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Daily national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1854, January 10, 1854, Image 2

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History hai been well defined as philosophy
teaching by examples. Ik presents man under
varied aspects; it traoes him from barbarism
to civilisation; it notes tho struggles and suf
feriugi of that transition ; it classifies epochs,
and shows the characteristics of those epochs;
it paints the rivalries and ambitions of kings,
priest*, and nobles ; the abasement of the peo
ple, their resistance to tyrauny, their heroic ef
forts for Freedom, their successes, their reverses,
and their ultimate triumph over despotism in
the establishment of a representative govern
ment. ?
Everything is progressive on this earth, and I
it is among the highest consolations of humani
ty that we advance from bad to better, from an
inferior to a superior civilization. Of this fact
we are assured by a retrospective glance at so
ciety. * Among savages, we see men making
war against oach other for food, and eating
their captive*?it is the era of cannibalism.
Next wc view the conquerors sparing tho lives
of their prisoners, but compelling them to work
for their masters?-it is the age of slavery. At
a later date, tho owners partially manumit
their boudsmou, stipulating to reeeive a fixed
portion of the produce of their labor or personal
services?it is the epoch of feudalism. This
in turn is succeeded by anothor form of social
transition : the partially emancipated slaves
acquire movable property, which, in due season,
claims for itself rights and privileges as well as
territorial wealth; then guilds and municipal
corporations, the confederacies of industry
against rapine, appear, and balance in some
degree the power of tho legislative assembly of
the nobles; the home trade increases, and
transmarine commerce makes its early essays ;
knowledge pastes from tho sole koeping of the
ohurcb to portions of the laity, and the mo
nopoly of the cloister disappears. Thus a mor
al revolution in the pursuits, habits, and modes
of thinking, among a people is effcoted, which,
exeiting a desire of participating in all affairs
of State, gives birth to the Democratic prinei
principle. The popular element being intro
duced into the body politic, the national voice,
as distinguished from the voice of classes or
sectarianism, is raised against the prerogative
of the crown, the privileges of the aristooraoy,
and the infalibility of the church. Such was
the status of England about the middle of the
thirteenth century, when the great body of the
people had emerged from tho degradation to
which they had been reduced by the conquest.
Villages and towns were peopled with men al
most free. Intermarriages between the Nor
mans and Anglo-Saxons had, to a great extent,
fused the two nations, and softened down the
rancor of ancient jealousies and hatreds. There
was some activity in the small harbors of those
time*; Trade and commerce had brought iuto
existence a middle class, between the aristoora
oy and the serfs, and that class was destined to
exercise a most powerful influenco on the in
stitutions of tho country. *
Magna Cliarta was an aristocratio protest'
against the kingly prerogative; it was a class
movement; and if it procured some feeble guar
antees for public liberty, it was simplv because
it oould not have been oarried without pop
ular co-operation. The son of John did not
profit by the warnings his father had received
Indolent and dissolute, Henry the Third lavish
ed wealth on foreign favorites, and the people
murmured. Then appeared Simon de Mont
fort, Earl of Leicester, who was the Cromwell
of feudalism. His first policy was to weaken
the orown and strengthen the aristocracy, for
which purpose he convened a legislative assem
bly, consisting of twenty-four barons, of whom
he was the chief, empowering them by virtue
of their supreme authority to reform the abuses
of the Statc. Historians, fond of legitimacy,
or of the divine right of kings, have oalled that
assembly the mad Parliament, but they made
some admirable regulations. They ordered
that each county should send fonr knights of
the shire to the ensuing Parliament; but as up
to this time the lietter opinion seems to be that
there was only one house, it is pretty certain
thoae knights had not a deliberative, but only
a consultative voice, without a vote; and that
the objeot of their nomination was to bring
them within the pale of the aristocratio circle,
and keep them removed from the popular class,
whom they nearly touched. This view appears
the more correct, as they were simply ordered
" to report the grievances of their constituents;"
in other words, to make out a case against the
But the mad Parliament did other acts
They ordained that throe sessions of tho Legis
lature should be annually held; that a new
high sheriff should be annually appointed; that
the oustody of castles should no longer be held
by foreigners; that no more new forests should
be laid out for hunting; and prohibited the |
county revenues being leaped out to contractors, j
The king was effectually humbled, and now
the aristocracy wished to be supreme, but they |
were opposed by their recent allies, the knights
of shires Leicester saw his mistake, for he i
really loved freedom He appealed to arms, j
defeated the royalists at Lewes, in Sussex, and
captured the king and his son, Prinoe Edward I
Triumphant, he vetted a provisional Govern- '
ment in nine person.*, to be selected by himselt. |
the Earl of Gloucester, and the Kishop of Chi- ?
Chester, or any two of them. But he saw the
poliey of basing his power on a wider f mnda J
tion. Accordingly, he threw himself into the j
arms of the middle classes, summoned to Par
liament two knights from every shire, and dep {
uties from the ls>roaghs, thus effecting the
representative revolution by founding the House '
of Commons. Thit Parliament was convened |
on the 20th of January, 1285.
This event is most memorable in the annal* j
of oivilization and liberty. True it is that Ger- |
many had its Diets, Spain and Portugnl their
Cortes, and France its Slates General, but the '
existence of ail of them was ephemeral. The
Parliament of England has never ceased to j
exist, except during the transient interregnum j
of Cromwell, and it may fairly claim the credit
of having sustained the political spirit of Eu
rope, and contributed to the more democratic '
institution* of the United States. It was weak 1
in its origin, when it had only the power of I
remonstrance, not of action; when it could do '
no mors than petition for redress of grievances, I
powerless to apply the needful corrections. Its |
prayers were only granted at the cost of taxa- j
tion, and in it* early sittings its members ten ,
dered their money on their knees. As a rem
iniscence of their former humiliation, it may 1
be noted that even now, at the commencement !
of a new Parlinroent, the Speaker himself asks
liberty of sj e*ch from the Sovereign. How
ever, the new legislative Assembly soon gained
strength and enlarged the sphere of its infbi
enoe, and Edward the First modelled it into
the forms it retained down to the passing of
Karl Grey's Reform Bill. The pecuniary ne
caatNM of that Sovereign compelled him to
Make frequent applications to the Commons
tar snbsidie , and these they only granted in
exchange for political power. Hs gave tho
Commons the means of resistance, which were
need in the times of the Stuarts, and which
gnftrantied English liberty. "It is just," said
he in one of his write, " that all should approve
what i? the interest of all:" and to that
?Mwwmble document the right of originating
Hfbey bills in the lower House is to be traced
The House of Lords may reject or cut down
Km amount of a money bill, hut it cannot add
to it One sixpence
Tbs reign of Henry the Seventh is a grand
spooh in Eoglish history, as it terminates one
tiansibou period, and is the commencement of
another. From tho foundation of the House of
Commons, down to the battle of Bjsworth,
which terminated the oivil warn of. the White
and Red Rotten, immense changes were wrought
in the relative position of King, Lords, and
Commons. In the oontroverBy between tho
Houses of York and Lancaster, tho point in
dilute was the hereditary right to the Crown,
ca'led in our days legitimacy. This contest
was only a contest of dynasty ; and. while it
raged, the people only changed their masters;
u^d, at tho conclusion of the struggle, Parlia
ment was so weakened as to have lost all the
I tower it had gradually acquired since the time
ot' Simon de Mont fort. Fn the civil wars, which
lasted thirty years, thirteon pitched battles
wore fought1, besides innumerable forays or
skirmishes, a million men perished, eighty
princes of the blood royal, and nearly the whole
of tho old Norman nobility. Of course, trade
and industry were nearly strangled, which
checked the onward progress of the middle
cl issos, depending, as it essentially did, on the
accumulation of movable wealth. But, in these
struggles, the serfs wore emancipated The
kings and nobles, as the fortune of war turn
ed against them, required the strong arms of
their bondsmon, and they gained them liberty
in exchange for tbeir valor. The conqueror of
Bosworth Field seated himself on the throne in
presenoe of the remnant of an impoverished
nobility, and of an exhausted people.
The ancient feudal resistances, wielded by a
confederacy of barons, had become impoteut
against the prerogative; for, when summoned
to his court by Henry tho Seventh to do suit
and service, and swear homage and fealty, only
ttveuty-seven of the old baronage made their
appearance, and even of this fragment the
titles of several were not dear. The king,
imitating tho example of Philip Augustus of
France, created a standing array, by which
contrivance ho deprived the great tenants of
ttio crown of the command of the organized
force with which they had so frequently co
erced his predecessors. The soldiers plundered
tho (icople ; they received their pay out of the
spoil, and tho balance was carried to the royal
exchequer. With money to bribe the troops
to put down insurrection, it required little
genius to become an absolute sovereign. Be
fore this new power Lords and Commons suc
cumbed, and the voice of Parliament was mute.
Despotism was established.
Let us now sketch more in detail the posi
tion of the Knglish aristocracy, from the oon
quest to the aooession of the Tudors. This is
essential to tho full development of later events,
which determined the oharaoter of the English
Government, in its political, commercial, and
fisoal phases, and also in regard to its religious
establishment. On all these points tho aris
tocracy played a distinguished part?at some
times defending, at others assailing, national
liberty. Circumstances arose at this remote
period which are still in action, and bear on
the vexed questions of free trade and a protect
ive policy, and also on the eleotot-al and rep
resentative system. Nor is this surprising,
however little perceived by hasty and superfi
cial thinkers, when it is rememberod that every
nation is a continuity, though some links in the
chain may be broken and newly welded. The
fact is, that the roots and fibres Of the feudal
institution penetrated deeply and strongly
under the foundations of all the European
monarchies, nor have they yet been extirpated
The cankered branches, which reared them
selves above the surface, have alone been lopped
[to be concluded to-morrow.]
New Edition.
1? C. A J. DIDDLE, No. fi South Fifth street,
J* Philadelphia, havo rooontly published a now,
storootype edition of
English Literature of the Nineteenth Century
On tho plan of the author's "Compendium of English
Literature," and supplementary to it. Designed for
colleges and advanced classes in schools as wol as
forprivate reading. By Charles D. Cleveland.
The " Compendium of English Literature,'' by Prof
Cleveland, comprises biographical sketches and se
lections from the writings of English authors, from
tho fonrtoenth to the eighteenth century, chronologi
cally arranged : together with copious Notes, explan
atory. illustrative, Ac. The volume now advertised,
which is arranged on the same plan as the " Com
pendium,'' comprises in iU list of authors such us
flourished in the eighteenth century, bat dwd in the
present; together with thoso strictly of the nine
teenth century, whether living or dead.
The present edition of ' English Literature of the
Nineteenth Century " contains biographical sketches
and selections from the writings of one hundred and
six authors, the namos of twenty-seven of whom did
not appear in the table of contents of the former edi
tion ; together with many improvements throughout
the volume.
Frof C.'s tw*> volumes of English Literature are
now extensivoly used as text-books in colleges, acad
emies, and the higher class of seminaries, throughout
the United States. The following opipion< relative
to "English Literature of the Nineteenth Century,''
are selected from a largo number equally commenda
tory of tho work:
From Prof. Chaluirry A. Gootlnch, D. D., of YaJt
u I consider Prof. Cleveland's ' English Literature
of the Nineteenth Centtify ' an appropriate sequel to
his 'Compendium.' The author bai shown the same
just and delicate appreciation of literary excellence
in this, as in the former volume; and, as it reaches
down to our times, it will lie still more interesting to
a large portion of the public, and especially to the
young. Few persons can understand what an amount
of rrmling, thought, nice discrimination, and labori
ons eor densation of knowledge, are requisite to the
production of such a work , And just in proportion as
men toil more extensively in this field, will be the
estimate they will put upon this result of the author's
From Grorgf B. Etncrton, Ely., of Tiotton.
" I have examined your ' English Literature of the
Nineteenth Century.' and I like it exceedingly It
is extremely well and fairly done. The biographical
notices are just and discriminating: and, wtiile they
are long enough to gratify the curiosity we have to
kn;?w something of an author, they are so spirited as
to awaken a desire to know more. The selections
are admirable. I have adopted the work as a text
bOiik for my first class, every individual of which is
now preparing, under its guidance, to give a fuller
account of the writings of some one chosen author."
From Rrv. R. P. Apdrlott, D. P., of Cincinnati.
" I have examined with much care, and still great
er pleasure, and, I trust, not a little profit, you.1
' English Literature of the Nineteenth Century. *
* It is, I believe, the riehrrt rollrrtion of qrm* in
our langtotgf. Th?r? is nothing in it I would omit,
and yet it ia not too large for pojmtar use. Consid
ering the very brief limits to which you were obliged
to confine yourself, T am surprised at thefullneas and
richness of your biographical details. Your most
difficult and delicate task, however, was the critical
judgment to be passed aptn each author; and here
I think yon have been very bappy?discriminating
:ind jost., and jptft kind. * * Bnt I would feel that
whatever I have said about the volume, however
true, ought to be considered ss of little worth, could
I not add?aa I cheerfully do?a stro ig testimony to
iti high moral tone and eminently Christian spirit
The general reader oannot fail to lie Inteiosted, the
student profited, the scholar delighted, and the man
of piety pleased, with your ' English Literature of the
Nineteenth Century." *'
For sal* by the publishers, at Philadelphia ; by C.
M. Sexton, New York; Phillips, Sampson, A Co,
Boston; Cnshlngs A Bailey, Baltimore; John B.
Steel, New Orleans; II. W. Derby, Cincinnati; Jew.
ett A Co., Cleveland; and by booksellers generally,
Jan l-2d2w _____
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"This Aristocracy or England."?Not
long wince we engaged a distinguished political
writer in London, to furnish for the Era an
occasional article on some leading points in
the tocial and political condition of England.
To day appears a number of this series. It
will amply repay an examination, whether we
agree or not with all his views.
" A burnt child dreads the fire," is a proverb j
that does not always hold good of politicians.
They are apt to rely too much upon cunning,
too litle upon the lessons of experience. One
might suppose that the Compromise Measures
of 1850 had proved the death of so many, that
there would be little disposition to revive the
issues then passed upon, and re enaot the ar
rangements then forced through Congrees.
Who has been the gainer by that "settle
ment," as it is facetiously styled? Where are
the men prominent in bringing it about!
Wcbktkh, heart-broken by the disappoint
ments and embarrassments in which it involved
him, sleeps in the gravo. Clay was saved from
the same fate, only by death. Fillmore was
unable to obtain tho vote oi ft National Whig
Convention, against a rival candidate who had
performed no signal service for tho Compromise.
Cass, Buchanan, Dickinson, Douglas, were
thrust aside jn a National Democratic Conven
tion, to mate room for one who had taken no
part in tho great labor of Union-saving. Cobb
is politically dead, by the hands of members of
his own Party. Foots is defeated in Missis
sippi, and rated by "the organ," while his
rival, Davis, distinguished for his opposition to
the Compromise, holds a comfortable seat in
the Cabinet, beside Marcy, the bead of that
section of the New York Democracy that origi
nally upheld the Wilmot Proviso, through
who*# influeneo, Dickinson, (the Chevalier
Bayard, as the Compromisers used fondly to
call him.) and his lesser Chevaliers, are outcasts
from Executive favor.
We can easily understand why the Adminis
tration is so zealous in behalf of the Compro
mise: General Pierce and his associates are the
only politicians who have profited by it, so fur
as tho emoluments and distinctions of officc oro
concerned; but it is marvellous that Cass,
Douglas, and all that genus, should evince so
profound a devotion to it, as to seek its reaf
firmation. They certainly gained nothing by
the "settlement" of 1850, and we can tell |
them they will gain a great deal less by the
attempt to unsettle Nebraska. They are West
ern men ? men from the free States ot the
Weht?their constituents will not thank them
for countenancing a oonspiracy to plant a se
ries of slave States along the track of the Pa
cifio railroad, between them and the Paoifio
There oan be no pretenoe, in this case, of
Nationality, or devotion to the Union. Party
lines have not boen drawn upon the Question,
it has hitherto soarcely boon made a Question.
Tb? country has not been agitated?the Union
imperilled. All that was needed for tho organi
zation of Nebraska, was a quiet, sottled pur- j
pose on the part of members representing the
non-slavebolding interests, to put through both
Houses a simple bill for that purpose. No agi- |
tation was necessary. Such a bill passed the
House last year, and not a word was uttered in
regard to Slavery. It was too clearly right,
to be opposed by any organised hostility among
the Southern members. Many of them voteil
for it, foeling, doubtless, that opposition from
them would be too flagrantly sectional. Had
the same.polioy prevailed among Northern men
this year, there oould have been no serious dif
ficulty. Beyond all doubt, Nebraska would
have been organised, with almost as little dis
o ami on as took place in relation to the Territo
ry of Washington, or Minnesota. It would
have been regarded free, an a matter of oourse.
Who has broken up this unity among North
ern men? Who"has hatched this infernal plot,
to disorganize the North, and invite Slavery to
new aggressions ? For what accursed object is
this Pandora's box opened? Thus always is
Freedom stabbed in the bouse of her |>rofesecr1
friends. Thus always come from the North |
the brain that devises, the hand that inflicts
dishonor and injury upon it.
We hope Mr. Douglas is not the author of
that Report, or B.ll-that, as chairman of the
Committee, be act? only as its mouth piece?
we hope that, as an individual member of the
Senate, he will take ocoasion to review this
whole matter, and, ere it lie too late, relieve
himself from all responsibility for a measure
which must sink any Northern politician who
shall attempt to support it.
?laainam skkator
This morning's papers announced the nomi
nation of Hon. Jefferson l)avii>. by the Demri
cratio Caucus of the Mississippi legislature, for
a seat in the U. States Senate from that State;
but we learn, from a source in which we oon
6d*, that an authoritative despatch from Jack
eon was received bj a gentleman of this oity
yesterday afternoon, announcing the nomina
tion of Hon. Albert (t. Brown.
Mr. Broun was several years a member of
the National House of Representative*, and was
for one term Governor of hie State. He ie an
ultra State Rights politician, of the Quitman
and Davis school
('ommKAs?-It will be perceived that both
branehee of thin body adjourned at an early
hour to-day, in token of reepect to the memo
ry of Hon. Henry A. Mnhlinberg, who died at
the reeidenoe of Hon. Mr. Brodhead, in this
oity, at ten o'clock last evening, in the 30th
year of hi* age.
Straehurg, Pa., is a little gem in the way of
?a country town, and is net in a rich agricultu
ral crown; for Lancaster oounty ie nnsurpaiN
ed in the old " Keystone State1' lor the fertili
ty of ifeM soil, and the variety and quality of its
A certain morning paper made Home quota
tion! the other day, from the deeds of Virginia
and other State*, ceding territory to the Con
grew of the Confederation, to show that Ben
nett's Land Bill, whioh propose* to divide the
public lands among all the States, fairly oar
ries oat the intentions of those cessions.
Whatever may have been the intentions of
Virginia and other State**, to the Federal Con
ntitutiou alone muBt we look for the power of
Congress over United States territory,- Con
gress is authorised "to dispose of and make all
needful rules and regulations respecting the
territory and other property belonging to the
Uuited States; " and it is bound, of course, so
to dispose of it as to promote the publio wel
Kven should it be admitted that somo ooo
si deration is due to the intention of the Stated
making oessions to the Confederation, it must
be remembered that these cessions have already
been organised into Staten, and that but little
publio land in them remain** to be disposed of.
As the Mississippi wim then our western
boundary, they did not extend beyond that.
The Public Lands which Mr. Bennett's bill
concerns, ohieHy, have boeu obtained by pur
chase from France and Spain, aod conquest
from Mexico, not by cession from any State.
It cannot be denied that this bill oomraauds
th?* support of a strong party in Congress. It
It may not be approvod by a majority, but a
force can be rallied in its favor, sufficient to
fasten it as an amendment to any other project
for disposing of publio lands, and thereby pro
vent any legislation on the subject.
Unquestionably, we prefer the policy of this
bill to that system of plunder, und ir the dis
guise of grants of land, to aid in the construc
tion of ratiroads, which has grown up of late
years. Under such a systom, the older States
are effectually deprived of thoir legitimate
share of the bonefits of the Public Domain,
the new States, or, rather, the land speculators
of the new States, monopolizing them. Ben
nett's Bill is intended.to remedy this evil, to
put a stop to this plunder, and to seoure an
equitable division of the publio patrimony
among the .States. If we must choose be
tween the two soheraes, give uh his bill, which
will at least put the States upon an equal foot
ing. But we are not reduced to this alterna
tive. There is another and a better way of
managing this grand domain. It is the prop
erty of the People?let it be secured to the Peo
ple. Under the policy of Bennett's Land Bill,
should it become law, the States would soon
part with their respective grants to individual
or corporate speculators: little hope would re
main for the poor, landless man. We hold
that it is the duty of Congress to preserve the
Pablio Lands as tho heritage of the poor and
landless?to secure to every person, being the
head of a family, one hundred and sixty acres
of land, on oondition of oooupanoy and culti
vation?and to prevent their monopoly by spec
ulators and railroad or oanal corporations.
A'dopt this policy, and all the States will bo
benefited. The population and wealth of the
now States will be promoted ;.the older States
will long be preserved from the evils growing
out of density of population and intensity of
competition, while new markets will be rapidly
opened to them; and the growth of free States
w^l be quickened Large capitalists, North
and South, may not see in this policy anything
very inviting to them, but the masses of the
People are directly and deeply interested in it.
The reader must excuee us, but on such a
f-ubjcet as that brought up by the Nebraska
Bill and Report, we intend to iterate und re
iterate the Truth as it is.
AH sorts of sophistry and falsehood are now
reported to, for the purpose of mystifying the
People in regard to the Nebraska movement.
We, who oppo e the abrogation of the Mis
souri Compromise now, it is sneeringly remark
ed, were bitterly hostile to it in 1850. This is
false. That Compromise was not under dis
cuasion in 1850; no party were arrayed for or
against it. Nobody proposed to disturb it.
What we did oppose was, a motion to form a
new Compromise, by whioh the line agreed
npon in 1820, viz. 36 deg. 30 min., should be
extended to the Pacific ocean, with a provision
that Slavery should not exist north, and the
underetanding that it should exist south of
that line. This was the motion of Mr. Doug
las ; it proponed a new Compromise, not the
reaffirmation of the old one. The Pro-Slavery
part of the latter was a fact accompltthnl?the
Anti Slavery part remaiuod to be acoomplirth
ed. The new Compromise proponed to mirren
der the larger portion of the Territory acquired
from Mexioo to Slavery, and also to abandon
to the onifee, the whole of whatnver acquisi
tions we might thereafter make on this Conti
nent, south of 36 dog. 30 min A proposition
so'monstroua oould not bs tolerated even by
the hack politicians of the North.
Had an attempt been made in 1850 to abro
gate the Missouri Compromise, we nhould have
resisted it for the same r.>ft*on that we resist
such an attempt now?bscause the only part
of it remaining to he fulfilled is what Freedom
gained by it. But this is the very reason why
the Pro-Slavery Party now seek its abrogation
All that remain* of it is, a solemn provision,
without which Missouri oould not have been
admitted into the Union that slavery shall be
"/orrwr" excluded from all the original Terri
tory of Louisiana, north of 36 deg. 30 min, niTd
therefore it must be repealed! This is the
good faith of the Slave Power. This m the
flagrant swindle it is scheming, under cover of
the Compromises af 1850.
Suppose this vast region of Nohranka had
first been settled, and organised into free
States, and that the settlement of the Territory
south of 36 deg. 30 min. had been so delayed
that its different portions were now for the first
time to be brought under government, what an
outcry would be raised in the South, should
tho representatives of the North deliberately
attempt to establish Free instead of Slavehold
ing Institutions therein?and this, too, although
bo expram provision, no faith plighted in words,
oould be appealed to against such a movement.!
Treachery! Punio Faith! Hypoorisy! wonld
be thundered in the ears of the North, and we
should soon hear of another Nashville Conven
tion, to deliberate on " the mode and measure
of redress " for the foul wrongs inflicted on the
How much more atroaioua the violation of
flood faith iu the aotual case submitted to ua!
The Union wu shaken 'to its foundations in
1820?the friends of constitutional liberty had
the majority, and they repeatedly refused to
allow Missouri to oome in an a Slave State,
feeling then, as the Independent Demooraoy
fools now, that the extension of Slavery, and
the multiplication of Slave States, were not con
templated by the framers of the Constitution.
At last, by a combination of influences, which
it is unnecessary now to specify, they agreed to
the admission of Missouri as a Slave State, but
only on oondition that, thenceforth, there
should be no Slavery " forever " iu Territory
north of the line so often named And now, after
having derived all the advantages from this
compromise or covenant which they were enti
tled to, the Slavery men, with Mr. Douglas at
their head, coolly resolve to abrogate the only
stipulation in it in favor of Liberty, the only
oondition which reconciled the Anti Slavery
mon to its passage!
This is honor, this is good taith, this ia chiv
Some remarks on the appointment of
the Select Committee on the Pacific Railroad
are reserved for to morrow.
We are often asked whether we have read
ers in the South? There arc several subscri
bers to the Era in nearly all the Southern
States, and our exchange list in that quarter is
very extensive. Some readers sympathize with
its, cordially ; others hold opposite viewy, but
desire to keep themselves well informed. We
give some specimens ot the latter class. A sub
scriber in Alabama, reuewing his subscription,
" I have used diligence to circulate jour valu
able paper in my neighborhood, but have yet
failed to get any to join me in suliscribing for
it. My friends are fond of borrowing it, and 1
lend fr'oely. I am tolerably freo yet, and wish
to read both sides, especially when I pay for
what I read. Because I live by the labor of
slaves, and say to one, go, and to another, come,
and have paid my money for them, and do my
duty in feeding, clothing, and making them
comfortable, iB no reason why I should not
hear what other men think of this matter. I
did not make them slaves; and if I do a good
part by thoso under my control, I shall receive
the credit of having done my duty. 1 take the
Saturday Evening Post and the Hollar Gazette,
but the Era is number one. It spares nobody,
not even the President."
There are poople in the South, as well as the
North, who lov.i plain spoaking.
Another subscriber, also renewing, who lives
in Georgia, writes?
" If had the leisure, I would write you at
length on the subject of Slavery, and show you
that while it has been no injury or disadvan
tage to the Africans, but a great benefit, that
it alone has built the cotton factories, and the
immense machine-shops therewith connected?
has made the railroads and the improvements
therewith connected?has sent the steamships >
across the ocean?and, in short, mad?s us what
wo are. Without cotton, these would never have
been, and that without slaves we never should
have had the cotton. But, on these subjects, I
seldom apeak or write; and as the Era is edited
in the right ptyle and spirit, and as it is, to my
taste, one of the best newspapers in the country,
1 cannot consent to part with it, and more es
pecially as I wiah to continue my acquaintance
with the Abolitionists and Free-Soilers. Who
ia ' Bell Smith t'?
What follows is from the pen of a citizen of
Virginia, one of our sympathetic Southern
readers, who lately furniahed ua an article on
the Richmond (Va.) Dispatch.
" An artiole recently published in the Na
tional Era commenting upon one in the Rich
mond Dispatch, is asserted by the editor of tho
latter paper, (who certainly should be unques
tionable authority on all matters of faot.) to be
from the pen of Professor Charles D. Cleveland.
This statement has given rise in our mind
to considerable doubt as to our own identity,
for wo had supposed ourselvos to be the writer
of the article in the Era ; but whoever else we
may bo, we deoidodly are not Mr. Cleveland.
According to the best of our knowledge and
bolief, that geutloraan is not aware of our ex
istence, and is as ignorant of tho authorship of
the article in question as is tho editor of the
" Moreover, as to our being a 1 fanatic,' we
arc generally considered of a sound mind, and
are also in good and regular standing. We
are not an Abolitionist, in the obnoxious senpe
of the term, neither are we a 1 Down feast book
maker,' having never either written, printed
or published, a schc?ol-book in our life, or been
connected with any one thus engaged. The
allusion to one who hue ' never set foot on slave
soil,' certainly fails to apply to our oase, as for
many years we never set foot on any other.
With regard to ' money making,' the editor must
have formed a much higher opinion of our
finanoea than we ourselves, if he anppolM tha'
to have boen our engrossing pursuit. J
'?One more word, and we have done The
Dispatch seems to be considerably ex*r.-ised eon
oerning the stylo of our artiole: but the fact of
his having attributed it to the peu of so ripo a
scholar and accomplished a gentleman as Mr
Cleveland, is, perhaps, rather better caloulated
to give rise to a feeling of 'self-complacency,'
than tho strictures of the editor of the Dinpalch
are to produce an opposite state of mind. Evi
dently, however, our Jorte, in his opinion, hes
not in style, any more than does hia, in our
opinion, lie in biblioal oritioism
A bill tw?fore the Georgia Legislature,
contemplating a melioration of the "condition
of the slaves of that State, stipulates that, in
estate sales, babes under five years old shall
not be sold away from their mothers, unless a
division of property cunnot be effected without
surh separation !
[]'JF" A grand Temporance Banquet is an
notinced to be held on the 20th iust, at Phila
delphia, at which all the most distinguished
supporters of the Maine Law are exacted to
be present?among others, Lowis Cass, S P
Benson, Hev Dr. Tyng, Nnal Dow, and other
public oharaotcrs of equal celebrity. It has
originated entirely with the ladies, who will
take that publio opportunity to present the
great originator of this social reformation,
Neal Dow, with a splendid silver tea service.
The Ccbak Si.avk Importation seems like
ly to eontinue. under the new Captain (ieneral,
the same as before. Bv the last advioes from
Cuba, we see it stated that two vessels were
fitting out at Havana, one at Cienfnrgoa, and
two at Caibarien, making five in all, intend
ed for the ooast of Africa, with tho usual prep
arations for the slave trade, but to be cleared
in Cuba for port* in the United States, which
they will probably never see. Meantime, a
rumor prevailed that another vessel, with a
large cargo of slaves, was hovering on the
southern cqgst of the Island, having tried two
ports without l?eing able to contract fi?r a land
ing permit.
They who walk on rich carpets, and nit he- |
fore pleasant fires, in well-furnished apart
menU, are too apt to repro^jh the poor with
the charge of improvidenoe and vice; but they
know little of the temptations surrounding thin ?
class. The New York Post well remarks upon
this subjeot:
" In a country like thin, abounding in food,
and offering unlimited demand for labor, pau
perism is inezo unable, and there would he next
to none, were it not for intemperance; and one
of the chief oauses of intern peranoe is the want
of amusements for the poor. No man will live
on more dull, monotonous toil, if he can help
it. He needs excitement, as oattle require salt.
All work and no play is as fatal to the full
grown Jack ati to the boy. What amusement
ib within the reach of the poor ? The richer
classes seem to think there is no occasion for it:
The poor, for a few cents, can buy a few
minutes of gaiety and ol' hope, and forget the
annoyances and cares of their daily drudgery.
The temptation meets them whithersoever they
turn. To the laborer, weary from bis hard
day's work, and to the artisan, whose sedenta
ry trade ha* kept him for hours in the ill-ven
tilated workshop, or, worse still, in his little
unclean room, surrounded by slatternly wife
and whining ohildren, there is bnt one other
Caoe accessible when they leave their cheer
89 lodgings, and that is the bar-room. He
sees the brilliant gaa-ligbt flashing through the
windows, and hears the sound of merry voices
within. He knows that he can join the party.
Where else can he find light and warmth, or
society ? He enters and spends the money
which should go to support his family, and be
comes a candidate, for pauperism "
The Post, however, recommends "cheap dra
matic entertainments" as a remedy. The
drama, "if properly oouducted," it says, in'ght
be made "the instrument of great good.'' 80
have we ulways thought; but who will point
us to an instance of its proper conduct?
We have witnessed plays that did us good; but
we never entered a theatre that did not pre
sent more of evil than of good. The Post
''One need only go to the National Theatre,
and see the bard-fisted, fighting, red shirted
rowdy, wiping his eyes at the death of little
Eva, or of Katy, the Hot Corn Girl, to peroeive
that, in judicious hands, the drama might be
made to oivilize and soften the feelings; and
this, after all, is the better part of education?
of more importance than the mere teachings
of school books." ^
We have hundreds of times realised this
conviction while witnessing such dramas as
"The Rent Day,'' "The School of Reform,'' &o.;
but when we have looked " around, above, be
neath,'' what a revulsion has invariably come
Over our feelings, and how uniformly we have
felt that the experiment of a drama " properly
conducted," is a thing yet to be made!
The Pont recommends "conversation or read
ing-rooms," as another means. In this we ful
ly concur. We regar I it as a reproach to this
and every city in the Union, that there are not
as many such rooms, well-warmed, well-venti
lated. well-lighted, and " properly conduoted,"
with their libraries, writing tables, and seats,
as would servo to accommodate all who might
feel disposed to visit them. Were suoh things
|#ovided for the description of persons named
by the Post, the fire companies would not be
troubled with the loungers who hang around
their premises; the bar-rooms would not al
lure the listless and unthinking; the vicinities
of theatres and other public plaoes would not\
be infested with throngs of idle and vioious
youths; acts of inoendiarism would be less fre
quent, crime would soon be abated, andflhou
sands would bo redeemed from ruin, and
plaeed on the road to usefulness and distinc
tion, while every home in the community would
be made mure oontented and happy.
If any persons choose to try the dramatic
experiment, far be it from us to place a single
obstacle in their way. We do not, indeed, be
lievo that there is anything necessarily perni
cious in dramatic entertainments. As an
amusement, they must certainly be confessed
to be of the most intellectual character. But
their purification appears to be a work of
difficulty ; and while they who think it praoti
oable are endeavoring to accomplish it, and to
make it " the instrument of good," we would
most earnestly urge upon the attention of all
intelligent citizens, who have the means, the
provision of the accommodations we have here
recommended. Divide off each city into dis
tricts, obtain a suitable hotipe in each, admit
every person as a regular visiter who will oon- |
form to and support the necessary regulations,
and then await the results. This experiment, (
once fairly made, our word for it, no backward
steps will he taken. {
William Waiker, Prkhi dent or Lower
California ? But a few days have passed
mono our readers per used the remarkable
proclamation of this gentleman to the people
of the United Slate* More recent accounts ;
represent him and bin men?hiu cabinet, army
and navy?an being in imminent peril. The
New York Timei Hays of him :
" He ie a man of muoh taleut, evidently, and
of a thorough eduontion, having graduated in
medicine, both here and in Pitria, and afior
wurd* parsed through a course of legal study.
He ifi Maid, too, to have Wen remarkably ami
able in hiu disposition, and, until a short time
before falling among filibuster*, a lover oi
Our accounts, heretofore received, represent
ed that, on the 3d of December, Mr. Walker
and his }?arty made an excursion fiom San Di
ego, where they hail arrived on the day previ
ous, to capture the (}.?v( rnor or to forage; that
they were attacked hy the Mexicans, and beat
en, with the lose of twelve or fourteen men ;
that they then fled, and took refuge in a house
at Enseneba, where they were besieged by sev
eral hundred Mexicans, who out off their boats
and prevented their reaching the Carolina
which was anchored near by.
This may all be true; but it does not nome
from an entirely reliable source: for the Altu
California says:
"After ttw defeat of the filibusters at La
(trull*, a mqiura brought word to his employer,
Don Juan Bundini, that the filibusters had been
making great havoc among the cattle and other
property on hia as well as other ranohes.
" The fili buttering scheme was corioooted
last winter or spring, and it is confidently as
serted by some, not unacquainted with the lead
ers, that the introduction of Slavery is one im
portant object in their aggression. The asser
tion is rendered probable by the character of
those who favor the soheme by other circum
stances California is bitterly opposed to agi
tation ; but she is true bine on the main point,
no Slavery on the Peaifin.
" One portion of the schema is, that the fili
leisters shall divide among thamsclveH thtv pub
lic lauds, in p-iy fur (ba r tnlf sacrificing patri
Tiik Chhistian Wori.u IJnm ihukk By John iW
ridga, A. M., Virar of Uvortun, Ac With a Lifa
of tho Author, by Rev. Thomas Uuthrio. In t vol
pp. 207. Boston : published hy tlould A Lincoln.
Sold by Gray A BalUutyne, and by Taylor A Maury,
Washington, 1). 0.
Here id an old acquaintance, whom we have
not wseiu fur a wore of years?a man of deep
piety, and a never-failing fond of piquaut hu
mor, not to be repressed. The roaders of the
raeent Review of the Life and Times ol Lady
Huntingdon, in the London Quarterly, have
had a touch of hid humor. Thin unmasking
of the Christian world, as it existed a century
sinoe, will stand f.?r tin present day. Wo
have wonderfully improved in our stage-coaoh
ee, turnpike road*, and invontod some thin pa
whioh were not dreamed of iu the times of
old John Barridga; but nothiog bo entirely
novel in the way of piety and the profession
of piety, that the pictures drawn by him are
not now quite well suited to the times.
Berridge was a great scholar, as well as di
vine. He studied fifteen hobra a day, in order
t> enrich his strong mind with all the riches
of anoient literature. Hut drollery and divin
ity were combined with all his attainments, bo
naturally, that the oue could not subsist with
out tho other. John Berridge is a familiar
name in Old England, and we hopa he may
find a gracious and amiling welcome to the
homes of the New World. W.
Stanley, thk Abtibt.?This gentleman, wa
perceive by the latest accounts, was at Fort
Vancouver on the 15th of December, with Gov.
Stevens These long rambles among the wild
foreBts of the West are familiar to whim. He
oncc devoted ntauy yeara to siich jaunts, un
protected and alone, when engaged in making
the collection of paintiugs on exhibition at tho
Smithsonian. Now that the story of Catlin'a
imprisonment in England, and consequent will
ingness to sell his collection at any price, has
proved to be a fiction, we suppose that Stan
ley's works will soan find a purchaser in the
A Quaint Criticism.?A newspaper before
iis states, that at the breaking of the ground
for the commencement of the Lynchburg arid
Tennessee It ail road at Lynchburg, a clergyman
slowly and solemnly read'a manuscript prayer,
at the conclusion of which an old negro man,
who had been resting with one foot on hia
spade and bis arms on the handle, looking in
tently in the chaplain's face, Htraightenad him
self up, and remarked, very audibly, 4> Well, i
reckon dat a de fust time dc Lord's eber bin
writ to on da suhjic ob railroads!''
United Status Ministers.?Mr. McLano
and hiu private Secretary, Mr. Le Roy, were
in France at last advic.ia, on their way to Can
ton and Nankin, China, via Constantinople,
whither they were to nail with Mr. Spence and
Huite in the Saranao, which wan at Marseilles.
Mr. McLane, after visiting the celestial capital,
will return to Macao, and embark on board
the Susquehanna, and go with Com. Perry to
Japan in the spring. nj all the newspapers
\ Disasters.?So m^ny disasters "by flood
and field" have probably never before ocourred
in thia Republic within a single month?dis
asters by fire and by water. A countless num
ber of ships have been lost, bunted, or injured,
valued with their cargoes at millions of dollars.
And the losec.s by firo on shore ui*y also >?e
reckoned by millions, while many of the?* have
also bton attended with terrific loss of lite.
F.dwin Croswem., Esq.?Wo loam with
regret from now York papers that this gentle
man is suffering from a severe stroke of paraly
sis, which leaves little room to hope for his re
covery. TholUta<ik occurred on WedoeaJay
night lust. His left side n entirely paralyzed.
The Timet remarks :
" Mr. Croswell has long been known
throughout the Union as the k.titor of the Al
bany Argui, and as one of the ahhst and mo t
influential politicians in the St i?e For some
years past, he has bean Se trots ry of the Pacific
Mad Steamship Company, and a resident of
New York city."
u. S. CoNsoi.a at Gknoa.?Mr. F. Foraali,
upon whom this appointment was conferred by
the Presidtut, has been rejected by the Gov
ernment at Turin. They refuse to rocognise
him, because of his having been concerned in
the Italian movement in New York. Inst spring,
in the affair of the refugees brought hy the
frigate San Giovanni Another ground of
<ff.*nee is that Fore->ti is said to bo implicated
with the friends of mazzini in their hostility
against the present Government of Sardinia.
Filibustering ?The last rumors relative to
the H March f Monk ! Marik ! " party, are?
first, that an expedition is to be fitted out, to
prooeed to the Peruvian coast, and, taking ad
vantage of tho state of war between Bolivia
and Pern, are to hoist the Bolivian flag, and
conqner the Peruvian fleet. The filibusters
are to be immediately followed by an immense
fleet of merchantmen, who are hi make an at
tack on tho deposits of guano on the Lohos
Islands, and remove them to the cotton lands
of the Southern Stat*a. It is supposed that tho
guano will pay a large profit above the cost of
the expedition.
The second ' march " is to be executed upon
the Motquito coa?t. This country is to to
'? possessed for the purpose of transporting
slaves to it from the Southern States.
Truly, filibuster rumors are getting to be a
bore?Boston Comtno-uxalth.
Nebraska ?The poMie.it ion of a newspaper
called the Nebraska Democrat ha* been com
menced at Old Fort Kearny, in the unrecog
nised Territory. it strongly urges the passage
of the Territorial lull by Congress, and says
that, thould this be done now, a nourishing
oity would immediately spring up at the pla< e
where the Democrat is ptihliHhed. In the u.
S. Supreme Court, a few days ago. an attor
ney at law was admitted to practice, whose res
ult noe was officially announced in the proceed
ing;! Nehraakii.
The leoisi.aturk or Maine, which assem
bled at augusta, the napital. on Wednesday
last, is peculiarly constituted. The full Senate
consists of si members ; but only 18 are elect
ed, of whom six aro Whigs, and seven Demo
j orata; and there arc ?ighteen vacancies which
are to l>e filled by the House of na
tives. The latter body st mils politically 76
Oemoorats, flfi Whigs, and ? Free Soilcrs. lint,
of the 76 Democrats there at o from 17 to 20
who aro bitterly op|s*sed to all the candidates
of the majority of that party, and who are ex
pected to refuse to vote for them.

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