Daily national era. [volume], February 03, 1854, Image 2

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fry The Dully oan bo had every morning
at the Periodical Stand of Mr. J. T. Batik, Ex
change, Philadelphia; alio, the Weekly Era.
Qy Mr. Jam as Elliott is authorised to receive
and receipt for aubacription* and advertuenienta for
the Daily and the Wookly National Era, in Cincin
nati and vicinity.
WASHINGTON, D. C.
FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 3, 1854
THE NKJBKASKA BILL?THE AHGUMKNT
Having exposed the fallacies of the argu
ment of Mr. Douglas, let us state briefly ti e
considerations which demonstrate the falsity
of the assumption that the Missouri Compro
mise was superseded by the principles of the
legislation of 1850.
The question of the validity of the Missouri 1
Compromise was not before Congress in 1850.
It was not argued or even intimated that the
Compromise Acts of 1850 were in eonflictwith i
it, or oould in any respect disturb it. If allu
sion were made to it at all, it was as to a fixed
foot, an unalterable law, which nobody pro
posed to repeal. In none of the resolutions of
Conventions subsequently held to sustain thes<
aots, in none of the resolutions of State and j
National Conventions making adhesion to them
? test of political orthodoxy, was the idea
broached of a conflict between them and the
Compromise of 1820. Had the Union men of
the South dreamed that that Compromise was !
superseded, and the vast Territory of Nebras- j
ka opened to Slavery by the legislation of \
I8o0, with what exultation they would have ;
referred to this result as an abundant justifies
toon of their policy against the assaults of those
State Rights men who charged them with hav
ing basely betrayed the interests of the South !
But, such a thought never found utteranoe in
the South. Had the enemies of the legislation
of 1850, in the North, conceived the bare
possibility of such a result, would they havo'
been silent ?
What considerations prevailed with those
Northern men who waived the VVUmot Proviso
policy in 1850 ? The belief that the Mexican
Law?, the local laws of the Territories of Utah
and Now Mexico, not having been abrogated
by their cesaion to tho United States, would
continue to work the exclusion of Slavery; the
assurance that the climate and soil of those re
gions would forever dieoourage tho growth of
Slavery ; and the faot that by the proposed
arrangement tho whole of California would
come in as a free State, and Slavery be thereby
fchut out from the Pacific coast. By these con
federations alone, were the People of the J
North brought even to acquiesce in the legis
lation. They acquiesced, beoause, although
the policy of positive enactment by CongresH
against the extension of Slavery was waived,
they were led to Relieve that this object was as
effectually secured in another way. But,
weighty aa these considerations were regarded
by many, and powerfully urged as they were by
such men as Henry Clay and Daniel Webster,
the majority of the House, whioh was in favor of
the Wilrnot Proviso, was at last overcome, only
by a Parliamentary stratagem. The Speaker of
that body was an adroit tactician, committed
to the Compromise Measures. He and tho
Southern leaders in favor of the Compromise
toew that, on a direct vote, the Proviso would I
U sustained ; that were the Bill to organise a
Territorial Government for New Mexico to I
o<>me up on its own merits, either it woold l?e
defeated, or the Proviso would be attached to
it, that profound anxiety was felt in all sec
tions of the country for the settlement of the
Texae Boundary; and that to prevent an
jdarming collision on this point between the
federal Government and a sovereign State
members from the North oould be induced u!
oonoede much.
The Texas Boundary BUI was therefore fin*
taken up, and the New Mexico Bill attached
to it, ae an amendment, and then, for fear of
osing all, enough Northern men were found
to vote for the twin bill, without the pro
??> to secure its passage.
h^W,vTTtth<<,eC,aration hadf^"^de
by the South, that the aot. Coogreas was about
to paw, involved the abrogation of a Compro
mise whieh had secured to the North for thirty
t roe years, a Territory large enough to oon
a doMn could they have com
manded the a nont of that Anti-Slavery ma
jority in Coogrww, a majority whioh woold
8t0*d 'nvinoible, but for the belief of '
?oaethat th? great object they were aiming
*-tke limitation of Slavery-would be ao
comphshed, even though the Wilmot Proviso
wa? waived and the dread entertained by I
otben of a dangerous oollision between the
Federal and State Governments ?
Why, when tbe bill for organising Nebras
ka, which pamsd tha House at its last M?uon,
and wait laid npoo the table in the Senate, for
want of time to act upon it, was not thin won
derful discovery, of the annulment of the Mm
sonsi Conpromiw announced f How happens
it, when Mr. Atehieoa declared in hie specnh
upon the bill in the Senate, that the Missouri
Compromise was in foroe, that it wae uselest
to think that it ooald ever be repealed, and
that the Territory of Nebraska would conse
quently be free from Slavery?that Mr. Doug,
las did not correct him, by informing him that
tha Compromise had been aopereeded by the
principles of the legislation of 1850 I Why;
when Mr. Douglas introduced his first bill, on
tha 4th of January, did he not make this
aanoauoeaisnt in his Report? Why, on the
oontrary, did he assume that the Territory of
Nebraska sustained relations to Slavery, like
thoee sustained in 1848 by New Mexioo and
Utah ; that as there wai a division of opinion
then, as to whether the Mexican Laws prohib
iting Slavery were in force, so there was a divi
sion of opinion now, whether the Misw>ari
Com promise, prohibiting Slavery, was valid:
and that, as Congress then avoided any ex
preairm of opinion on the validity of the Mex
loan Laws, so it ought now to avoid any ex
pranion of opinion on the validity of the Mie
aonri Compromise, leaving that question, as it
had Ml the former, subject alone to judicial
decision ? Nineteen days after the presents
Man of thaas views, Mr. Douglas introduces
? mm bill, propoaing that Congress declare
Hat by tha principles of tha legislation of 1850,
the Missouri Compromise was invalidated, and
ia therefore inoperative! Did ha believe his
Report when he wrote it ? Then be did not
helieve what be oow would persuade Congress
i to deolare. Does be believe what be* would
persuade Congress now to deolaro ? Then he
never believed what he states in bin Report, or
be ban fundamentally changed bin views in
the abort space ot nineteen days.
But let us examine the terms of thin pro|io
silion iu the 14th section of the new bill,
which Congress U asked to sustain. The Mis
souri Compromise act, it is averred, was su
perseded by the principles of the legislation of
1850 ' It is not pretend*! that it was su|>er
.-wded in ?| WM Ktm*. or by formal enact
ment. What were tho? principles? Con
K1*1*1 tttoblwhinl Territorial Governments for
New Mexico and ('tali, omitting any restriction
in relation to Slavery, and inserting in each of
the acts establishing them, the following pro
vision :
" That when admitted as a State, the said
I erritory, or any portion of the same, shall be
received into the Union with or without Sla
very, as their Constitutions may prescribe at the
time of admission.''
The "principles'" so vaguely referred to by
Mr. Douglas resolve themselves into a single
Principle, or rulo of action, which is the rnean
j ing of the term, as here employed. U is, that
States formed out of Territory should be re
ceived into the Union with or without Slavery,
as their Constitutions might prescribe.
This Principle could not, and did not supersede
the Proviso of the Missouri act;, because it was
not in conflict with, or repugnant to, it. They
refer to different subjects?one, to Territory, in
a territorial condition, the othor, to territory,
in the act of Incoming a State, under authority
of Cougress. The Proviso prohibits Slavery
forever in Territory; the Principle is, not
that Slavery may exist in Territory, but that a
Territory, becoming a State, shall bo received
into the Union, whotber it tolerate or reject it.
One act might embody both the Proviso and
the Principle, without any dirfect contradiction.
Again: This Principle was confined in ex
press terms to the Territories of New Mexico
and Utah. It was not enunciated as a general
rule of action. The language of tho provision
is unmistakable on this point?' that when
admitted as a State, the said Territory, or any
Krt on of the same"?that is, Utah, or New
exioo, or any portion of cither. Whereas
the Proviso of the Missouri Act embraced, in
express terms, all that portion of Louisiana
| Territory, exclusive of the State of Missouri,
j lying above 36 d,g. 30 mm. It is a Bheer ab
I surdity to say that a Principle or rule of action,
j confined in express terms to the former Terri
tories, superseded or could supersede a Proviso
adopted in express terms for the last-named
Territory.
The omission of any restriction as to Slavery
in the acta providing Territorial Government.'
for New Mexico and Utah, may be pointed to
aa establishing a Principle. It established no
rulo of action for the future, of course, no Prin
ciple. It was simply an expedient, adopted in
peculiar oiroumstanoea, for peculiar reasons,
which might never exist again. The non-ex
ercise of power in a single case does not imply
its non-existenoe, or involve a pledge of its non
exercise in other oases. Congress prohibited
Slavery in the Northwest Territory in 1787 ; it
did not prohibit it in the Missouri Territory in
1812; it did prohibit it in Louisiana Territory
north of 36 deg. 30 min. in 1820, in Texas,
north of the same line, in 1845, in Oregon in
1848; and in 1850, it did not prohibit it in
New Mexico and Utah. Its several acts in re
lation to these Territories, imposing restrictions
or omitting restrictions, do not conflict with
one another, nor was it ever before suggested
that they successively superseded each other.
Look at the ridiculous length to whioh the ar
gument of Mr. Douglas on this point would
lead. Congress having omittod to impose any
restrictions as to Slavery, in thfe acts providing
Territorial Governments for New Mexioo and
Utah in 1850, therrfore, the restriction as to
Slavery in the act for the admission of Mis
souri into the Union in 1820, was superseded :
and therefore, similar restrictions in the Oregon
Territorial Government of 1848, and the Texas
Annexation resolutions of 1845, were also su
persoded! And again, Congress having omitted
to interpose any restriction as to Slavery, in
the aots establishing Territorial Governments
for Missouri in 1812, and Mississippi in 1798,
therefore, the former restriction in the Ordi
nance of 1787, for the Government of the
Northwest Territory, was also superseded!
Why waste any more words upon suoh a
proposition ! If Congress vote for this Bill,
with tbo averment in it that tho Missouri
Compromise Proviso ' was superseded by tho
Principles of the Legislation of 1850," it will
assert what nobody ever dreamed of till the
4th of January, 1854; what Mr. Douglas, in
hlH report of that date, insists it ought not to
assert; what, if true, would have utterly
prevented the passage of any of the acts of
1850, commonly nailed the Compromise;?it
will vote for what, in politics, is a sheer after
thought, what, in Iogio, is an absurdity, what,
historically, is false ?and all this it will do
for the purpose of breaking a covenant agreed
to by the North and South in 1820, and givinc
?P to the South and Slavery, whioh have got
already the whole of their share of its benefits,
nearly the whole of what was secured bv it to
tbe North and Freedom
Will the Congress of the United States dare
do all this?
Aa to the second portion of tho speech of
Mr. Douglas, in which bo attempts to recon
cile the People of the North, and especially the
Democratic Party, to hiM views, we may have
I something to say hereafter.
The Collector of the port of Baltimore
| has re or i red from the surveyor of the port of
Wheeling an invoice of hardware, imported
from Liverpool per ?hip Alexander, at Baiti
m<tp, per account of Anderson & Lairg, of
Wheeling, to t* transported hence, in bond, to
that city. This in said to be the first fruit of
the Treasury circular assigning Baltimore a*
a port of importation for interior port* on the
Ohio and Mississippi.
Ica in Tilt Mississippi.?St. Louis dates of
the 2d state that the ioe in the river moved slow
ly, on the preceding night, about one hundred
yards, sinking the steamers Asia and St Arigr,
and seriously damaging tho Garden aud City
of Cinoinnati
THE VOICE OF THE PEOPLE.
Froi>i the Toledo (O.) Blade, Jan. 28.
NEBRASKA.
We know it is said that, in the nature of the
case, Slavery will never encroach upon this
Territory. Neither wan there supposed to >e
danger that Slavery would encroach on the
great Northwest, rendered sacred to freedom
by the Ordinance of'87, yet it is hard y thirty
years siuce there was a struggle in Illinois to
prevent the introduction of Slavery into that
State, in spite of that glorious Ordinance. Be
sides. we should Btand by the pnnoiple. Our
Revolution was fought on a principle. I tic
burdens of stamp and tea tasos were praoti
cully of no great account It waj. th? F'"a
ciple that wus contended for. If there is
nothing practical to oomc out of this move
ment why do the South ask fifteen millions of
freemen at the North to submit at thoir bid
ding to abandon a principle invaluably dear
in their estimation, and consent to open even
theoretically a Territory as large as ten States
like New York to the withering and blighting
curses of an institution, that stinks in the nos
trils of mankind, and is daily bringing down
upon ua and upon Republican institutions the
opprobrium of the civilised world f
&ut there is a deep design to grasp more
political poorer in this singular and uncalled
Lr movement. Kansas will be easily accessi
ble from Missouri and Arkansas, and can be
goon colonized by settlers enough to organize
and establish slave institutions. Here is the
cat in the meal tub. It would be so colonized
almost immediately, and it would not be long
before two slave Senators, representing wastes,
rocks, Indians, and a few white inhabitants,
would be knooking at the doors of the Senate
chamber, there to neutralize the voioe and
influence of the two Senators from Ohio, who
will then represent the interests of Jthree Bul
lions of people. Yes, people of Ohio! this is
the entertainment to which you are invited.
Do you wish your voioe in legislation thus neu
tralized and trampled out f If so, submit to
let your delegation in Congress doom you to
this degradation.
Ono word more. Tho press of the North,
at the bidding of Presidential candidates and
in obedience to tho unrelenting decrees of all
powerful party organizations, have boon silent
or when called on to Tesist and rebuke manliest
encroachments, have bellowed with steoUirmn
lungs, " Stand by the Compromises; There
is danger to the Union?stand by the contraot.
What have they now to say / No such de
fence of subservienoy and submission now re
mains. Let us see now if the press, like the
politicians, eat dirt without making wry faces.
NEBRASKA.
The Southern portion of tho country, if Fre
mont's report can be relied upon, is anything
but desirable for settlement by slaveholders or
non-slaveholders. That portion to be called
Kansas, which lies west of Missouri, he de
scribes aH for tho most part a miserable bar
ron region, destitute of treos, and almost ot
vegetation. It has none of the characteristics
of the prairies, except this absence ot forest
trees, the Stato of Missouri includes nearly
all tho fertile lands in the same parallels, be
tween tho Mississippi and tho Rocky Moun
tains. r
With these views of the matter, we oonless
that we somewhat doubt the utility of disturb
ing the Missouri Compromise, which was ac
quiesced in by the South as the condition of
the admission of Missouri into the Union?
though we hardly know what modification our
views may yet undergo. The North may say
that, by attempting to repeal the Slavery re
strictive clause, the South has violated a sol
emn compact, and it will be difficult to repel
the charge. They will claim, as a matter of
oourse, to be released from that and the more
recent Compromise, and will attempt to intro
duce the Wilmot Proviso into the Territorial
Governments now existing, or which may bo
in future organized, south of 36 deg. 30 mm.
The bill, at all events, will be the rallying
cry for another Anti-Slavery agitation, which
wul throw all that have preoeded it in the
shade.?Raleigh (N. CyRtgisler.
THE BARGAIN.
Those who, in 1820. opposed the admission
of Missouri into the Union, objected that her
Constitution legalized Slavery. Wo will make
yon an offer, said Mr. Clay and other statesmen
of tho Sooth: admit Missouri with this Con
Htitution, and we will consent that, when tho
territory lying west of Missouri oomei to be
peopled, Slavery shall be forever forbidden in
all the communities lying north of thirty-six
degrees and half north latitude. The bargain
was aoceptgd; Missouri was admitted as a
State; tho condition of her admission was
registered in the law admitting her into the
Union, and made a part of it Tho friendi of
Slavery, having secured thoir share of the ad
vantages of the bargain, now propose to de
prive the free States of theirs. As soon as the
time arrives when the oountry lying west of
the Missouri is to be settled, they bring for- i
ward a bill to repeal the condition on whioh
Missouri was admitted.
So dishonest and shameless a proposal will
be resisted, of oourse. If it should pass, the
friends of Slavery, and Douglas, their instru
ment will have gained a triumph. If it should
be hot and long contested, they will have gain
ed the advantage of postponing the settlement
of a free Territory. They promise themselves
either the one or tho other result from their
scheme. . , ....
There is no good reason why such a bill
should not pass Congress at this session, as was
adopted at the last by the House of Representa
tjTeg
A bill for the organization of Nebraska, without
a repeal of the prohibition of 1820, passed that
branch of the Federal Legislature by a large
majority, and with no symptoms of unusual
dissatisfaction on the part of those who voted
against it. It was sent to the Senate, whore it
failed of becoming a law only for want of time.
We can see no possible oooasion for inserting,
in tho bill now before the Senate, the profligate
disavowal of the conditions upon which Mis
Bouri wan received into the Union in 1820, if it
be not a desiro to revivo the agitation of the
period when those conditions were solemnly
adopted.?Chicago Journal.
From the Missouri Democrat.
OHOANIZATrON OF NKBRA8KA.
How auptemcly ridiculoua ia thin report,
chanting paeana in celebration of compromise,
and at the name time destroying a compromise
which ia now oonaecrated by time! How pre
posterous and how fooliah it ia to light the torch
of oivil discord, and at the same time ahont the
cry of poftco to the echo ! Thia ia what Sena
tor Douglas has done; for hia quack exorciam
to ?xpel the ftml spirit of diacord from the na
tion, ia but an incantation to raise it from the
pit, with the " blasts of hell" upon its wings.
Senator Douglaa raises the very samo issue
^recently lying latent) whioh he profeasea to
ignore; for tho Missouri Compromiae waa one
between Slavery and Free Soil, as well aa the
ao-called Compromise of 1850. The samo ques
tions aro involved in both, and to gratify the
South, and to make oapital for '56, this " Union
saving " Douglaa violates tho Compromiae of
1820, and, in the recklessness of ambition,
I laces (aooording to hia own theory) the Union
in imminent peril. The South, whioh looks on
the Federal Government aa an engine to pro
mote its own aggrandiioment, and whioh' votoi
its destruction whenever it refuses to do its
work, ia to be propitiated by the overthrow of
a time-honored settlement, whioh ia a barrier
against the extension of Slavery! A ad thia,
too, at a time when the South, by the oession
of Sonora and Northern Mexioo, accomplished
by Geo. Ga<Wen'a (South Carolina'., favorite
won) treaty with Santa Anna, tieourea "ample
^ ,MTT.*fiP enough" for three new Blavo
^ t?te?. Will Cungreas suffer thin u substituten
to para, unpurged, through itH debatea and de
liberationsWill the men who represent Mia
?*? Permit the meaauro by whioh she waa ad
mitted into the Union to be violently annulled?
one exception, the men who apeak in the
name ol Mimouri in Congresa, inatead of repre
senting, misrepresent her; and honce we ahould
not bo surpriaed if they aided und abetted the
scheme of the nullifiero. Their duty ia now
evident Since the Missouri Compromiae has
been impeached, the tank devolves on them of
having its constitutionality and effioaey affirmed
and enforced in the act under whoae provision
Nebraska will be organized. Thia ia pre-emi
nently necessary at thia crisis, and ia the only
fitting rebuke which oan be adminiatered to
those conapiratora who would doatroy a real
compromise.
From the Baltimore American.
NEBRASKA.
A calm ensued, (after I860,) but the amhi
turns politicians willed that the oalm should be
?[ Ji ^urat'on; They haw now re-opened
tno Slavery question, and aet the ball of airita
!i?H ,D n,otio0ou the Nebraska Territorial bill.
Why was it necessary to ao frame that bill as
to cause a cliuse to be put in it to repeal, or to
declare superseded and made null and void,
the Missouri Compromise of 1820, which Com
promise forbtdo the introduction of Slavery
into any tarrftory, acquired with the purchase
of Louisiana, north of 36 deg. 30 min. of north
latitude? Nebraska lies north of that line
It ia aaid that the Compromise of 1820, making
this reifcriotion, is unconstitutional. If it is
not unconstitutional, it is at least repeals ble.
If it is aot unconstitutional, it oannot prevent
the people of Nebraska from holding property
in slavey if they choose to tako Slavery there
with tbun If it is repealable. and the people
ol Nebfiska shall decide to ask for admission
into the Union, as a slave State, it will be time
enough for Congress to agitato and act on the
subject, when the necessity for such agitation
and acton arises. Why could not, and why
should lot, the Nebraska bill be framed an
were the Territorial bills for New Mexico and
Utah' I hose bills contained no clause rela
tive tt the Missouri Compromise, or to the
questiot whether Slavery might or might not
go then. That vexed question was wisely de
ferred to the future decision of the poople of
those lerritories. Why could not the same
vexed question be deferred to the future deci- I
?on of the people of Nebraska? Because the I
ambitiois political aspirants of the Democratic I
party Vould not Buffer it to be bo deferred.
They want more agitation; they oourt it, and
they ruoaii to have it, that they may
" Rdo the whirlwind and direct the storm."
REVIEW.
A Memoir or Tint Life and Labors or this Rkv.
Adonikaii Jwimjon, D. D. By Francis Wayland,
President of Brown University. 2 Vols Pp. 560,
522. Boston :? Phillips, .Sampson, A Co. Sold by
Taylor A Maury, Washington.
This important contribution to the history of
misaiona lus long been expected, and the per
formance a as justified the delay. Dr. Jud
son's life .8 the story of the commencement
of missions by the ohurches of America in for
eign lands. It was the day-dawn of the wide
spread plans of Christian beneficence, which
are the glory of our land, expressed not only in
Bible Socijties, Home Mission Societies, and
Foreign Misaiona, but in every other society
whioh has for ita aim and end peace on earth
and good will to man.
The incentive to this groat work, in the mind
of Dr. Judaon and his associates, arose from
reading the "Star in the East," by the Kev.
Claudius Buchanan, whose conversion waa one
of the fruits of the pastoral labors of the Rev.
John Newton, himself a singular expression of |
God's goodness and long-suffering compassion.
The leaven hid in the heart of Judaon aoon be
gan to heave and expand. He Bought the aid
of the churobee in and around Boston, but they
were timid?-they could not uuderbtand how it
oould be that they should truat a young man
whose wishes wore clothed in language of
Spartan simplicity: " Give us the means to go,
and at the end of aomc twenty yeara you may
hear of us again.' And, with reluotancc,
the Board of Missions, then recently created,
gave Dr. Judson a letter to the well-known
ReT. George Burder, of London, proposing to
resign Dr. Judson and his friends to the pat
ronage and direotion of the London Society.
This letter is dated January 3, 1811.
The English Missionary Society declined
any joint mission with the American Board;
and tbe Prudential Committee decided to reo
ommond to Dr. Judaon and his friend, Samuel
Nott, Jr., not to plaoe themselves under the
direction of the London Missionary Society, but
to wait the further intimations of Providenoe
at home. These wero soon manifested in the
wishes of tbe churches that they should be
sent forth at thoir cost and charge. And Dr.
Judson sailed, with his friend Newell, on the
18th February, 1812, from Salem. Nott, Hall,
and Rioa, sailed from Philadelphia on theaamo
day. This, then, is the era of foreign missions
of the Amerioan ohurches.
They were all great men, and the last was
Dr. Judson, who is destined to be known as the
Apostle to the Burman Empire.
The hiMory of that mission is a romance,
written in part by the beautiful and gifted
woman who linked her fortunes with his in
181 L and whoee lovo and dovotion is unsur
passed by any heroine delineated in the pages
of fiction.
Dr. Judson wan a remarkable man. He en
tered the Empire of Rurmah alone, and unsue
tained by any oarthly protection. He had to
begin at the beginning of bis work?the lan
guage wan without a grammar or a lexicon.
The fatnouu old John Leland, of BerkHhire, used
to nay, " There are many men little enough to
be great?there arc few men great onough to
be little." Dr. Jndson's labors as a preacher
began bo noon a* he oould speak the language,
and it was long before he had any encourage
ment. u Do you think the prospect bright for
the speedy conversion of the heathen ? " was a
question put to him by a pious man ; to whioh
he replied, promptly, " As bright a* the prom
ises of God." His faith was always calm, clear,
and enduring-?his will was indomitable; no
disease, no danger, no difficulties or trials,
changed for a moment his fixed plans.
m Having tnade himself perfectly familiar with
the Rurman language, he seemed to prefer it
to his native tongue. He was aware that this
knowledge imposed upon him the duty of de
voting a considerable portion of his time to the
work of translation ; yet he considered his ap
propriate business as a missionary to be the
preaching o{ the Gospel. Ho believed that <
Christianity was to be promulgated bythooon
taot of individual mind with individual mind.
He did not devuw any Net of measures to ope
rate, as it is said, on the publio mind, and
change the views of the masses. He had little
oonfidenoe in schools as a means of the conver
sion of men. ft wad sufficient for him to know
Christ and his Apostles had made it their
great work to proclaim to men everywhere the
news of salvation, and he resolutely followed
their example.
Thure is something deeply interesting in
taots like these. In these volumes we see one
of the most learned and able men in India?
that nursery of great men?a man of refiued
manners and cultivated tastes, surrounded by
a company of native Christians who had yet
only begun to putoff their habits of barbarism,
penetrating the recesses of the forest and thread
ing every accessible rivulot, for the sake of
preaching to almost naked savages the Gospel
of our salvation. Wherever he oould find list
eners, were they many or few, there he stopped
to discourse on tho message of redeeming love.
Whether from his boat or on the shore, wheth
er by day or by night, he was always ready to
reveal to these wandering barbarians the love
of God, in (tending his Son for our redemption.
In this work he was remarkably successful.
Rarely did he go into the jungle, without, on
bis return, M bringing his sheaves with him."
And when, at length, he felt constrained, by
order of tho Board of Missions, to devote him
self to the work of translation, it oout him a
pang; and the papor which reoorded his reso
lution to forsake the jtingle, and devote himself
to a life of greater self-indulgence, was bedewed
with his tears.
It may interest the roaders of this notice to
be told that tho present results of the Burman
mission, from its commencement to 1852-'53,
show 88 mission stations, 112 sub-stations, 64
missionaries, 205 native missionaries, 182
churches, and 14,252 members baptized on the
profession of their faith and relations of
Christian experience." They have 82 schools,
and 2,063 pupils.
Dr. Judson possessed a remarkable facility
for calling into actual service all tho gifts of
native Christians. He saw that a nation can
never bo evangelized, except by moans of its
own population. Foreigners can never supply
it with ministers of tho gospel. Stradgers may
carry to it the truths of tho gospel, may trans
fer them into its language, and, by the bless
ing of God, may establish churches. But it is
from these churches thomsolvesthat the proach
ors must be taken, who are to carry the gospel
to their brethren.
Dr. Judson was for twenty-one months a
prisoner in the death prison, so called, and
with all appropriateness, at Ava, and for seven
teen months in irons He was taken out to act as
interpreter for tho King at Ava, in making the
treaty with Sir Archibald Campbell. His death
was twice determined on; once by the Pakan
vwn, the leader of the armies, who himself fell
suddenly into disgrace, and was executed at an
hour's notice ; and orders were several timos
given by the brother to the Queen, who was
the real ruler of the Empire, for his " taking
off," but the governor of the prison waited fur
tho express order of tho King, and so the life
'of the missionary was saved.
President Way land, in his admirablo chap
ter on the oharaoter and labors of this emi
nent man, says, " He was endowed with a will
of the highest order. It was capable of con
trolling his physical nature, so that his body
would do or suffer whatever it was command
ed. It subjected tho natural to the spiritual
in a degree very rarely attained. # # ?
He could have made himself a mathematician
a philologist, a diplomatist, a statesman, at!
impassioned orator, and perhaps a poet, by the
stronuous exertion of his will. This is, I think,
one of the rarest of human endowments, and
it is bestowed only upon mon who aro emi
nently gifted. It has seemed to me that tho
highest range of human talent is distinguished,
not by tho power of doing woll any one par
ticular thing, but by the powor of doing well
anything we resolutely determine to do."
This is a notioe of unusal length for the col
umns of the Era, but it finds its apology in the
value of the work, and its bearings upon tho
advance of the roign of Christ in all the
earth. +
Important Movjcmknt.?It is stated that
steps are about to bo taken to consolidate the
railroad oompanies comprising the linos of
route betweon Baltimore and Harrisburg. The
companies constituting this line aro tho Balti
more and Smquehanna, York and Maryland,
and York and Cumberland?the former in
Maryland, and the two latter in Pennsylvania.
This will require legislation in both States, and
the concurrence of the Councils of Baltimore
We have no doubt of the great advantages of
this scheme to the stockholders; but we hope
the people may not by and by have oauso to
regret the existenoe of great and overpowering
monopolies.
Thk Km* Rati.road Riots. ? Dispatches
from krie, of yesterday's date, bring us infor
mation that tho railroad men relaid the truck
where it was torn np on Wodneeday, but that
two hours afterwards, in conseqttenoo of the
excitement among the peoplo, Mayor King
ordered that it he torn up again. Governor
Bigler is said to have been displeasod with this
act, but the Mayor signified that it should ho
rolaid to-day. On the same day, a mob, headed
by Mr. Loomis, attempted to provont the de
parture of the freight trains on the Western
road. Gov. Bigler has appointed Col. Parkor
to take charge of the Western road. Tho two
roads now run side by side.
Gov. Bigler went down in the evening, with
the intention of forming a oonneotion, but
iran deterred by fear of the ammbUd mob. The
passenger trains were to run regularly from
yesterday, changing at Krio.
Putnam'* Ii.i.iwratf.d Chv^tal pAtAC*.??
VVe ba?e reoeived of the agent, Mr. Cameron,
Periodical dealer, 7ib ntroot, near Loonlana
avenue, the laet number of thin yrry popular
work, oontaining an unual a varioty of heauti
fully-exocuted cut* of varinua article!) on exhi
bition at th? Cryntal Palace. Tho*e who hate
never vinited the Cryntal Palace should by all
meann fHWWHe a copy of thin work, from which
they can form a very correct idea of tbe many
attractive article* on exhibition there.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
Our readers have been informed of the pro
ceedings of a large and impressive meeting,
held in the oity of New York on Thursday of
last week, for the purpose of adopting,measures
to secure the inftuenoe of our Government in
the protection of the prinoiples of religious
freedom, and especially in the protection of
American citizens in the enjoyment of their
rights of conscience and of religious worship,
and to bury their dead in such way as to them
may seem most appropriate, in foreign lands.
In the call for this meeting it was remarked
that " the enjoyment of these rights is freely
granted and fully guarantied to all people, of
all nations, who, on account of business or
pleasure, visit our country, and the reciproca
tion of them on the part of others toward our
oitizens ought no longer to be withheld."
The speeehoH delivered at this mooting, and
the lettors there read, were of an interesting
character; but from among them we seleot the
following, from a statement made by Rev. Dr.
Baird, of the Presbyterian Church. We trust
this statement may be read by the distinguish
ed porsonage who asks, in a certain letter of
which M. Bedini has been the bearer, that the
President of the United States will extend his
protection over Roman Catholios in this coun
fry
" 1. In our immediate vioinity lies the island
of Cuba, in whose ports hundreds and thou
sands of Amerioan mariner? are annually to be
seen, and to whoso cities and plantations hun
dreds of our merehante and invalid oitizens an
nually resort, in the pi oseoution of business or
in quest of health. Many go thither to die!
And yet, to this day, there is neither an Amer
ican Protestant ohapel nor chaplain for the
spiritual instruction and care of our seamen,
and others of our countrymen, or for their gui
| dance and consolation in the most fearful of
all hours?the hour of death!?far from their
homes and their friends! When the attempt
was made a few years ago, by the Amerioan
Seamen's Friend Sooiety, to have Protestant
religious services conducted aboard Amerioan
ships at Havana, the chaplain was compelled
to desist, because it waB not only required that
he should ' domiciliate' and take the oath of
allcgiance to the Queen of Spain, but also that
he should swear that he was a good ' Catholic.'
As these words signify a ' Roman Catholio' in
that land, no conscientious Protestant oould or
would take the oath. The same statement
holds good of Porto Rico, the other principal
Spanish island in tho West Indies.
"There is no Amerioan Protestant chapel or
service in Mexioo, so far as we can learn ; and
it is believed that it would be diffioult, if not
impossible, to establish one. In some countries
in South America, as well as in Central Amer
ica, there would be difficulties to encounter;
yet they would be far less formidable, it is be
lieved, than in Mexico and Cuba.
" In Italy itself, the central country of Chris
tendom, with the exception of the kingdom of
Sardinia, no religious servioe oould be held by
an American Protestant minister for the bene
fit of his oountrymon, unless in the house of a
diplomatic or consular agent, beneath the
Amerioan flag, and, as it were, on American
ground. This is so, even in Rome, the oapital
of the Christian world, as some vauntingly
claim. Although the Roman Catholic Church
ia permitted to enioy, in these United States,
(seven-eighths, at least, of whose inhabitant*
are Protestants,) all the rights and privileges
that any Protestant Church does, yet Ameri
oan Protestants are denied the right to have a
church in Rome, or even a chapel, unless un
der the precarious oondition of enjoying tho
patronage of, and connected with, the Ameri
can Embassy.
"Nor is the state of things in Spain or in
Austria more favorable than in Italy; in fact
it is tan so; whilst in Portugal, acoording to
the new penal oode, promulgated on the 10th
of Dcoember, 1852, the 'celebrating of public
acta of worship not that of the Catholio reli
gion' is puuishable with imprisonment of from
one to three years, and to a fine proportioned
to the income of the transgressor of the law !
It is obvious that a Protestant church or chap
el, even for foreigners, oould not be opened in
the Portuguese dominions since this law went
into effect, without incurring the most serioi.s
risk. And all this done in the middle of the
nineteenth century, and by a nation which owes
its very existence at this day to Protestant
England!
"II. Amerioan Protestants are exposed to
insult and serious mal-treatment in Mexioo,
Central Amerioa, all South America, Cuba,
Porto Rioo, Spain and Portugal, nearly all of
Italy and Austria, if when they meet a proces
sion, with a priest at its head, carrying the
' Host," they do not render what are there con
sidered to be acts of adoration, but which they
conscientiously deem to be idolatrous and con
trary to tho Word of God. Kvery year the
truth of this assertion is oonfirmed by disgrace
ful outrages, in word or deed, perpetrated in
those oountries.
"III. As to tho burial of their dead, Ameri
oan Protestants find very serious difficulties iu
several of the oountries just named. Until
very reoently?nor are we sure that it is not
so still?they would have been oompefled to
carry the bodies of their deoeasod friends from
Madrid, the capital of Spain, to Malaga, Gib
raltar, to Lisbon, to flna a burial for them.
Knglish Protestants were subjeot to the same
shameful indignities. Even within the last few
months, Lord Howden, the British ambassador
at the Court of Spain, has been in earnest cor
respondence with the Spanish Government, in
relation to the right of Knglish Protestants,
not merely to have at Madrid a cemetery,
(whioh, at length, they are permitted to pes
sess,) but also to have the bodies of their de
ceased friends carried to tho grave in a hears.-,
and proper religious osremonies performed in
the oemetory, at the interment There is a
report that ne has succeeded, but we are not
sure of it
"In many plaoes in Italy, Amerioan Protest
ants are subject to much inconvenience in being
reqnired to bury their dead at very unseasona
ble hours. In some oountries, through fear of
violence, they are oompelled to bury their dead
in a stealthy manner, and almost as unoerenio
nioualy as they would a brute beast.
"A fi?w years ago, a highly respectable
American merchant (of a neighboring city)
was oompelled to dig a grave with hia own
hands, in an obscure spot, near one of the citii a
of Cuba, at the hour of midnight for the burial
of his beloved wife, whom he had taken to that
island for the restoration of her health. Ity
the influenoe of much persuasion, he snooee.l< <1
in getting aome assistance in hia mournful en
terprise from one or two negroes, who were in
great fear all the while for their lives, lest it
should become known that they had assisted
at the borial of a heretic!
' We are happy to say. that at present we
aro not aware that there ia a Protestant coun
try where an Amerioan citizen, whether Prot
estant or Roman Catholic, is not permitted to
eiyoy hia rights in relation to the subjects whioh
havo been specified."
Captain* Creohton and I.owr.?Tbo-n
gentlemen, fiommandeis of tbe whip Three
Bell* and of the barque Kilby, were welcom?>d
at Philadelphia yesterday, by a numeroua ns
aemblago, and [proofed with cheer*, for their
gallant conduct in rescuing the eufferern <>n
board the steamer San Franoiaoo.
THE SPIRIT OF BEV0LUT10* IN EUROPE.
I Correspondence of the National Era. |
London, Jan. 12, 1854.
The strikes continue, with little variety, and,
it may well be believed, with no advantage to
either Bide, in a content where victory to either
would he defeat and loss, and the continuance
of the struggle only prolongs the less critical
pewit ion of the combatant*. Persons ohservant
of political relations cannot help perceiving
the connection between thin intention war (for
ouch it in) and the antagonism of principle,
which agitates tho Continent, and threatens to
buret into a universal flame. As yet, it only
exhibits communism or socialism upon a limit
ed scale; but, in nature and spirit, it is iden
tical with the utmost views of democracy. As
far as it goes, it is in unison with the insurrec
tionary objects cherished throughout Europe,
and tends to aid the revolutions now held to be
more nearly within the rightof Italy, Hungary,
and Poland. Communion goos for something.
Turkey afforded refuge for tho Hungarian fu
gitives, and they are now strengthening its
ranks with fckill and valor. England allows
an asylum to tho exiles of all countries, and,
though constitutionally modified, the popular
cause acquires new force from tho oiroum
stances, and the Mazzini*, Kossuths, and other
refugees, gain a support highly important to
their designs. In short, Preston is virtually in
allianoe with these men j and so is the Tenant
League of Ireland, though not so directly ; and
oven the bread riots in Exeter and other parts
of Devon is an ingredient in tho oup now ap
parently preparing to convulse the Old World.
When maocaroni failed, Naples used to be
come a prey to its lazuroni; and wo may de
pond upon it, that the want of bread, gradual
ly approaching to famine, must generate that
discontent which is dangerous to established
Governments. It is all very fine for wealthy
journalists to ntter the cockoo cry of how
much a nation is willing to endure for its priv
ileges and honors ? but half a million of starv
ing people, added to a million and more who
are suffering rovo hardships and privations, do
not sympathize with these commonplaces, and
are not to be persuaded of the glory of sacri
fices preached by those who have very few if
any sacrifices to make. For England, in its
present and prospective oondition, the argu
ment is worse than what is simply called non
sense; and for Ireland, what is there denomi
nated humbug. Empty stomachs have no ears
for such rubbishy sentimonts; and however
the advooates of free trade may affeot to ridi
cule and^laugh at tho charge, it is nevertheless
true, (without impugning tho system in the
^lightest degree,) that the jubilation on carry
ing the measure and the millennium-like prophe
cies by which it was supported, have, according
to the invariable consequences of reaction, caus
ed tho existing disappointment to be more severe
ly felt, and, we may say, resented. Such is the
state of the country, when oonjurod to bear
many additional burdens; and yet the most
sanguine, ^ who arc gifted with common sense
and foresight, cannot hide from their vision
the chances of results in great troubles, great
sufferings, great perils, and great changes.
EUROPEAN AFFAIRS?WAR IN THE EAST
[Correspondence of the National Era |
London, Jan. 13, 1854.
War, with ono slender chance of peace yet
remaining, is now recognised as mora immi
nent and imposing, Turkey has issued orders
for oarrying on hostilities in every quarter with
the utmost vigor; France has called out her
half year's military conscription : and England
is straining every nerve to add to the efficient
foroe of her uavy. The Western united fleets
have sailed into the Euxine, leaving only a sin
gle ship each at the Golden Horn, and all the
Russian vessels have been ordered by their ad
miral to seek protection in the harbor of Se
bastopol, and may therefore be considered in
a state of enforced blockade.
In a word, it may l?e explained, that France
and England are taking a ''substantial guaran
tee ' K?r the accomplishment of what they deem
their just and righteous demands; and therefore
the Caar, however chafed, ought not to take it in
dudgeon. In point of fust, his ambassadors
have not been recalled from Paris or London ;
and, as far as we can understand, they pretend
that they have no instructions how to act under
the 11 unforeseen" "R*reseen" circumstances.
Does Nicholas, then, at last, panne in his wick
ed course ?
The Sultan has, opportunely, sccnred and re
inforced the adhesion of Servia, by conferring
old and granting new privilege* to that impor
tant provinoe, as an all but independent tribu
tary to Turkey.
It is stated that Schatnyl has l<een supplied
with arms and means to oppose the Russians
more strenuously in CireM*ia. The Asiatio
accounts are still dim and contradictory.
Po.il*crtpt. Evening.?The news of a terious
battle, and the issue oi operations very sneer ss
ful on the Turkish part. a|ij,ears to lie corrob
orated from ao many quarters, that we trust
there can be little doubt of its truth. A Paris
letter states that a sham falling back on Kal
afat lured tho enemy on to tho*e strong works,
and allowed of a movement to take them in
flauk, and defeat them with groat hsw. This
would oonfirm our information reflecting the
military skill of Omer Pasha, and show that
we had not (m former letter) been misled as
to his emincnoo as a tactician. Circa^iia re
inforced, Persia reconciled to Englaud and
Turkey, the lower Danube about Matschim
bravely held, and Sebastopol blockaded by the
allies and five Turkish shi|is of war?these are
oertainly fine gleams of suushine on the just
cause.
Scan. Mao.?A London letter of the 13th of
January, reoeived in this city, says :
I ho Queen of Spain's baby prinoess was
oeremonioutdy baptized two days after its birth
and the Madrid intelligence of the 5th gave a
felicitous renortof the well doing of the mother
and tho ' robust' condition of the ohild Rut
alas ' a telegraphio despatch to Paris, of the
8th, announced its death, which, strange to
say, a considerable number of people anticipa
ted. There is, indeed, an idea afloat that tho
climate of Spain is unfavorable to royal or
demi-royal children, and that the atmoftphero
of tho capital has a tendency to be fatal to In
fante and Infantas."
The addren* of the Italian refugee patriot*
waa, in New York, aigned l?j neventy-tevea
perron*, including (General Avrzzana, (Jeneral
Garribaldi, Fe.lii Fnreati, and many other*,
well known, who mt forth their [terminal expe
rience in Bologna while Bedini wiw the Civil
Governor there. Thoxe *la tenant* are *worn
to, and, the Kiprtnn miyx, are hut the prelimi
nary movement to a general public meeting of
the Italian* who took part in the revolution of
1N48, whereat it in intended to obtain anch an
expretwion of opinion, and such a revelation of
liixtorioal facta, an can hardly fail to open the
?yen of the American pnblio an to the real
character of Mon*eignor Bedini?of the objects
of hi* persecution and vengean?*e.
Bkpini.?Tho Bomtiniiing "Moronry" Hiiyn,
thin morning:
"The uneneineM of some pcrnon* may 1k> re
lieved hy a knowledge of the fact that, with
thin fine weather, M. Bedini, the Nnncio, in on
the ooean, quietly wending hie way to the old
world."
If to, we think ho will he vary competent to
tell the Pope that tyranny and ornelty are not
popular in " thoae region*, the United States."