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For the National Era EIC0I.LKCTI0K8 OF MT ORANDFATHEE'B HOME. chap! I. The Farm House. " How dear to my heart are the scenes of wy child hood! . ( When fond recollection presents them to view.'' My Grandfathers Home t What a thrill of delight that magic name always sends through me. How plainly are all its varied features daguerreotyped h|kh? i?y laving heart. l?veu now, a? I look hack through the Jong vista ul buried years, how vividly uo all ltd cherished soenes paw before my mind'if eye?the brown, mom-hegrown farm-honpc; the mowing-field, with that mysterious field within, where my little brothers lie buried ; the mill-pond; the walnut tree; the great rook, and the oool spring babbling from beneath it; the green, winding lawn, *" The orchard, the meadow, the deep-tangled wild wood, And every loved spot which uiy infancy knew. What would life be to us without these glimpses of tho pant? We owe most of noetry and romanoe in our nature to the credulity of childhood: and oh! it is refreshing in real life, when the misH of youthful fancy have left us, to go with memory behind the veil, and be a child once more ami Jut those scenes whose associations call up nought of worldly selfish ness. ? My grandfather was a strange man, politely oalled eccentric?in more vulgar parlanoe, odd; not odd by nature, but made so bv force of circumstances. Early thrown upon his own resources, strong, energetic, and determined, middle life found him possessed of an ample fortune, and a practical economist of time and labor. Economy was my grandfather's idio syncracy; what would cost the least time and labor, the sumrnum bonum of every-day life. From motives of economy, he placed his house in the middle of his farm, thus rendering every part of tho latter more easily aeoeesible. The nam was to be the centre of all agricultural operations, and, as the cattle needed a warm, sunny place, (my grandfather was a humane man.) it was built in front of his house. The front door was for holyday use, so its bright brass knooker adorned tho back side of tho mansioA. Standing on its lowly threshold, I Sazed many a childhood's hour away, watching tie green shadows on the surfaoe of tho mill pond. Then, in childish delight, I would listen to the frogs, croaking their evening song, or the low tinkling of tho cow-bell, as the herds returned from their pasture. Dolightful mo ments! they are gone with the irrevocable past?but to me they are milestones in the way behind me, monuments in the once land of promise, graven over with home pictures, ro mances, and pleasant fancies?the day-dreams of youth, looking back upon which, the heart beats faster, the voice grows soft, and the eyes dim. ?That dear old farm-house! How often I visit in fancy the kitchen, with its eleven doors, broad rafters, and unhewn beams; its huge firo-piaco, its dressers, glittering with silver bright pewter, and the glaas-doored cupboard beneath, always disclosing to curious ken a mqpt savory conglomeration of edibles. The The rush-bottomed chairs, the round tabic in the corner, the well-thumbed almanac, the lit tle shelf, on which lay the dog-eared Bible; ah! and the broad-rimmed hat on its nail, are there?all there! Why that great kitohen was lighted bv only two exceedingly diminutive windows, why its darkness was rendered still more dim by the ooat of Spanish brown on its ceiled walls, I leave to more practical economists than myself to decide. Suffice it to say, that twilight still pays early visit* to that old hall; a few strag ali?a ?*?* a till illuminate at tttd-aiytn-bitmii walk;.its eleven doors still torn on their rusty hinges; but the round table is gone, the alma nac and Bible are worm-eaten and worn; the bright pewter basins have disappeared. and no longing eye ever beholds, through the dust rtamed glass of that little oupboard, the cheese and gingerbread of olden times. So pass away die things of this world! Into the cellar my childish curiosity seldom carried me ; its precincts were surrendered to hobgoblins and ghosts. The stone-paved dairy was a modern invention ; and the "eastn and " west'' rooms were too recent in finish to inspire me with emotions of either wonder or awe But the great east chamber, with its mysterious closet, its chest of oaken drawers, pine table, high-backed ohairs, and low white curtained bedstead ! how often have I peeped tremblingly through the key-hole, if perchance I might catch a ghmp?e of its presiding genius. At length, on some state occasion, the secret was revealed, the charm dissolved, the strong hold opened, and even little I admitted into the inmont recesses of its mysterious clone t I was envious' that day of my elder sister, for I saw no reason why I could not have taken the second part of my grandmother's name, and. with it, s goodly portion of the parti-colored china, and stores cSf linen, which my sister in herited for sporting the firat. The old-fash ioned, tiny tea-sets have disappeared, with other appurtenances of child plays; the linen is among the things that were?with them has gone my envy for toy sister's legacy, So it is in this world?while the spirit dwells in clay, | we are -of earth earthy. In childhood, the sunniest hours of life, there arc little hoart bornings, envying", and bickerings. Time flies; we no longer speak, and act like chil dren ; but there oome heavier and deeper griefi to mar our maturer joys. For weeks, after that triumphal entry, might havs been seen the prints of ten little toes on the sanded floor. They are gone now, and I am no longer young. The golden apple-tree in the orchard still shakes off its yearly bur den; the mill pond is as dark and deep; the woodland as green as ever; the walnut tree has grown taller and broader, the narrow, green lane yet winds down to the pasture land ; the frogs croak on ; the cow-bell tinkles still?but my grandfather's sten will no longer be heard in the old brown kitchen, his axe hi the woodland, nor his voice in my grandfather's home. TBS EDUCATION or THK MA83EI Th? Rk/pkftd of the Vallry, a Roman Catho lie newspaper pnhliabed at St. l?oui*, exprc**<? the following itentimenf*: '? We are not the friend of popular education M at preaent underetood. The porularity of a humbug ?hftH never, we trust, lead ua to mipport it We do not believe that the ' mease*,' na oar modem reformer* inmiltingly call the laboring clwe, are ooc whit more hap py, more raapeotahle, or better informed, for knowing bow to read. " Wo think that the masses were never lew happy, lean respectable, and lew respected, than they have been since the Reformation, and partinnlarly within the last fifty er one hun dred year*?n'mce l<ord Brougham caught the nm a of Reaching them to mad, and oommnni e*ted the diwane to a large proportion of the English na'ion * The iden that feetiohing people to read fur nfahrs them with innocent amusement, is en tirely falao. ft furnishes the majority of those who seek imu?emcnt from it with the moot dana*r(<nfl rocreatiun in which they can in dulge." .. , Wo have nothing to My in response to in formation ao thorough and opioiona so pro found We can only mourn the folly of a world that in ao unwiae aa to rejeot the opin ioM of this theologian and philanthropist! K7" The Daily Era can be bad every morning at the Periodical Stun J of If r J. T. Bay**, Ex change, Philadelphia; al*o, tfcu Weekly Era. Mr. Jamic* KLJLiorr in autborUod to ro?eive and receipt for ?ub?A#(ptioflK aud advertttouientoVor the Daily aud the W eekly Nuttomi/ Era, in Cincin nati aud vicinity. WASHINGTON, D. C. S^Tl'kD.W, JANUARY 21, 1854. ? -m --rry^srxwrjiro^riii-'fgrr-ii-,f .an rMnrwnnr- ?tim i r?Trrr- . !!?- We omitted to oall attention yesterday to the excellent address of the State Central Committee 6f* Ohio, and by' mistake the word '? Ohio'" wan omitted after Committee. MT7TTER1HG THUNDER. The People are beginning to awake. The heavy, single drops, and deep mutterings, uhioh precede the tempest, are, already, felt ahead. We extraot below a stern warning to Rep resentatives from Ohio, uttered, in due season, by the Sandusky Daily Mirror, a stanch Old Line Demooratio sheet, to wbioh they will do well to take beed. We are glad to know that tin address to the people of that great State, from their Senators and Representatives, is in circulation for signatures, and will appear on Monday. But read the article from the Mirror : "Douclan's Nebraska.?Let no member of Congress vote for Douglas's bill for Territorial government to Nebraska. If any do, they had not better return to Ohio?mark it ! Much as we desire the organization of Nebraska, we would rather wait until after another eleotion for members of Congress, than have such a bill pafi. How contemptible men do appear, when they resolve at Baltimoro against agitation of the Slavery subject, and theh repair to Wrsh ington, and open the pow-wow, anew. These clap-trap politicians must mean that they itlouc have the right to talk on that subject, and nobody else. By such a course, Mr. Douglas may get himrelf elected to take care of his 140 slaves in Mississippi, but he can never reach the Presidency." "THE CITIZEN." We reprint a portion of the Citizen's article, copied into the Era a few days ago, for the purpose of a few additional comments : "We are not Abolitionists?no more Ab olitionists than Moses, or Socrates, or JesuB Christ. We deny that it is a crime, or a wrong, or even a peccadillo, to hold slaves, to buy slaves, to Fell slaves, to keep slaves to their work by flogging or other needful coer o:on. " ' By your silence,' says Mr. Haughton, 'you will become a participator in their wrongs.' But we will not bo silent when occasion calls for spoeoh; and, as for being a participator in the wrongs, we, for our part. wish we had a good plantation, well slocked with healthy negroes, in Alabama. There, now?is Mr. Haughton content ? "? W hat right has he to call upon Mr. Mitohel, the moment ne sets his foot in America, to be S'n a crusade for a cause which, as Mr. aughton knows, was always d-stasteful to him in Ireland ? - Are we a Jonah, that we should do this thing?that we should take up (whether we will or not) Mr Haughton's outcry against NineTeh. that great city ? Have we escaped out of the whale's belly for this ? These remarks are said to have been writ ten by MT. Mitohel, co-editor of tbe paper, one of the Irish patriots who have reoently escaped from exile in Van Dieman's Land, and found refuge in this oountry. That they are flip pant, vulgar, and inhuman, even well-bred slaveholders adfait. They stamp his preten sions to patriotism and love of liberty, with hy poerisy. All bis declamation 'in Ireland against oppression, was the offspring of selfish new, not principle. j When a man resist# a Tyranny attempted Against himself, be simply does his duty; he deserve* no more praise for bis oondaot than one who tries to save himself from drowning, or burning, or starving. He acts from an in stinct of eelf-preservation. When he unites with others in resistance against a Tyranny weighing them all down, the same instinct is at work, but other motives are superadded? such as fondness for excitement, envy of supe riority, ambition for distinction, indignation against injustice, sympathy with associates in adversity. All of these may be operative, and the rreult of the mixed forces is, what is or dinarily oalled patriotism, whioh approaches pure selfishness, or noble disinterestedness, just as the selfish or the social motives may have the ascendency. The highest form of Patriotism is that in which its resistance to Tyranny is diotated and regulated, not so much by a s?nse of personal grievance as by a sense of stern justice?where the patriot demands equal rights and equal laws, not, chiefly, because A* is to be the gain er, but ttecause Justice demands their reoogni tion, and his countrymen and mankind are to be benefited. This was the Patriotism, in an honorable degree, of many of the Revolution ary Fathers of this country, who, when they asserted their independence of Great Britain on the fundamental ground of natural rights, saw the inconsistency of Slavery, and instituted at once a system of policy for its limitation and extinction. This was the patriotism, to a cer tain extent, of the French People, when they dethroned Ixrais Philippe and established a Re public : in the hour of their own enfranchise ment, tb*y gave freedom to their colonists, who had been suffering under a worse Despotism than that which afHioted them. This is not the patriotism of the " Citizen" editor. It has no element of humanity in it The fact that he shamelessly sanctions a sys tem which strips human being* of every politi cal right, subjects them to perpetual social degradation, and leaves them not a single natural right, save that of life, and oven that without adequate legal security; and thai, ac cording to his own aooount, he would, if he oould, beoome an actual participator in the Despotism created by such a system, demon strates, conclusively, that his opposition, in Ire land, to Rritirh supremacy, was simply a strife for the mastery. It is impossible that suoh a man oan believe in the dootrine of Natural Rights, ia Humanity, in Democracy. He can not be %juti man, a sincere hater of oppres sion, a friend of mankind. Let him be assured that he has brought his brutality and blas phemy to the wrong market Intelligent Slave holders generally make no parade of devotion to Slavery, but plead for it an, under existing circumstances, the only relation in whioh two different races oan oo-exist; and those who are designated m their special friends at the North, wish them simply to remain undisturbed bj dis cussion and protest. The passion aropsed bj thia per, davot?d to the Compremiseaand opposed Drawler for liberty in Ireland, for noting ne groes in America, will nauseate both olasses. The Albany Register, a conservative Whig pa to Abolitionism, says of the "Citizen " artiole " This is a bad beginning for a man who olaims to have suffered so largely in the, cause of human freedom.1 It (is a< bad Axhlbftlnn' of tajte, This flippant and^ irreverent use of the Ifedfeernei^B name savors of blasphemy, and this free talk about ' buying and selling and flogging slaves/ argues against the editors' notions of human rights in the abstract, or as a matter of principle. We arc as far as most men from being abolitionists. We are for giving the Constitution full scope, and carry ing out, frankly and perfectly, all its provis ions, and fulfilling its guarantees to the letter; but when we eee tbe ' Patriot Mitohel,' as a matter of choioe, advocating the buying and selling and the flogging of slaves, and hear him regret that he has not the ability to en gage in the traffic, we cannot but think the title conferred upon him is an utter misnomer, and that it would be more truthful to call him 1 Mitohel the demagogue,' or the tyrant." No less disgusted are the foreign Democrats among us. " Le Republicain," a French jour nal published in New York, rebukes him sharp ly, and prints a long letter to Mr. Mitohel, from Alexandra Holinsky, reproaohing him with bis shameless inconsistency, and denounc ing his sentiments, as anti-Christian, anti Catholic, and anti-Democratic, as mortifying to the Liberalists of the Old World, as they are to " Democrats of divers nations " in New York. A word as to the deportment of strangers in relation to this Question of Slavery. We oan easily understand why a foreigner coming to settle among us, whatever dovotion to Freedom he may have Bhown in foreign struggles, may shrink from taking any active or prominent part in our controversies on this subjeot. A certain reserve becomes him in the earlier stages of citizenship, on questions arraying sections of the Union against each other. It is not to be expected that he oan understand their nature and bearings, at first, and prema ture action may be as unwise as it would ap pear officious. But one thing we have a right to expeot from him, and that is, that he shall frankly maintain here the Principles to whioh he has signified his devotion abroad, and that be shall studiously avoid giving any oountenanoe to any form of Oppression in his new home. In both these respects, Mr. Mitohel has not only lamentably failed, but with indecent haste, officious seal, and in vulgar terms, he volunteers hiB support to a system of political and social Despotism, which three-fourths of the People of his adopted country regard with aversion, and the most reasonable and oandid of the other fourth claim toleration for only as a necessary evil. THE LAW ARTIFICE. Bear it in mind, that from the time the bill of Mr. Douglas wm reported, it was assumed by the Southern Press, and by Northern jour nals under the influence of the South, to let aside the Missouri Compromise, until Friday, January 20th, when " the organ," in a leader, maabodjing, it is supposed, the revised views of the Administration, made the following an nouncement : " It will be remembered that the bill, as pro posed to be amended by Mr. Douglas, re-enacts and applies to Nebraska the olause on Slavery adopted in the Compromise of 1850. That clause is silent as to the question of Slavery during the Territorial condition of the inhabitants, but ex pretaly recognises and as*rti their right to come into the Union as a State, either with or without the institution of Slavery, as they may determine in their Constitutions.''' The Administration hopes, by this announce ment, whioh flatly oontradiots the assumptions whioh ran through all the editorials of " the organ" on the subject up to Friday, to gain for ths bill the undivided support of the Demo oratio Representatives from the three great State*, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and New York. They can fend home to their constituents the Union, containing an authoritative declaration, sanctioned by the Administration, that the clause relatingt o Slavery is "silent as to the question of Slavery during the Territorial con dition of the inhabitants"?thus leaving, they will add, the Miraouri Com procaine in full foroe in the Territory. So, you see, dear People, tbey will argue, that the olause, after all the clamor of the agitators,only everts a right whioh you yourselves have never questioned-? that of a people, forming a State Constitution, to adopt what institutions they choose! We shall see whether the "dear People ' are to be cheated by this last u dodged They shall not be, if we can help it. "That olause," the " organ" says, "is silent as to the question of Slavery during the Terri torial oondition of the inhabitants." So ws said, in our first article on the subject, but, as it was inserted without any reason, was extra neous to the bill, in no respect relating to a Territorial organisation, and as it was associ ated with other provisions in the b'll oontem plating the existence of Slavery in the Terri tory, we fairly inferred that it was intended virtually to annul the Missouri Compromise, and raise a presumption in favor of Territorial Slavery. This inference was oonfirmftd by the arguments of the report, which assimilated the oondition of the Territories of Utah and New Mexico in 1848 with that of Nebraska in 1854, arguing that the same provisions in rela tion to Slavery should be applied to the latter as to the former, and explaining that such wsi the effoot and intention of the Bill. This view was taken by the "organ," which, in com menting on the first article of the Albany At las, said of the Bill: " (ft leaves the People of the Territory un trammeled by Congressional intervention.' Bat, as the Sentinel and the section it repre sents, although inclining to the same view, desired to put the intent and effect of Um bill beyond a doubt, Mr. Douglas supplied an ad ditional section, whioh, We were gravely in formed, had been omitted through " a olerioal error." Here it is again?we like to print it, so explicitly does it define and establish the meaning of " that olanse " whioh the " organ " says is " silent as to the question of Slavery during the Territorial oondition of the - inhab itants." Aye?it gives it a voice so clear and unmirtakabk that the Northern man who now gives his support to the BUI, most stand con victed of a vote to repeal the Missouri Com 1 ? ? jjfromis* No sophistry of "lite organ" can /save him from this condemnation. " Skc. 21. And be it further enacted, That, in prdefyo afbid aU misconstQfclion, itjy here by deolared to be the true intent and meaning of this aot, so far at the question of Slavery it concerned, to oafiy into practical operation the following propositions and principles estab lished by the Compromise ^Measures of 1850? ^Firs^ t?at all questions pertaining to Sla very in THE TERRITORIES, and in the new States to be formed therefrom, are to be left to the decision of the people residing therein, through their appropriate representatives." This is the dootrine of General Cass in his Nioholson Letter, and this, if the bill pass, is to be the Law of the Territory: the People of the Territory may exclude or accept Slavery, without Congressional intervention, in utter disregard of the Missouri Compromise. And yet, now that it is neoessary to furnish Mr. Dean, and other gentlemen of that class, a pretext to justify before their constituents a vote for this bHl, "the organ," in the teeth of its previous editorials, and in the face of this 21st Motion of the bill, assorting that its true intent and meaning is, to give to the people of the Territory the right to exolude or establish Slavery, coolly asserts that it is " silent as to the question of Slavery during the Territorial condition of the inhabitants!!" Will the "dear People" suffer themselves to bo cheated by their honest representatives ? Before dismiasing " the organ," we would oall attention to rather a laughable betrayal of the true oharaoter of that 21st section. The Sentinel published it, as having been omit ted through "a clerical error." "The organ," intent upon anotkor object, lets the truth out by aooiden$, when it Btyles it an amendment! " The bill," it says, as proposed to be amended by Mr. Douglas," thus incidentally disclosing tho fact that the 21st section was an after thought ! Gentlemen, the sooner you get rid of suob a billj the better will it be for you. Let Mr. Douglas have a friend ready, next Monday, after having explained his vievra respecting it, to mote a recommitment; and the next time the Committee shall aot, let it be to report a simple, legitimate bill for the formation of a Territorial Government in Nebraska, without any olap-trap about the Compromises of 1850 AGITATORS COMPIAIKINQ OF AGITATION. " The orgui " charges Mr. Dixon, the Whig Senator from Kentucky, and Mr. Sumner, the Independent Democratic Senator 'from Mar??a ohuBetta?one of whom has submitted an amendment to the Nebraska Bill, to repeal the Missouri Compromise, the other, an amend ment to re-affirm it?with a desire to create agi tation, and distract the Democratic Party. The charge comes with good graoe from a journal which sustains the report of Judge Douglas, re-opening all the questions in relation to Sla very, which vere said to be settled by the Com promises of 1320 and 1850, and a Bill, in which are incorporated provisions concerning Slave ry, totally irrelative to the legitimate purpose of the Bill, and whose only effect can be to open the Territory to the owners of slaves. If " the organ " is desirous to avoid all dis oussion of queetisns of Slavery, in connection with Nebraska, let it advise a recommitment of the bill of Judge Douglas, with instructions to report the one parsed by the Hou-;a at the last session of Coegre-s. There was nothing ambiguous about that ?nothing extraneous and impertinent?no dragging in of " mixed (juestious "?no insidious plotting for Slavery eitension?-no conning provision to " cornpr " and "trip op" inconvenient politicians?noth ing wetional, nothing partisan. It was a plain, straight-forward bill for the organization of a Territorial Government for Nebraska. Will the organ, bo much in lovo with peace, so affrighted at the prospect of agitation, be satis fie<fwith such a bill ? Oh, no; what it and its Irirnds want is, to place Nebraska in preciselv the same condition as Utah and New Mexico,. subject to mltUmtnl by slavt?? and to socur* this result, they insist upon engrafting on the Bill extraneous, impertinent provisions, which virtoally destroy the Missouri Compromise. Then, when the attempt is exposed and resist fd, they cry out against reopening and re agi sting the Slavery Question! Just u the mid night robbers might eomplaio when caught in the act of borglary: " What an infernal set of agitators and marplots these watohmen are! They Kve by alarming and exciting the Public. Hero we were, quietly engaged in breaking into this man's house, using no more force than was absolutely neoesKary. intending to take bis property without disturbing his peace, when, all at oooe, in the m.?t reckless style, these fellows spring their rattles, shock the nerves of the oommonity, violate the publio peace, and drive us to the most violent measures of self defence !" Mi LUCY ROWS*! LECTURE We listened to Mirs Stone's lecture upon the Rights of Woman, with sustained attention and onflagging interest. Her enunciation is sil very and beautiful, ber eloquent thoughts ever were clothed in well-selected language the fitting, felicitous phrase was ever ohosen for the idea to be presented. There was no hesi tation, no embarrassment; neither was thore any want of womanly refinement and delicacy. The cause commands our sjmpathy. and if we regret that those who have taken this oaose in hand have set their claims too high for the ago in whioh we live, it is because we feel it would have tatter promoted the attainment of the end to be reached by demanding lew. Miss Stone will permit an "old fogy" to suggest an amendment of her lectures, and we do it with all kindness and respect. We would have her, to use Mr. Coshing's phrase, "Crush out " the vanity?we don't say womanly vani ty?for olaptraps. It is true, they " bring down the house," but ?bey bring down also the lofty and sacred dignity of the subject. When elo quence stirs the soul of an audienoe to an irre pressible gush of fooling which demands utter ance, that repression is a riotnry gained to the cause of Woman's Rights; but when, by odd* ne" of contrasts, and oonoeits wittily present ??d, men and women are tickled, laugh and ap plaud, then the glories of a great oanse are trailing in the dost. Miss Stone is worth listening to. We say this to ihe men and women of Washington, that time and money cannot Ae better spent than/in attending her leotdres. Out of jthiu moiftuiciit good will oome; and in all hearts enlightened by religion and humanity there oan be bnt one gush of feeling, ana thafVill be, God speed it! P. LITERARY NOTICES Convkksion ; its Theory and Process, Practically Delineated. By Rev. Thoo. Spencer. New York: M. W. Dodd. Sold by Gray A Ballaatyne, Seventh street, Washington. One volume. The object of this work is to direot the sincere inquirer in his search after God and holiness. The familiar oolloquial style adopted by the author brings it down to die capacity of the uninstructed, and its freeaom from dry theo logical discussion, while at the same time it pre sents clearly th? oardinal doctrines of religion, will be a recommendation to the general read er. The author has examined the subjeot care fully and critioally; and has gone through, step by step, with the prooess of conversion, beginning with the first turning of the thoughts toward divine things, distinguishing accurately between true and false conversion, and bring ing the inquirer to the full assurance of faith in a crucified Saviour. G. Bub-Cliff : Us Sunshine and its Clouds. By Pan! Crey ton, Author of " Father Brighthopes," " Hearts and Facwi," etc. Boston: Phillips, Jatnson, A Co. Sold by Taylor A Maury, Washington. Ono vol. An amiuing, racy little volume, consisting of a series of family pictures, well and truthfully drawn, in which clouds and sunshine alternate, but the latter predominates. It presents, in lively contrast, two families; the one living in the country, independent, intelligent, and well ordered, with a desire for pelf-culture, and taste to enjoy nature's perfect works as spread out before them in " Hill and verdant slope, woodland And vale, and sparkling stream." The other in a city, cooped up within nar row walls, God's blessed sunlight excluded from the heart as well as the dwelling, with scanty means, straining every nerve to keep up appearances, tho soul oramped by the shaokles of artificial life, the natural affections deaden ed, and God and Nature robbed of their due. The characters are well sustained, the con versations lively and spirited. Tho book con tains some profitable hints in relation to the treatment due to our superiors in age, quite apropos at the prerent time, when the child may almost literally be said to be " Father of the man." G. JOHN MITCHELL. In a more recent number of Mr. Mitchel's paper, that u apostle of liberty " gives utteranoe to the following meek, rational, and truly phi lanthropic language?language from whioh we cannot but infer his supreme and entire fitness for the task of rescuing Ireland from the superstitious darkness and the evil appe tites and passions that betrayed her into bond age, and that have perpetuated that bondage to the present hour. Read: " If there had been, as there ought to have been, an insurrection in Dublin^ in 1848, and if the women in the upper stories could have rained hell-fire upon the enemies of their ooun try, they would have watered the revolutionary garden till it blossomed l'ke the ror.8." Having, as we believe, presented to our read ers sufficient samples of the spirit of this " elo quent advocate of freedom," we embrace this occasion to say that, if in nothing else, the British Government has surely shown muoh true regard for the welfare of the Irish people in inducing bis departure from their midst, and upon suoh terms as insure his continued resi dence in distant regions! The Hours or Labor.?A proposition is before the Massachusetts Legislature, to estab lish ten hours as a legal day's labor. Why not ? The Legislature has fixed the number of ounoes that make a pound, the number of oubio inohes that make a gallon, the number of square feet that make an acre: why not dc olare how many hours' labor shall make a day's work 1 If all men were to labor, three hours would be more than long enough to oom plete the necessary task of each; and the nearer the human family ean approach to this state of things, the better. Teo hours should therefore be fixed an the maximum, and the sooner this can be prudently reduced, the better. Hot Corn.?A writer in the Pittsburg Dis patch has read this work by Solon Robinson, and oondemns it as heartily and emphatically as does the Courtier den Elate Unit itself He says: " After a careful perusal, we have cmno to the conclusion that it is an entirely unfit com panion for Jhoeo who have a proper regard for morality and politeness. Some parts of it are, we admit, oaloulated to frioiti u* to great sod noble exertions in the relief of down-trodden and poverty stricken humanity, but there are other portions which cast a stigma unon the whole work, and blight with upas-like destruc tion those lorons which tend to do good. In one ohapter we find h dialogue whioh would bring the blush of shame to the eheeks of the virtuous and refined, and the fire of indigna tion to the hearts of all who proton to have any regard for modesty. Sod) passages are entirely uncalled for, and calculated J?o have an injurious effect upon the minds of the young and inexperienoed; and we consequently oon demn this work, being convinced that the bad will overbalance the good In another chapter the reader is conveyed through a capacious house, and compelled to witness scenes of deg radation whioh we well know are every day being enacted in oar large cities. But whence the necenity for thus portraying human de pravity in suoh glaring colors 1 ? Are such de scriptions calculated to elevate man's nature, or make him wiser and better? Certainly not They tend to pollute and degrade, instead of invigorating and purifying our natura. Other soene* portrayed are sickening in the extreme. We think the author has nut only colored his pictures of crime and pollution too highly, but catered to a vitiated taste. Ray, the celebrated botanist, counted 33,000 seeds in tho head of a puppy?Chester Herald This, we think, is an error. It was the head of a poppV fchat taxed so severely the natural ist's arithmetic and the reader's credulity. A pair of " Gray Shanghais" were sold re cently in England for $300. Extensive beds of poroelain day have been disoovcred near Alton, Qa. The Rothschild Brothers are estimated to I be worth about seventy-five millions of dollars. An extra session of the Illinois legislature J will be convened at Springfield, on the I Oth of February. ) forth* National Bra. THE igQAL TgNJJRg OF 8LAVERY. / ' \ LBRXB EL OtMMttMCJKMEKT OlKcOLONIAL SLAVERY IL LEGAL?CoSTlMUKD. To the Friends of American Liberty: The whole foroe of thin deoision lies in the principle involved, that a-slave (however legally enslaved) beoomes free the inutant be touches the soil of a country in whioh Slavery is not expressly established by positive law. And thu was precisely the condition of the Colonies when slaves were first introdooed into them, and for a long time afterwards, so that the slaves, whether legally or illegally imported, whether under the British (lag or any foreign nag. were legally free the moment they were landed in the Colonies. When sold, they were illegally sold; when held, and so long as held they were illegally held; and, in the language of Judge Mathews of Louisiana, could not legally be reduoed to Slavery. In proof of this, it is sufficient to notice the indisputable faots that there oan be no Slavery under the reign of English Common Law, (as has been decidod in England)?that the Colo nies were always under the control of English Common Law?and that, at the beginning of Colonial Slavery, and for a long time after wards, there were no Colonial enactments on the subject of Slavery. It has never been pre tended that Slavery in the Colonies wa? ever established by any enaotments of the Mother Country. It is therefore oertain, that the first sales of slaves in the Colonies were illegal sales?that JJ* *?ra illegal purchases? that the first slaveholding in the Colonies was illegal slaveholding, without the slightest shadow or pretence of authority, either from the Colonal Governments or the Government of | Great Bntain. So that if the present slave holders have no legal claim to their Blavee, ex oept that which thejr "inherited" from their fathers, in the early times of the Colonies, they have precisely no legal claim at all. If they have any other claims, they must bring them forward, and show when, where, how, and by whom, the legal tenure in slave property wai established, and upon what it is founded I f,av? quoted the Common Law maxims, that Where the foundation is weak, the struc ture falls"?that " what is invalid from the beginning, cannot be made valid by length of time." Also, the deoision of a Southern Judge, that prescription is never pleadable to a claim for freedom." It may be well, in this place, to state more at length this righteous deoision. in which Judge Porter said: "The defendant pleaded the general irane and prescription." "If a man be free, no matter how long he may have been held by another as a slave, his state or condition can notbei thereby changed, nor oan he be reduo ed to Slavery in any manner whatever, on ac count of the time he map be held in servi tude. ?Delpene vs. Devise, 14 Martin's Louis iana Rep, 650. Same principle in the case of Metayer vs. Metayer, Jan. T., 1819, 6 Louisi , ,p> 16>. (Wheeler's Law of Slavery, r>. 103.) Also, in Vaughan vs. Phoebe, Jan V 1827, Martin and Tm,.'h? ,1 (Wheeler, pp. 395-104.) ? Judge Crabb skid, the law of limitations would be no bar " (i e. to the slave's claim to freedom.)?Goodell's American Slave Code," pp. 265-'6. It was on the basis of this established prin ciple, that Solomon Northup, held as a slave for twelve years, and several times bought and sold was given up to his friends and restored to freedom, as soon as conclusive proof wai Euced that he was originally free, and had unlawfully enslaved. As toon as the mas ter and his attorney disoovered the sufficiency of the e\idence to establish this faot they saw it would be of no.use to litigate the claim, even in a slave State. This incident, so highly hon orable to the South, fould never have taken place bnt for the Sou#?rn sanction of die prin ciple for whioh I contend. But the principle, fully carried out, would liberate every Ameri can slave, en well as Solomon Northup and others. For all the American slaves, or their ancestors, were illegally enslaved, in the be ginning, and 200 years differs nothing from 12 years, nor three millions of slaves from one Mavn, so tar as the principle is oonoerned. And it is obedienoe to the true principle that we admire in the particular applications of it just mentioned. Iho extent, the magnitude, and the long continuance of injuries, only enhance the obligation of redret ,ing.them. The long er Solomon Northftp was unlawfully held in Slavery, the greater the legal obligation of lib ei*ttng him. And if his children had suffered with him, or after him, the obligation would haw been greater still. Let the South give up all its unlawfully manacled freemen, nnd de serve the applause of mankind. " When Slavery was first introduced into the country," says Spooner, "there were no laws at al on the subject. Men bought slaves of | the slave traders, as they would hav* bought hornet, and held them, and oompelled them to ! labor, as they would have done horses?that in, by brute force. By oommon content of the j white raoe, thu practice was tolerated without any law. At length, slaves had in this way become so numerous that some regulations be came nectary, and the Colonial Government h^gan to pass statutes which assumed the exist j enoe of slavea, although no laws defining who had ever been enact | ed."?Spooner, p. 37. In another oonnection, I shall prove all this, and much more, by the testimony of Southern stafcwmen and judges. I shall prove that up H the present time, no statutes have been enaot ?d that legabsn Slavery. My present purpos, is only to show that it was not legalized at the beginning of the praotioe or slaveholding: and that no attempts were made in that direction . ' afterwards. I choose to pursue the invocation chronologically, and step by step showing, at each stage of the history, that legalized Slavery hud not then oommenoftd it* eiiitooe, 5UfB1Z hm1 in Virginia fifty years and in Maryland thirty-one years, before any statutes were enacted attempting to show who were ?laves. In North Carolina, no such law was pansed prior to the Revolution * The earliest statute of this character, in South Carol i na, was passed in 1740, about seventy years aftn> be first settlement of the Colony, into whioh slaves were introduoed the next year Asimi in ??orgia in 1770. Its settlement began in 1733, and slaves were soon ner introduoed. Of the provisions and legal effeets of these acts I shall say something in my next. The faot to be noticed here, is the introduction of Slavery, and its long continn ance, in the alisenoe of anything bke municipal jKW> foal "*atute law, or anything of that description, in its favor. It is admitted that Slavery ensts only in virtue of snoh law Darlag this period, it murt have been illegal, of 0<",n? William Goodeu.! * 8?* Iredell's Statatss, ri?vtosd by Martin Spoon ur, p. 70 Dr. Jerome V. C. Smith, Ilia new Mayor ol Boston, in the editor of the Boston Medioal and Surgical Journal. ? The Virginians resident in Chicago, Illinois, have formed themsolTca into an association to be oailed the " Society of the Old Dominion." Their anniversary hi to be the 13th of May, the day on which Jamestown was first sottlcl Copper coin is scaroc in Rngland ; it is said that it is collected by hawkers, who melt it down and sell it a* metal, the present high price of oopper making this profitable. Sqjzta?The New York Herald says. this person ia n6w in that city, in a state of utter destitution. He was in like circuuistancea iu .thia oity a few week* ago. What cotonier oial agency" oould be have had in Smyrna, from thia country, that could prove no profit lew? Who were his employer*, and where are they ? He haa, of course, a right to keep his own oounselfl; and yet we think if he whs a commercial agent, he doea himself injuntioe by the ambiguous position in whioh be stands in this respeot. Slavery-?Slavery ?? aggressive in ita na ture, and risks the injury which agitation must do it to grasp more power. ?e United States Senate will be its last stronghtfd in this Gov ernment, and Us main object is to secure that for as long a period as possible. Seeing that the giant strides of empire westward must soon bruin into the Union more and still more free States, oarved from that portion of our vant territory secured to Freedom by the Ordinance establishing the Northwest Territory, Slavery annexed Texas, from whioh to manufacture slave States; but, finding that not enough to balance the rapidly extending North, provoked a war with Mexioo, to despoil her of New Mexico and California. Disappointed in the result of this rather bad speculation, by the people of California rejeotmg the "peculiar institution," which has cursed so many broad aores, she now abandons the much-vaunted Compromise, and ia endeavoring to revoke the Ordinanoe under whioh Slavory and involun tary aerritude, exoept as a punishment for orime, waa forever abolished in all the territoiy north of 36 deg. 30 min. north latitude. Senator Douglas hai already introduced a bill for the organisation of the Territory ot Nebraska, whioh provides that it may come into the Union as a slave State, if its inhabit ants ao desire?thus abrogating the law of 1820, the Compromise upon which Mirsouri waa admitted as a slave State. Is the North prepared for the extension of Slavery over a Territory from whioh Congrc b haa long ago "forever" excluded it? And will the Baltimore platforms of the two par ties continue to prevent the masses from pro teating in trumpet toneB against such a sacn fioe ot their rights as is involved in this ex tension of the unjust slave representation over ao large a section of country as this new Ter ritory comprises ? ' We confess we have little hope of tho hon esty and firmness of our politicians in such a crisis; but, if the unshackled pre?i of the country, bound to no party, and doing battle for the right alone, will but aid in the great work of enlightening the People upon thia new attempt of the Slave Power to grasp domin ion we feel confident that suoli an indignant protest will come up from tho ma ws, as will induce prominent party leaders, such as thia Douglas, to hesitate ere they saorifico the in terest of the whole country at the beck of a few Southern politicians. It is ?a strong bid for the Presidency, on hia part; but he may yot live to find that, in politics, as in the humble walks of life, " honesty is the best polioy." Pittsburgh Daily Dispatch Bcarps.?A man's beard grows four inches a year, but less in winter than in summer. The movement, decidedly, all over the two moat shaved countries of Kngland and America, is to restore the beard. , ,,, . . The man who, at the end of his day*3, haa spent an entire year in scraping off his beard, hts worried himself to not only a useless, but actually unwholesome oustom?has disfigured himself systematically throughout life, accept ed his share of unnecessary ticdolonreux and toothache, coughs and colds, has swallowed dust and inhaled smoke and fog, out of com pliance to the social prejudice, which ought not now to prevail. We all abominate the raaor while we use it, and would gladly lay it ^?Louia the Thirteenth and Louis the Four teenth both aacended the throne in their mi nority, and, in a spirit of fnlsome flattery, it wss proposed among the oourtiers, and earned by acclamation, that, to present a loyal com pliment to their bald chinned sovereign, they should surrender their oherwhed beard and moustache, andexbibit their features ' feminine and free.' It ia our private opinion that Adam }>oHse*a ed a beard before the fall. Aaron wore a beard; ^Esoulapius ia universally represents with a golden ?**rd as big as a dewlap. Half of tho bronchial d ffiooltics now exit ing might be obviated by allowing the beard to grow, instead of mowing it off This was tho purpoee of nature in placing it upon the hu man faoe divine, and her penalties arc rigidly enforced where a man violates her lawn to make himself l?eaut.iful. But is a man inoie beautiful without a board ? The apostle s, and patriarchs, and poets of old times, all wore the l>eard, nor ever dreamt of razors. Bryant, the poet, recently came home from Europe with a magnificent beard?a apotheosis, as to its dignifying and beautifying rfffot?and he continued to wear it, to the de light of his friends and tho artists.?Exch. The Mississippi and it* Tributaries? The Nr. Louis Ckrittian Advocate contains a highly interesting article on the Topography and Hydrology of the Mississippi Valley, ao oompanied by a table exhibiting the Mississip pi and its numerous tributaries. The author wan nnable to ascertain precisely the distance to which each stream win navigable, but he has satisfied himwlf that the aggregate ex ceed* twenty thousands mi leu, and that the to tal length of the great river, with all its parts, is 15,000 mile*:, Mimimippi and tributaries not inclu ding those gireo below?aggregate milks. ? length ... - ? 15,285 Red and tributaries?aggregate length 4,125 Arkansas do. do. * 5,540 White do. do. - 1,658 Ohio do do. - 10,850 Missouri do. do. - >0,170 Illinois do. do. ? 1,270 Wisconsin do. do. - 675 MiasisRippi, with all its inleits ? > 50,515 Outlets, or bayous (in all) ? ? 455 Total length of the great riv?r, with all its parts .... 51,000 Irish Emigration.?An Irish paper, in proof of the beneficent effect of the rant emigration from Ireland daring the past ten years, in the improvement of the condition of the emigrants and of their relatives at home, appeals to the large sums of money which have t>een remitted by emigrant* in America for the relief of their friends at home, and to enable the latter to join themselves in America. In confirmation of this view, it states the following facts at given on the authority of the Knglish Comminsionors of ((migration, who report the following sums on the authority of returns which have come under their knowledge: "In 1848, ?460,000; in 1849, X540,000; in 1860, >975,000; in 1851, ?997,000?making a to^al of ?2 972,000 in four yean." On this statement the journal whioh quotes it?a Roman Catholic organ? remarks: " If the remittances have continued at the same rate during the last two years. Mi other million and a half may be added, making the sum of ?4,472,000. There is nothing in the history of the world that equals in interest the romance of private life reroAled by this fact, attesting at onoe the heroism, the self-denial, and the dutiful affection of the Irish Catholic peopto."