raascts uun. loya fork, Jnly 15, 180J. . i - Teas Gmudmwma igltMr. We da not bat our enrmy " ' May Sod dual fDtlj ith in , We leve ear land ; we fight her fee ; . We bat bia can, and that mil (all. . Our cooutry it a goodly land ; We'll kerp her always whoW end bale ; We'll tore ber, lire tor ber or die; . . To fall for ber ia not tj Uil. Our Flag ! Tba Red afaall mu the Lluud ' W gladly pledge ; a art Irt W Wi.it Mrfkn purity an eoleirn truth. - liuullied justice, eacred right. . Its Blue, tie we of loee w plow, , That lain th haea united land, - Be' ween the Old and Older World. - ' From strand, o'er mount and atream. tu strand. Toe Bine rtflecta tbe crow !(eg stars. Bright Cnkm emblem of tbe free, ' Coras, all of ye, and M it wave lhat floating piese of poetry. - - - ' Our fathers came aa4 pleated field. And manly Law, and schools, aod truth; - They planted 8 f-Rale, which we'll gnmrd By word and iword, ia age In youth. Broad freedom came along with tbeui t On bUtory'a arer wid.ntag wiaa. - Oar blearing this, onr task and toil ; .- Tor t araoona are ail noble thing." ; ' Let Enip'ror never role tbil laul, Kor Fitful Crowd, nor aaoaeleaa Pride. Cur Mter ia our eelf-mad Law ; To him we bow, and non beaide. Then aiug and about lot oar free laai. For gloriona FaacLaMii'8 victory. At the "Appear balldJnff, o t nltji Street, betweer Main and front Streets. TERMS) S 00 j -" copy, om year Single copies can. b procured at the office, anrai- oped, ai five cesta each. Jhm Trad0, d ?fwlx'y auppiea on uberaj terms. Daily Hates of AelTertisLBg. ,' r r one square, of ten lines or leas, one lnaCTtion.i 1 00 For each additional insertion- of am.., Local notices 20 cents per line. 1 1 I tf ,M . 1 . K .u. 11 111 U Wlllll iililL 1 OijA , a "l wjf"ftoj iaiia oo 1 15 6o ifao I 3 6 a 00 II) 0Oli 1X1,16 (Xl jV) 00)25 00)30 Ot 60t0 I 1 6Ol0e,l oTlVoO,iO Ut6 00H1 '16137 t) i 60 a oiiaoo'is 00i ouM ooiao oo37 toi6 hop 6 l'5OUO0j 17 50:21 0028 OU 35 00 43 "li.bi t , 87 60 TUUUlouuiu 0UI24 0W3'2 IJOI-VO 0O60 00t5 ed100M B13 5Oiia00',2s mh7 OH36 00)45 005S g567 ftp 111 260 7l5 Xi2ii 0JI13" 0"H0 ""! 00!B Q"!7a V 12500 ATTENTION-COMPANY! ittct of oar umjl Wtea I was ia Kentucky I m readj to sacrifice everything to preserve ia ta monta of October last, spending few .this Union ; but I do not like to see the Senate weeks, there was a regiment located right in: day after day discussing questions that will the Blue Qrass region, where there are a great ; only tend to excite sectional controversy and many Secessionists who have interests at tn i can produce no good t ... South.- I was told when that regiment lelt 1 DU ncttu. ' there, they had never touched taken any l4mitumf,k9 a nmtiTk oa anothw (ub ' tngnyVriMf. and I hope the Senate will pardon me i otner noose, voia u u ruieu. xruu , fot aUuding to H - I listened the "other 3av -. i : i J. - . . . i. . . 1 win a gmac oeai oi lnwreei to a speecn oi tne aa count of those two or three: vessels, which,: if passed with a;reat regret; because it had that you uau auwonzea letters oi marque anq re- . twe leatre ia it: but I voted for it simply be- prisil, might have been taken six or twelve -ause I believed the President had that power it on the principle that no nation has a right to look into the course of the conduct of an- own btate perfect that remained for some weeks ia without "the bill. I desire to see evervthinc ' on God's earth taken by our Generals that j will assist in the prosecution of this war ; I but, Senators, it will never be done until you have a policy defined by your Executive. I la.k to Jou as a plain man. It will nnver other nation in putting down a rebellion. Abroad. . . The Governments of the Old - World r watching earnestly all our asovements. " They f done until y have a policy defined by the" ' sav we are strone exoeot in one asDeot. and t President. A General in the armv who will system, and not one particlo oi property was ; hicb .u:Bk o. ahoutv h.,f h - hm , u,at is. to put down a rebellion. Thev have t not employ .every negro that comes within his , taken or injured. , V hen our army toot U-j 8Qmlned op whlt he Mievd to be the cause. I vs doubted our power to do that. . The 1 o'k; to labor, should be turned out liamsburg the other day, they took, posses too of this rebellion. Of course men will differ I Governments of the Old World will tell vou i instantly. As that army moves along, every . nn that noint. hut T hawa miHoiin mv mind i pnvatelv. "Oh. vou do verv well so lonr a i bit of property beloneiner to the rebels must he of a lunatic asylum, and placedour or- phy- ricans ia it, and furn.shed our own means for , thtt thu Bol th. t5m9 to flnd ' r list. GOVERNOR'S GUARDS for PBOVUST I'CTY in the City of Nashville. . . , S100 BOUNTY! 160 ACRES OF LAND! First Month paid in adrance. REXEHBER a5, FROST ROW. , ' :; apt vr. r. notGu,' 1st Lieut. C. H. WALBRIDGE, Zd Lieut. M. S. B. TRUAX, . Ie39-tf Recruiting Officers. . ATTE.TIOX FAR31ERS A IiT r PICKET GUARDS I t , .. , LEFT my stabe, and probably the city, on" Sunday morning June a SORREL MARE, seven or eight years old, about fourteen hands high, ponv-built, round rump, heavy neok, in very rood order, left hind foot white, with collar marks tbre inches long nn both shoulders : black saddle with a blue bridle. broken bit with long branches and steol curb chain, webb reins. I hired her out "t 8 o'clock a. to a young man about twenty-two years old, five feet nine inches tall, sparly built smooth face, yellowiBh com plexion, black hair and wearing grey cimere pants and black coat. Any one who will return the Mare or give such information that I can find her, will be liber ally rewarded. ' PAUL SCHUSTER, Arabian Stable, Union street, between Second and Third atreeta. ivl-ti ATTENTION ALL! SPEECH OF AN INDIANA SENATOR. your country is in Deuce and humonv: hut 1U support. V hat treatment .have e revived i en to tfae Ueman u,kinpaut a rem8rk j whenever rebellion or insurrection takes in return?, Vnathasteen tne policy pursued i -x..;.Ti ... f ,r rr; j nlac. . . ,m- . .. - y.j ,j ja i i'iue ai'uvmiu f ku. vuo v uiuu bUUlU j I J J " w wu iw v u v vi uca lb. not stand with half the States free and half) " e have gtvea them one answer in the num- ! of them slave;, bat I can tell the gentleman j r men we have called into the fieM, in , that there is one sentence which I have in the j ne unanimity .wita which our people have every sentiment of humanity. ? What treatment have we received in return for ail this lenity and kindness: Need I answer, when we have all seen thee armed rebels defy tbe laws of Jehovah llim- seit, vjoiate every law. at man, ana outrage b , . h- h a fiip morfl . . rerponded: aBd as I said a moment ae-ou T W I m wra hran. ' . " Z ' V I ' ' ... . . ... . . ' "vu- j tw;a I -, i . vw AV-Jww . st n I j-.e I Kirn vftrv nklWfk IA' ftAn ' f hut ulMM eetly regarded -as the "only measure that' wilT, th(J Unilod Sutes wroUj save id is country, vne nut io oonuscate toe property of these rebels: but it ba been de. 1 4 1 r !-. I . L. - T 1 J . .1 'W UwU juagmeni, it mere is any ming lor wuics we shatl be held responsible in tbe future, it will be tbe delay upon that very measure. : Will any Senator answer me this question, and I appeal to the Senator from Missouri, have you heard any thing about bridges being burnt in Missouri since the execution of an order to carried out hang seven men for that oueuue? in that case the punishment was promptly inflicted: but have you heard of any othar violators of the law being punished? lou have gone into the enemy's country to restore order, and while there they have violated every law on earth and defiel us, and yet the mercy and leniency of the government forbid still, in a manner, their punishment. '. BOOTS, SHOES AND HATS. Ladles Mioses and Children, Mens, Boj and Youths, Sheers and Soldlera. TJR Stork Is complete, and of tbe beet good tbe Btar- ket aiforda and moat p!ee an. CALL AND SEE. LYTLK A LOCKWOOD, J)-lm 315 Maiu street. MEMPHIS GUARDS, FOR ' HOME SERVICE ! SECOND TENNESSEE REGIMENT. (INFANTRY.) N 0W, isDow-eltlaens, here Is your chance to SERVE YOUR COUNTRY, And stay at home nearly all the while with tbe wife and little ones." The rations that cne man receires will support a small family if properly managed. " ONE ncrJTH'S PAY IN ADVANCE! $100 BOOTY , AND 160 ACRES OF LAND WHM MUSTERED OUT OF KKRVICK1 ' Headquarters and Offl- lu the Irving Block, on Second 8treet. i i i - . A. CI ARK DENSON, Captain Commanding, ear The artillery company fbr Kashville Is about com- pleted ' . Jy:f . CASH PAID FOR HIDES, - AT TDK , .; ..... - NEW HIDE AND LEATHER STORE, SECOND STREET, iletween Court and Madison. SADCLXBS, SHOEMAKERS snd tbe public generally, are respectfully invited to call at the above place and examine oar The following sound speech was delivered in tbe Senate of the United Statue on the 15th inst. by tbe lion. Jot. A. Wright of Indiana. 1 he Kegro-ConOscatioa. Mr. Wright We have passed a bill on the subject of confiscation, which gives the Presi dent power to emply negroes to work, at his discretion. I believe he had the power with out that bill ; and I will take this occasion to say to my friend from New York (Mr. Harris) that so far as the exercise of that power is concerned by tbe Generals, my information is not cf the character he gives to us in the let ter from General MeClelian. I have a letter before me, written in the South, from a gen tleman that I have known for many years, and 1 propose now to read an extract from it in relation to the effect of General Halleck's order No. 3. My friend writes, as follows: Halteck's Order No. 3. 4 Halleck's order'No. 3 has killed at least ten thousand of your Western soldiers. You can see them fn every car and on the corners of every street. At Hamburg, four miles above Pittsburg Landing, there were two thousand seven hundred soldiers sick, and six hundred had beeu taken away the -day before we were there. I saw detachments of our troops making roads .in the hot sun; I saw the boat being unloaded by them; and, in fact,. young men, noble men who had sprung to arms to save the country, were performing labor which was enough to break down the constitution of the strongest and most robust ; and I did not see a single black man at work at any of the landings on the Tennes see or Cumberland rivers; buu I did tee two stout fellows blacking the boots of rebel pris oners on board the tOeaiuer . Uncle -Sam at Pittsburg Landing' . ; Anythlag for tk Kcpaalic. This is the authority of a gentlenan I can vouch for as a man of respectability. He sent ine another fact. He inclosed to me a list cf four hundred "and seventy sick men who were then on. board one steamer, most of whom were from my own State and Ohio; and out of the whole lift but three were wounded in battle. They were ail afflicted with the diseases of that country, as shown from the list opposite to each name, and but three were wounded. I only refer to this I) show the, fact that while 1 go as far as any man , ia prosecuting this war, ia upholding the generals in the field, in sustaining any proposition that may be necessary, to employ these men, not only to work and labor, but will do whatever else maybe necessary, with the vast means God' has given us to save the life cf the Republic. But, sir, I wish to pro test against bringing this subject again before the Senate day alter day. VY hen it has been once passed upon, I think we ought to be sat isfied. We have solemnly passed a bill giving this power to the President ; and if be will not exercise tbe power, I do not know what more we can do than to enact a new article of war. This, however, is not the direct subject to which I desire to call the attention of the Senate. ( , .. Bomntlee. My first proposition on the subject of this bill is uus : . 1 nave believed trom the com mencement of this war, and 1 am more conJ firmed in that belief every day, as it progresses, that we have not relied enough upon the pa triotism of this country. Had the dialling of this bill fallen upon me, i should have incor porated witbin it no such provision for boun ty, as I find is herein proposed for nine and twelve months' men. 1 would not encourage the States in offering the liberal bounties they are new giving throughout 24 ew x-n gland and elsewhere to induce the enlistment ot men. Patriotism not Cask. I hava desired to see a direct proposition from the General Government, presented to the patriotic people of the various States of my country at this perilous time to our hopes and institutions, that would go to, and arouse the deep, earm si heart of every man within them. .. Patriotism and . generosity are the proudest attributes of this great people. Call upon them earnestly, appeal to them lor the exercise of these noble virtues, and we should behold company alter company, regiment af ter regiment, aglow with the kindlings of lib erty and love of their blood-cemented coun try, with arms nerved to the fury of any con flict, "Coming as the winds cam when forest are raoded. utming as tbe waves some when Dalies are atrandeov marching to the field, clothed, furnished, yea, and armed, if necessary, by their own means. to put down this unholy rebellion. Sir, if there is not patriotism enough in this country to save it, I fear it will perish ; I dare not trust its salvation to these liberal bounties. Seed of Oataeu In Poller. Sir, I might as well be plain about the mat ter, for I mean what I say. The fault has been in the Executive of your Government; There has been no policy. One course has been pursued in the Soutu, another in theEsst, anothei in tbe West, another in the North ; but there has been no uniform firm and deci ded policy. It was your duty when you met in July last to sustain the arms of the Presi dent and to give him a poliey. This Congress ought not to have sat four weeks- until the property of Lieut. Maury in this city, for the use of which the Government now pays iu n:oney, had been taken possession of. This Congress ought not , to have sat four weeks until Magruder's property and the property of every disloyal man throughout the North had been taken possession of. Can we expect pe:ce in this country, can we expect order, while we are tampering with these men, holding out in ducements to them, offering to accommodate them, and trying to bring them back into their allegiance by mild means while they are break ing down the institutions of our fathers ? Look at the state of things in Kentucky and Mis souri to day, all growing out of the fact that there has been no system, no firmness, no poli cy. And. our troubles will not end here ; we shall have more, much more ; we shall never crush this rebellion until we come out boldly and declare that this Government belongs to the loyal men of it, North and South. He who is not for the Government must bear the con sequences. Wot only what he has, but all he is in possession ot, must be taken. It was a very pretty thing to listen to the Senator from Pennsylvania talk about the spectacle of men going into Southern and Northern, homes, and taking possession of thw property of women and children ; but sir, my mind reverted to a sadder spectacle in my own State, all over which may be found the widows of our slain, clad in the habiliments of mourning ; bright hearthstones made silent and desolate forever, and beautiful daughters and dear boys turned upon the cold, cold charities of this unpitying world. 1 draw the curtain over the sad, dark scenes which crowd around the hearthstones and upon the stricken hearts the slain patriots of my country have left behind them. Sense. Sir, the man who rebels against this Gov ernment ought to die. - He has no right to the protection of a particle of property fer an hour. Why, sir, 1 have before me a letter, from the Secretary of one of the finest rail roads in Indiana, asking my opinion in a case of this sort. A man by the name of Mitchell, owns a large quantity of stock in that railroad. tie was raised and educated by tbe Govern ment of the United States. 1 see by the list that he was twenty-five ' years in the navy, YV hen this rebellion broke out, he went South. He commanded the Louisiana, a rebel vessel, in the fight at New Orleans the other day; and when he found that he would be whipped, he blew ber up. He was taken prisoner, and is now in Fort Warren ; and yet he is receiving every six months, his dividends on this rail road stock. And this is but one or ten thou sand such examples : and in the face of such facts, shall we continue as we nave done ; shall we carry on the war in this beautiful w.ay, passing over to rebels in arms the profits of stocks and properly in the 2v)rth or. loyal States, to feed them, and strengthen their das tard government? The Marshal of my Stale owes an existing debt of $20,000 to a gentle man who is a commissary in tbe rebel army ; and every six months that man gets his inter est. Can. you tolerate these things? If these thing are to go oh, do you ever ex pect to restore order in this country? i sas is therefore at this time aa much a slave j State as Georgia or South Carolina;' and that was followed up by a decision ot the Supreme Court, the highest tribunal of tbe land, lhat your fathers and mine had made the Constitution that carried slavery where there j was no law for it I was not in. the country at the time; but I think I understand the popu lar heart of this people -it struck the hearts of millions of people aa'a falsehood and a slander. The people were told that Kansas was as much a slave State as South Carolina, whee they have been legislating on tho sub ject for eighty years; and it was expected that the honest, loyal men of this country would swallow a doctrine so monstrous. I go for the doctrines of the lamented Douglas, the true expounder of the Constitution, and one of the best, ablest, and" most faithful pub ' lie men tbia country hns ever produced. I go for no such ower -is is stated ia that decision. If my friend from Delaware desires to find the causes of the present rebellion, he will find one of them in that celebrated message of James Buchanan. Parties. ' Mr. Saulsbury. I hope my friend will allow roe to say one word. Mr. Wright. Certainly. , " Mr. Saulsbury. 1 know it is generally pop ular to attack a man who is out of power, who oace had friends dancing attendance upon him, but who has retired from place and is no long er in any public position. When Mr. Buch anan was President of the United States he never did any act at my solicitation. I never asked for but one favor, and that was not to make an appointment to my State He 're " fused to gratify my wishes. But, sir, without attempting to endorse all the acts of Mr. Buch anan's Administration, let me say to my friend, perhaps it is a little unjust to attack a man who U not in a condition to defend himself. Mr. Wright. 1 certainly have : not made any attack upon Mr. Buchanan. I have spoken of a message of a President of the United States, but made no allusion to him. I think it was a fatal blow. I think it led to disastrous results. The gentleman know what I mean, and I am not going to repeat it. I have no desire to enter into political contro versies, particularly at the present time. ; I believe we had a .Democratic caucus, and I believe we had a Republican caucus. 1 know one man who has attended none of them, and I know one man who, while, this rebellion lasts, will never go into a political caucus of any kind. This Government does not be long to caucuses nor to parties. It belongs to loyal men of this whole country. I am de termmed, so far as this question is concerned, that I shall never be a party to any organiza tion until we have peace. Just in proportion as you organize party, you will organize di visions on the subject ot this war. II you form party organizations at tbe North," you will have men for and against this war ; and i is the duty of the patriot to guard against any such divisions. these words: " Kan- I aain in relation to the measures proposed by this bill not offering money in contributions; but I should like to see an appeal, made to the patriotic heart of the people, '' 1 have seen the influence of your Government abroad before disunion was stalking over the land. I have seen an American citizen who was arrested and put into the army of a foreign, country, wnea we were a united people, at onee dis Fine Harness, Bridle Up war and Sole Leather, French Calf St. L.OO.U Topping; Lining Skins ALSO, aa assortment of army cavalry boot.. Cine calf boots, Belmoral thces, etc, etc ' All of which we offer for sale at low prices. jy-lm J. H. MINDS. LAR 11 ' . " r . . JFOR 8tZE. ,., .. c mac STOCK and TIXTCRI8 of a retail Drag Sten, I ea one of the beat locations la the airy. Apply at ibis office. Severity tbe Greatest mercy. There was a great deal of trut uttered by Gen. Wallace, of my own State, the other night, in those magic words ; " We tcant to make war.". Sir, we have to make voar : we want to make war. "There was much force also in the reply made the other day by an offi cer in Alexandria, where he was asked by the commissary department what he wanted: "I want ropes tn Alexandria, " v it was a laconic reply, but it meant a great aeai. x propose for a few moments to look at a few facta that tare us ia the face. What has been the con- Confiscate. ' Mr. President, for the last five or six weeks I have sat in my seat and heard gentlemen. hour after hour, and day after day, talk at out what we could not do. It would have been gratifying to me if some gentleman had told us what we might do. It would nave been more gratifying ti me to hear that. I know that there is rebellion in the land ; I know that there are traitors in the North as well as in the South ; and I know they are living upon the fat of the land. I know that in this city to-day, where you are taking the temples of God as hospitals, - there is more property be longing to rebels than would be necessary to furnish hospital accommodations for every sick man in our army, bir, I would march with this Senate in a body to-night and say to tbe President' "before to-morrow's sun shall rise take every bit of it." It is not tbe mere value of the property I look to, but to the example you would show to the country that you mean to sustain this Government ; that you mean that he who rebels against it shall lose his pro perty altogether; and you will never have peace until you do it- 1 always begin to sus pect any man's loyalty w hen he talks -to me about the violation of the writ of habeas corpus, or this thing or that thing to sustain the Gov ernment. If we could stop the discussion of this negro question, and , not put it on every bill that comes up, and carry out, as we ought to carry out, the principles of the confiscation bill, we shall begin to see daylight. By that bill we can employ these blacks, upon fortifications, and ia ail kind of work; 'X am ready for that. 4.uery to the Point. Have you a right to ask three hundred thou sand men to come into your army while vac cinating councils prevail ? I want the soldier of my State, when be falls npon the battle field, to know that disloyal men are to be pun ished ; I want him to know that the Govern ment for which he is dying is to be preserved. If we have not tbe boldness and firmness of purpose, how can we expect the soldier to ex ercise the courage that belongs to him ? Privateers. ' ' 1 I will take this occasion to make a remark in regard to a subject that we had under con sideration this morning, in tbe bill of my mend the Senator from Iowa, Mr. Grimes, on the Bubject of authorizing tbe Government to issue letters of marque and reprisal. I must Bay, I was astonished at the course of tbe remarks of the Senator from Illinois, Mr. Trumbull, and the Senator from New Hampshire, Mr. Hale, that if we passed that measure, it would be an admission that we were weak ; it would be vaccitlation. ' I have but one answer to make, and I alluded to it some weeks ago when I asked the Senate this question, and I now ask it again: Is there any government on earth that has the rght to call in question what means we adept to crush this rebellion 7 JU it not a part of the policy of the Government of this country, when a rebellion breaks out, to take our own means of crushing it 7 Senators are not aware of the injury the Nashville, the Sumter and those vessels did to our commerce abroad. I remember twelve months ago, when leaving the Old World, I saw lying upon the wharves at Southampton more than $100,000 worth of property, the freight on which would have amounted to five or ten thousand dollars, and which was not put on board a vessel then In that port, because she was an American ves sel. The rates of insurance on American ves sels were increased. No a an can calculate the injury that was done to our trade and commerce by those ve-sels ; and yet it is said this is a dangerous power to give the President the power to .issue letters of marque and re prisal. The Nashwiile. !' Is it a dangerous thing to give the President, if necessary to save the life of this nation, the power to arm privateers 7 : What right have you to call in question the conduct of Great Britain, or any other Government, in suppres sing a rebellion . within ber limits 1 What right have they to call in question our conduct in suppressing a rebellion here 7 i am willing to trust the Jbxecutive of this country. I re marked te a gentleman three months ago that this Government could have well afforded to pay 200,000 for the capture of tho6e two v ea sels the Nashville - and , Sumter twelve months ago. I repeat, , it is not a dangerous power; and I hope the Senator from Iowa will again call up his bill, so that I at least will have the pleasure of voting for it. It is just as essential in time of war . that the Gov ernment of your country should have, the power to issue letters of marque and reprisal as it is to pass a confiscation biiL . Oar com merce has been crippled ; vessels have .been detached from the naval ser rice just oa ac- cnargea oy tunc government because it was their policy to do so; but the moment divis ions and dissensions grew up in the land, I have seen a hesitating policy there that looked not to the ferce and power of our Govern ment, but to say that in our weakness and divisions we were gone. Sonth and West. Why, sir, look at the vast amount of pro perty owned in the North as well as in the South, owned by these rebels. There are towns in the West that are paying thousands of dollars every year to these Southern men. When a man comes to Indiana, where 1 live, and preaches doctrines opposed to this confis cation bill, I have but one thing to tell him : there is scarcely a hamlet there that does not contain a widow; there is mourning all over the land ; and by the side of the graves of these boys, in many instances, there are large buil dings and fine farms owned by southern rebels. Sir, that property should be taken, not to morrow, but to day, instantly, North and South; and wherever you go, let the watch word be war! war! war! If you think that by tampering with this question, by introduc ing side issues, you can save this country, in my judgment, you will be mistaken. No, sir ; those measures will net do ; nor is this the hour or the time to introduce 1 side issues or other questions. For months I have listened to gentlemen discussing those questions; but I have endeavored to give my vote with one single object in view : to prosecute this war ana to sustain tne President, vv hen I sus tained General MeClelian in the few remarks I made the other day, I sustained him because he is a general In the Army ; be 18 my .general. l sustain vne president because he is my .President. , I sustain whoever is in authority. I kno tf no other way to save this Government than by sustaining those who are in authority; and I will not find fault by tbe wayside with what he u doing, if I think a general is m competent, I will go to the proper authority about it, but I will never introduce a resolu tion in mis body te weaken the arm oi a general or the President. Democrat and Republican. As befoire remarked, I have been a politician for thirty years. I have been what the world called a Democrat. I hold the same political sentiments now that I ever did. A friend of mine, ia addressing a Union Convention at Indianapolis the other day, stated a striking fact, that there were in that convention nine men who were members of the second con vention that nominated General Jackson. I wish I had been present at that Union con vention in my State to have made that num ber ten, for I was also a member of that con vention which nominated General Jackson When I was nineteen years of age I attended a democratic convention, i have been a Democrat all my life; but, sir, the man who can talk about a Republican party, or a Demo cratic party, or who can talk about anything in this crisis of the country, but the best measures to save bis -country, is unworthy the name of Republican, is unworthy the name of Democrat. I here should be no Republican, no Democratic party now. I desire to say that the sentiments of the extract I am about to send to the desk are tbe sentiments of the people of Indiana on this slaveiy question. Indiana is a national State. She desires to live in peace and harmony with the sister btaies, and to preserve this union I ask the Secretary to read this extract from remarks made by a friend of mine. "The Secretary read as follows: End of the War and Slavery. " Whether the war shall end in subjugation : and emancipation is a question that concerns the rebels, and not us. They can lay down their arms and consider themselves conquered or subjugated, as their refined sense of honor and delicate taste may. prefer; and, though the political power of slavery is forever broken, the tenure of property in slaves may continue; but if they protract the struggle until the en durance and resources of the nation are ex pended, I predict, that without any congres sional or executive interference, and as the inevitable result of invasion and the conflict of arms, the longevity of slavery will be coinci dent with the duration of the war. We will prosecute the war to re-establish tbe suprema cy of tbe .Federal Constitution, under Mr. Crittenden s resolution at aa extra session of Congress, and if slavery must perish in the conflict, let it perish. ' - "We can all agree ia a vigorous prosecution of the war to crush treason and save tbe Gov ernment, and if in so doing slavery dies, let it go. We have no stock in it. We did not put it in peril by a war. What interest or respon sibility have we in slavery? Why is slavery any more sacred in the hands of rebels than any other species of property? Why will po litical fossils persist in linking the fortunes of the Democratic party with the fortunes of slavery? . Rebels have thrown off their obliga tions to the Constitution, under which alone it has any guarantees; they have put it in issue by a causeless and unprovoked war; they havestaked.it on the result of military con flict. Shall it not abide the fortunes of revolution?"-. , . t, Rehel Property-Protection s Mr. Wright, i I remarked that I believed those were the sentiments of tbe people of my State. I shall detain the Senate but a mo ment longer. I know they are anxious to come to a vote. If I have exhibited any warmth in the remarks that X have made, I hope it will be attributed to my natural char acter of being , impassioned. . In the conclu sion of my remarks, I beg the Senate again to consider tni. question v -When we have de cided this matter, why should the subject be introduced here every day and in every bill 1 I favored the Confiscation 01 that finally taken. If your President does his dutv. befr ten days, in my judgment, there can be thirty millions of dollars of 'property belonging to rebels taken possession of in the North. Gen tlemen have no idea of the amount of proper ty held in the Northwest by rebels, from John Slide!! Jjwn. Sir, you have got more rebels than you think you have in this country, e,nd it is the duty of our Go ernment to show firm ness and nerve and energy in punishing them. It is our vacillating policy that has now caused Kentucky and other State? to be invaded, be cause we have not .sustained our loyal men, and we have not shown to the people of this country that we are determined to carry on whs war a a war. n e snau never nave peace . t until we have a uniform and paramount sys tem, and that system must come from the Ex ecutive; and if it is necessary, he ought to be told by you aud by me : issue a proclamation, not only one a day, but every hour; this is no time to hesitate. ; put it into the hands of every officer throughout the North, and proclaim throughout the length and breadth of this land, that a man who is not for this Union must forfeit, all he has. This Government must be preserved. A rebel to .this great Gov ernment has no claims to its protection: and t the man who can rebel against it, ought to iorieit evervtuing, ana to aie. How to do it. Mr. Saulsbury. I should like to ask niv friend a question. Mr. Wright. Certainly. Mr. Saulsbury. I will ask him whether he would make every military officer the iudze of the loyalty or disloyalty of the citizen ? .air. wr-ght I will answer that. 1 would not make a military officer tbejudgeofa man's conscience, but we cap always tell men by their acts. We have a great manv men furn ishing ail and comfort to the South. We have men all over the North who cannot see anything right in this war. 1 would make every military commander my officer ; I would lay down my rule ; and I would take the pro perty under this confiscation bill, and then I would let the court determine the Question. Sir, in this hour of deep calamity it is no time to oe critical in the use ot tbe means we shall employ. - , Country First Office After. Mr. President, it was my fortune about ten months since to come into that beautiful bay, the bay of N aplea.. No- man can describe it. I here, for tue first time in many mouths, I saw the American flag, and about twenty of our boys rowed.;tOhdre; end I met a gentle man, that I wa9 pl.ed t-) see here the other . day, on board the JRichmond, who was a loyal man, in.,i as we had received lh9 news of the attack on Fort Sumter. - A man must see all this, u know what it is in foreign land to see the flag of his country and meet one of his tellow-citizens ; to know that it i? to be an American citizen. We have a great cal more at stake than I fear we sometimes thintr. We talk about wir Government, and speak of it . as our all. We each know that, but w a do not realize what it meaiu to be an American citizen. Mr. President go abroad ; go on the " couch of a d 'me mother, when in a foreign land, separated from her child, her husband, and everything that is dear to her; see that dying mother ask for the flag of this country to be wrapped around her when she dies, and you will then know what it is to be a citizen of a united and happy country. I have felt, this; I have known it; and 1 could not como right back to my struggling country and run into partisan ranks, and talk about filling the offices of the country. What odds does it -maJte to fill the offices of the- ccuntry, if we can preserve it, if f we can only save the in stitutions of our country, and break down the rebellion and the principle on which it rests disobedience to law. ' k Seccssicn and Revolution. , Why sir, if Jeff Davis, in his inaugural, had put the rebellion on the ground of revolution, I should have felt very different from what I . do . in regard to it now. It would have been less painful to me if he had claimed the right to go out on the ground of revolution ; but oh I those fatal words, the right to separate lrom this Government, under the compact of - our lathers, tne right to secede lrom this Union, tbe right to go out of this compact I Acknowledging that doctrine once, and you have got nothing left. What obligations have you at home for your counties to remain in the -States? It would sap the foundations of all,, our institutions ; and who is there lhat is not . willing to sacrifice anything and everything to ' break down this infamous heresy which is at tempting the destruction of this Union t Sir,, if that doctrine should prevail, we may burn our churches and destroy our schoolhouses, for there is nothing left worthy of the name of an American citizen. The One Thing Needful. Now we are all engaged in this controversy, in this contest, and my prayer and wish is that we may act together as one man, and have a definite policy from the Executive ; that that policy may go before our army, that ever-" man who takes a musket in bis hand may know as he goes into battle, that he has the as surance of hie country to stand by him in an affirmative policy, and to make the disloyal man's property subject to his wants, and to aid in defraying the expenses of the war. Then we shall have a system, and will show to all the nations of the earth that we are yet a Govern ment, and that there is yet power, firmness and nerve enough to punish rebellion. Th Pkisidkxt akd Ms. Ridpath. The Washington correspondent of the Springfield Republican relates the following as, the best ; thing he has heard of the President: Redpath came to tell the President that Geffrard. President of Hayti, would send a - ... A Te 1 white minister to tnis country u ja.r..juincoin especially, desired. "Hay ti is so grateful," said Reipath, ."for her recognition at your, hand, that he was authorized to say that if you desired it especially as a favor, a. white " minister should be sent instead of a colored one. : Of rxmree Hayti prefers to send one of her , own children, but she will be generous . even to the prejudice against color'' Mr. Lincoln turned drolly in his chair andTeplied, " Wellyou can tell Mr." Geffrard. that I sban t tear my shirt if he does send . a negro horeP .Isn't that reply Lincoutish througn and thxoughT f i ..- V" M r . : i.