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07" The Daily Era can be had every morning at the Periodical Stand of Mr. J. T. Bates, Ex- I change, Philadelphia; alio, the Weekly Era. 0.S' Mr. Jambs Elliott ia aathorited to receive and receipt for sabaeriptiona and advertieeuieiitti for the Daily and the Weekly National Era, in Cincin nati aud vicinity. WASHINGTON, D. C. SATURDAY, FKHRUAKY IS, IH64. THE POLICY OF MON IlfTBKVXKTlOJI IN KELA I HON TO SLAVERY. The advocate# of (be policy of Nou-lntervon tiou by the Federal Government in relation to Slavery, say that it is the only constitutional, democratic, Haiti, and beutficont polioy, u old as the Government itself, and founded upon the doctriuo of strict construstion." Let us test them. Congress was empowered by the Constitu tion to put an end to the slave trade in 1808, and thereby out off the supply of foreign slaves to the Southern market, and it did exercise this power the moment it had the right to do ?o. This was Intervention. Was it constitu tional, demociatie, safo, and beneficent? A clause was inserted in the Constitution, stipulating that a person held to service or la bur in one State, escaping into another, should be delivered up on claim, &c. As this was by its very terms a clause of compact, containing and implying no grant of power to Congress to provido for its execution, but to be fulfilled by the States, we hold thut its intent and effeot were, not to impose any duty of Intervention on the part of the Federal Government. But, Congress assumed power, in 1793, over the subject, and passed a law to carry into effeot j this provision, and in 1850 again assumed power, passing another law far more stringent and arbitrary, for the same purpose. Was not this, Intervention by the Federal Government with Slavery ' And who are responsible for it but thece same noisy advocates of Non-inter vention as the only true polioy ? Congress, in 1802, re-en acted the entire slave code ol \ irginia and Maryland, in the ten miles square ceded by those States to the Gen eral Government; and Slavery to this day ex- ' iets in this District, in virtue alone of Congres sional enaatment. '? ^9 Intervention, constitutional, demo- I cratic, safe, and beneficent ? O, yes! Congress, in 1798, prohibited the importation of any slaves into the Territory of Mississippi, brought from without the limits of the United States, under heavy jwnalties, providing at the earns time that any tJaves imported in violation of the law Bhonld at once receive their freedom. Was this Non-intervention ? Was the law constitutional, democratic, safe, beneficent? Congress, in 1804, not only enacted a similar law in relation to the Territory of Louisiana, but it prohibited any slave from being carried into that Territory, except by a oitiaen of the I'uitod States, tho bona fide owner of such slave, removing to the Territory for actual set tlement. Was this Non-Intervention? Was the 4aw constitutional, democratic, safe, beneficent? Congress, in 1807, enacted a law regulating the traffic in slaves coastwise. Was this Non-intervention ? ihe Federal Executive, when the Spanish colonies on the continent revolted, and their armies were meditating a descent upon Cubs, which they had a perfrtct right to seise and revolutionise, if they could, admonishod them sternly that the Government of the United Stapes oould not tolerate any such act, as it would inevitably involve tho emancipation of the slaves in (-uba, and thereby endanger tho stability of the slave system in the South. Slaveholders and their Northern allies, tho pretended advocates of Non-Intervention, have always approved of that gross act of Interven tion, just as they have approved of the moro resent threats of the Administration, through its "organ " in Washington, to intervene for the preservation of Slavery in Cuba, against the efforts of Great Britain and France in favor of its abolition. Yes?this very "or Ran," with its braxen throat speaking fieroely for Non Intervention, had the hardihood a few weeks ago to threaten Spain with the Inter vention of the Federal Government, vi el arms to preserve the Slavery of the African race in Coba! The record* of oar Diplomacy show that formerly repeated attempts wore made by the Government of tbe Doited States to negotiate a treaty with Gnat Britain for tho reclamation of fugitive slaves from the South, finding a ref uge in Canada ; and that a few years ago for mal demand* were made npon the British Gov era men t, and urged with great pertinacity, for compensation for slaves in American venae In driven by strews of weather into British ports Was that Non-intervention ? Tbe truth is, historically, Non-intervention is a lie. It has never been tbe policy of the General Government; it is not now its polioy. j The advocates of it do not believe it, dare not fcrual it, dare not follow it out to its legitimate oooaeqoeooes. What! will they vote for the repeal of the law re-enacting the slave code in the District of Columbia, for the repeal of the law regulating the coastwise slave trade, for tbe repeal of the law of 1793 and that of 1850 am the subject of fugitives from servioe or la bor? Will they join with us in condemning the notion of the Federal Executive in uphold ing Slavery in Cuba, and in demanding fugi tive slaves from Great Britain ' What is their real meaning ? Simply this: that Intervention, when it will answer the purposes >f Slavery, is a grant and glorious Principle of Democracy ; but, when it will inure to the benefit of Free fern, is unconstitutional and anti-Democratic. that Intervention is always wrong when against Slavery, always right when for Slavery. Non-intervention! The bald humbug! Leave the People of a Territory free to govern tbem aalvss?they have the right?the principle of popular self-government is coeval with the Couetttutiow, founded upon strict construction, Democratic, all-glorious:?Uurtfort ? what 1 * W?, the Representatives of the thirty-one States of this Union, will ordain a Constitution of Government for the settlers in Nebraska, whs have no voice in our election ; we will de cide who of them shall vote ; who shall be eli gible to often; hew Many and what .ffices there (tail be; how they ehnll be filled; What sale nee shall he attached to them ; what shall be the nature and extent of their functions: we will not allow them to eleot their Judge#, their | Secretary of State, their Governor: we will apply to them all the lawHot'the United State# we think applicable to their condition : and wo will require that whatever laws may be passed l>y the Territorial Legislature shall be submit- 1 ted to lie." And yet wo are ualled upon to adinire the Principle of 8tIf Government, oh applied to the People of a Territory! The Bill of Mr. Doug las in itself a total denial of thin Principle in such an application. And then, the People are to be cheated with another fraud. Let the Territorial Legislature regulate the Buhjeot of Slavery an its constitu ents may decide, suhjeot to the Constitution of the United States. U This is the doctrine/' shout the paid presses of Slavery at the North ; " who will not trust the People ? No fear that Slavery will he introduced into Nebraska, if they are left to decide the question. Bettor for Freedom than all the Congressional legislation in the world!'' Have honor, fair dealing, common honesty, ceased to exist ? Do not these presses know that they are guilty of infamous deception ? Their masters at the South deny that a Terri torial Legislature has the power to exclude Slavery. Fortunately, the following article from the Charleston (S. C) Mercury, furnishes a timely rxpoMire of the imposition they are attempting upon the People of the North., Thoro is ouc thing about Masterdom that ox alts it heaven-high above the supple Servility that bends the knee before it?it is too proud to sneak, too audacious to play the hypocrite. Head what follows, and then say what you think of Self Government, Non-intervention, and other humbugs, peddled at the North : u Senator Douglas?Squatter Sovereignty.? The Boston Post, in commenting upon this gen tleman's recent speech, takes much pleasure in finding, as it asserts, its favorite doctrine of Squatter Sovereignty, or the right of the People ok the Terhitorv to legislate UPON ALL LEGAL SUBJECTS, AND THEREBV TO exclude Slavery, fully maintained and vin dicated. We CANNOT ASSENT TO ?ANY SUCH construction of the spoech, and of the bill which it sustains, without imputing duplicity to the former, and an unconstitutional charac ter to the latter. For, if it is intended to be argutd by Senator Douglas, that in creating TerritotialGovernments, invested with the usual powers, they can legislate so as to exclude and abolish Slavery, when the very law which or ganizes them declares the Territories open to the immigration and settlement of the slave holder, we must reject such a proposition as not only unconstitutional, but as containing upon its very face the mark of treachery. It would indeed bo the climax of specious justion, to pro claim Non Intervention on the part of Congress as the principle of fairness and the Constitu tion, yet that it should pass a law confer ring UPON A TENT-FULL OF HUNTERS AND OUT LAWS THE RIGHT TO INTERVENE IN THE MOST absolute AND SOVEREIGN MANNER. If the Compromise of 1850, and the present bill for the admission of Nebraska, really mean any thing of fairness and justice to the Sonth, ii the latter be not intended as a trap to catch her support for a principle seemingly of value to hor, we are not in error in saying to slave holders, here lies this Territory, go into it with your property, if y ni will, and y<m shall be safe, until, as a sovereign Stale, the people de cide for or against the institution. Otherwise the Nebraska bill is a worthless and deceptive truce. "But we mistake Mr. Douglas if such an inference can he properly drawn from his ar gument and bill. Indeed, whatever may be his own views on the subject, the bill itself pro viiles, in the first place, that all laws passed by the Territorial Government, ' shall be submittal to the Congress of the United States, and if dis approved, shall be null and of no effectSec ondly, that 'all cases involving title to slaves and ifuestions of personal freedom, shall be sub ject to the ultimate decision of the Supreme Court of the United StalesSo far, therefore, from these Governments being empowered to exclude Slavery, any action they may take upon the subject would be a matter for discus M>on and decision, both by Congress and the Supreme Court of the United States. Should the issue arise upon a law excluding or abol ishing Slavery, the question of the power to pass such a law would he the first inquiry; and a decision whioh acknowledged that powor in the teeth of proclaimed non-intervention, and tho rights of the slaveholder, would he as ini quitous as it is ab*urd. It would be Congres sional intervention one step removed, not so di reot an the Missouri Compromise or tho Wilmot Proviso, but more insidious and fatal, because, while professing equality in theory, Congress and the Supreme Court would heoomo the in struments of wrong, wielded by the hands of others." We have reoeived of Hilbus & Hit*, Music Dealers, Pennsylvania avenue, between 10th and 11 th streets, the following peioes of music: " Let us Speak of a Man as we Find Him." Dedicated to the Hun. John P. Hale? words by J. Simmons. " Rva to her Papa," as sung by little Cordelia Howard, in her original character of the Gentle Rva, in Unole Tom's Cabin?words by her father, G. Howard. Mkctino at Nrw Yore To-niuht.? A numerously signed call appears in the New Vork papeiH, upon the citizens of New York who are opposed to the violation of the Mis- I Hoori Compromise and the extension of Slave Territory, to meet at the Tabernacle, thin even ing, to utter their stern protest against the threatened breach of faith, and their determin* ed hostility to any encroaehment by the slave power on the rights of free labor in the terri tory seoured by that oompaot. KB. BOTH. " It will surprise nobody to learn that Mr. John Minor Botts is against the Nebraska bill. He wat never bound to the institution of Slavery fry any tie of interests?Richmond Enquirer. What a rebnke is this to Northern fiunkey ism! What a keen perception of motives has the Richmond Enquirer! What man, with the heart and soul of a man, whose judgment is not controlled by his interests, can sanction so great a wrong as that of human thraldom ' Ths Enquirer understands this, and speaks forth in all candor. The South understands this, and contemns and despises the supple tools it twee. The first train over the new road, avoiding the inclined planes on the Pennsylvania rail road, arrived at Pittsburgh on Wednesday af ternoon, the 15th instant, in fifteen hours from Philadelphia. A private letter, say* the N. York Tribune, from Kossuth, dated London, January 24, and addressed til a gentleman in this country, con cludes by saying: "You shall soon hear of ? Titanic work on our part; of our heaping 0<ss upon Pelwn, with hut our nails for tools.' HEMARH8 OF MB CHASE, OH THX TERRITORIAL BILL, In the U. S. Senate, February 15, 1854. The amendment moved by Mr. Douglas to the 1 -4tli Mention of the substitute re Kted by the Cominittoo on Territories, having n adopted, Mr. CHASK snid: I desire to Hubmit an amendment, to insert immediately after the word* which havo just been inserted, the fol lowing: " Under which tho pooplo of the Territory, through their Appropriate representative*, may,' it they see tit, prohibit the existence of Slavery therein." ? 3 1 ask for the yeas and uays upon the amend ment. The yeas and nays were ordered. Mr. CHASE. 1 will state, in very few words, the design of this amendment The amend ment just adopted declares that it is the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate Slavery into any Territory or State, nor to ex dude it therefrom; but to leave the peopfe thereof perfectly frco to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subjeot only to the Constitution of the United State**. The amendment bad already declared the Missouri prohibition in consistent with the principle of non interven tion by Congress with Slavery in the States and Territories, as reoogniaed by the legisla I tion of 1850, commonly called the Compromise Measures. It will be seen that the amendment just adopted does two things. It pute a con struction on the acts of 1850, and then it oon I strues the act of which it is a part, ft de clares the principle of the acts of 1850 incon sistent with the Missouri prohibition; and it declares for the act, of which it forms a part, that its dosign is to leave the subjoot of Slavery to be disposed of by the people of the Territo ries, subjoot only to tho limitations of the Con stitution of the United States. Now, 1 desire to have the sonse of tho Sen ate upon the question, whether or not under the limitations of tho Constitution of the Uni ted States, the people of the Territories can prohibit the existence of Slavery there ? There can be no reasonable objection to tho expression of the judgment of the Senate on this question. Tho very amendment just adopted is, lor the most part, only an expres sion ot the judgment of tho Senate on a ques tion of interpretation The only real words of legislation in it are theee: ?Is hereby deolared inoperative and void;" all the rest is opinhn judgment, intent. ' Now, 1 want a little clearer understandine of one important point. I want the judgment or the Senate upon the question whether, un der the limitations of the Constitution, tho peo j pie of the Territories can protect themselves j against Slavery ? After I have obtained a vote on this ques tion I shall want to iuow?and if no other Senator shall do it, I will move amendments calculated to ascertain?whether it be intend ed to g.vo the principle of Non-Intervention asserted by the bill, full scope ? If it is to be adopted, I want to see it fully and thoroughly carried out. * 3 1 object to tho amendment which has just been adopted, that it will have opposite inter pretations in different sections of the country In one section it will 1?? construed as leavine the whole subject of Slavery completely at the disposition of the People of the Territories and in another section as so binding up the people, by its reference to the limitations of the Constitution, that they can in no case, and by no means, however disposed to do so, protect themselves against the introduction of Slavery shall detain the Senate, for the present no longer.. My desire only is, that the Senate and the country may understand clearly the hoodc and purpose of the amendment 1 now submit and to have a vote, by aye. and noes, upon it [ Mr. Pratt, of Maryland, here made an at tempt to amend Mr. Chase's araondment to an amendment, by inserting the words "or intro ducei ' after the word "prohibit" but it was ruled out of order. Mr. Jones, of Tennessee also asked, if Mr Chase's amendmont were I adopted, would he vote for the bill? 1 Mr. Chamc resumed: Mr. President I have no objection whatever to answer the question put to me from tho honorable Senator from lennessee. 1 say to him distinctly, that I will not vote for this bill, unless relieved of every clause looking towards the abrogation of the Missouri prohibition. But, fir, is anything les* doubtful than that haA hiil*? !2? ? y of a Senator> who ?** that a bill oontaming important provisions, so obnoxious as to make it imposmbE for him ? ,Tt0^Jfo! ia V* to pass the Senate-is it not, I say, the right and duty of a Senator under such circumstances, to endeavor as far as practicable to make the bill in other re spects such as he desires it to be? A mens ure of legislation may fail tooommend itself to my jURdment, and yet may be rendered vastly less obnoxious by amendment than in its origi nal shape. I have moved this amendment ???2'* I wish to see the bill EhtEf'J- "T M may.be' in ??>rdanc< with the principle upon which it is said to be framed. ?hen lABt UP> I should probably have other amendments to offer and L-* " ^b""1'"?i The advocates of the bill My th#t it is fram ed upon the principle of non intervention. Bat what kind of non-intervention ? You refer the question of Slavery to the people of the Tcrri tones, to be acted upon through their Uriak. tares. dojrou not? Certainly you say so. But then the legislature of the Territory is to act upon that question, sub ject 1o the restriction, and limitations of the Constitution of the United Now, sir, there are great differences of opin ion hore as to what the limitations and restrio tions of the Constitution are. Some Senators think that the Constitution of tlP United States has no operation at all in the Territories, un less extended to them by express enactment. (rther .Senators are of opinion that the Consti tution oxtends over the Territories from the moment of acq nisi tion. Other Senators main tain that the Constitution, properly interpreted would have prevented the existence of Slavery m the Territories altogether, and would render it impossible for a Territorial Legislature to introduce Slavery by a valid enactment. Other Senators contend that, under the Constitution no Territorial Legislature can exclude Slavery Now, sir, f desire to have the sense of the .senate npon the question, whether the Terri torial legislatures to whioh you propose to re fer this great question?vital to the future des tiny of the people who are to emigrate into those Territories?can, " subject to the Constitu tion,' protect themselves, if they see fit to do so, from Slavery? The Senator from Mary land | Mr. Prattj has proposed an amendment to my amendment. I cannot aocept it But it will he entirely within the power of the Sen ate, after adopting my amendment, to agree to his, if they see fit to do so. (Mr. Shiei.d* asked Mr. Chask to accept the amendment of the Senator from Maryland for the purpose of testing the question] 1 was about to state why I could not accept the amendment of tho .Senator.from Maryland I have no objection that the vote should be take? upon it; and it is probable that it would receive the sanction of a majority here. But with my views of the Constitution, I cannot vote for it. I do not believe that a Territorial legislature, though it may have the power to protect the people against Slavery, is constitu lion ally competent to introduoe it. A major ity here probably think otherwise. A vote upon my amendment will not prevent a vote frena being taken upon the proposition of the Senator from Mary land. I cannot vote for his amendment. He will not vote for mine. There may be a majority 'or each, and yet u proposition uniting both might be rejeoted. I submit therefore to the good nanne of the dis ' tinguished Senator from Illinois, [Mr. Shields,] whether it is not fairest to take a separate vote upon eaoh pro position ? If there be a major ity who believe that tbe people of a Territory oan, under the Con?titution, protect themselves from Slavery, let them say ho. And if another and a different majority, who think that the people of a Territory oan, if they nee At, intro duce Slavery, let them Hay so. There is noth ing in the adoption of the one amendment which would preclude the adoption of the other. But let us have a vote upon the dis tiuct and substantive proposition, unembar rassed by eonneotion with any other; then let the proposition of the Senator from Maryland be submitted and voted upon, unembarrassed by any connection with mine. This is lair. In my judgment, it is the only fair mode of ascertaining tbe sense of the Senate. The sole objeot of my amendment is to let the people of the oountry see whether those who assert the prinoiple of non-intervention are willing that the people of tbe Territories may, if they see lit, exolude Slavery. Mr. President, 1 have referred to the limita tions under whioh tbe Territorial Legislatures are to aot under the provisions of this bill. They may legislate, among other subjects, upon that of Slavery. But how? Freely? without restraint? Is non-intervention the real prinoiple of this bill? Why, sir, accord ing to one of tbe provisions of this bill, every aot of the Territorial Legislature is subject to the absolute veto of a Government appointed here, The bill gives the appointment of the Governor to the President. He is made re movable by the President. He holds his office only during Executive pleasure; and this Gov ernor, thus appointed, thus removable, thus subject in all rcspeots to Executive control, is to have in absolute veto on every aot of the Territorial Legislature. Is that non-interven tion ? That, sir, is one of the provisions which I shall propose to strike from the bill. Then, sir, every case between parties litigant which arises under any act of the Territorial Legislature, must, of course, come before the court. Now, who are to be the judges of these courts? Are they to be elected by the people? Appointed by the Legislature? Not at all. Every one of them, under the provisions of this bill, is to bo appointed and commissioned here. So that all Territorial acts, and all rights claimed under them, are to be brought under the revision of judges, not responsible to the people of the Territory, nor deriving their pow ers from them, but dependent wholly upon Ex eoutive patronage and favor?judges appoint ed by the President, and, according to reoent practice sanctioned by the Senate, removable by him at pleasure. And this, sir, is not all. Not only is the Territorial Legislature, under ttte provisions of this bill, placed under the control of an appointee of the Federal Exeon- j tire; not only are its acts subject to revision of judges appointed and removablo by the Presi dent. but all its legislation is to be reported to j Congress; and every aot may, if Congress shall ' see fit to disapprove of it, be declared null and void. I call attention to these provisions, Mr. Pres ident, as features of a bill which, in my judg ment are totally irreconcilable with the princi ple of non-intervention, upon whioh it is Bind the bill itself is constructed. For tho present, ; I only ask for a vote upon tbe amondment I have offered. I propose, hereafter, to offer other amendments designed to remove this pro vision, and to carry out, as far as practicable, tbe professed prinoiple of the bill, and refer all questions of legislation and administration, within tho limits of the Territories, to the un controlled and unbiased judgment of the peo ple. Mr. B APCiJUt mid that the effect and de sign of the amendment were to overrule and subvert the very proposition introduced into the bill upon the motion of the ohairman of the Committee on Territories. The provision as it stands, he said, since the amendment has been adopted, is an unrestricted and unreserved reference to the territorial authorities, or the people themselves, to dotermine upon the qnoc tion of Slavery; and, therefore, by the very terms as well as by the obvious meaning and legal operation of that amendment, to enable i them either to exclude, or to introduce, or allow Slavery. Mr. B. argued this at some length, and to prove the purpose of Mr. Chase, quoted his words, as follows: " We believe no permanent adjustment of that question possible, except by a return to that original polioy of the fathers of the Re public, by whioh Slavery was restricted within State limits; and freedom, without exception or limitation, was to be secured to every per son outside of State limits, and under the ox elusive jurisdiction of the General Govern ment." Mr. B. also urged the insertion of the words suggested by Mr. Pratt. Mr. BROWN said: I learn from the re marks whioh the honorable Senator from North Carolina has submitted, that he thinks that by the vote whioh we have just taken upon the amendment submitted by the chairman of I the Committee on Territories, we have yielded more than I think we have yielded. I have not, in my own judgment, and I trust I have not in my action here, yielded the principle that the people of the Territories, during their Territoriol existence, have the right to exclude Slavery. I have Moot intended to yield that point, and I do not mean that my aotion, in future tunes, shall be so oonstrued. As I am not prepared with authorities to go on upon this precise point this evening, I hope that I shall be allowed about fifteen minutes before the vote is taken, when I will have the author ities with me, to give my views upon this point, and this alone. Mr. CASS said: The honorable Senator from Mississippi,!Mr. Brown] has touched on one of the main questions connected with this bill, and whioh has not lieen touched upon l?e fore. It is a very grave and a very important question. The power of the people of the Ter ritories to legislate upon their internal con cerns, during the period of these temporary Governments, is most clearly given in this bill, if the Constitution permits it. Mr. BADGER. Certainly. Mr. CASS. If the Constitution does not per mit, they have not got it. Mr. BADGER. That is clear. Mr. CASS. Behind that stands the other Jjuostion, whioh must be discussed here; and I, or one, am determined that my constituent* shall know my views on the point. It is one on which the honorable Seuator from Mis?i? sippi and myself differ, and have differed radically, bat on which, as I trust, we differ, and shall differ, properly. It is whether, by virtue of the Constitution of the United States, there is a kind of motive power in Slavery that immediately spreads it over any Territory, or by virtue of which any slave may be taken to any Territory of the United States, as soon as it is annexed to the Union. Mr. BUTLER. I ?ni perfectly willing to vote for the clause as it has been modified by , the honorable Senator from Illinois, the chair man of the Committee on Territories, but with a very clear judpaeBt that, if Congress has not constitutional competency to legislate either one way or the other?either to introduce or prohibit Slavery in the Territories-?a Torrito i rial Government has no derivative authority to ! do so, from any act which Congress can pa?s. Mr. BROWN. Certainly not. Mr. BUTLER 1 am perfectly willing to general principle, of the bill, there are some provisions in it which do not rece.vethe^ tion of mv judgment. 1 may reter to that which confer* upon the Governor an unqual^ fiod veto. I do not think 1 ciui vote lor any Territorial bill which contain* a provision ol thMr'DOUGLAS. The friends of this bill have had the provision to whioh the Senat^)r from California has referred, and some others, K After some further conversation, the Senato adjourned. m EXTRACT8 FROM OUR CORRESPONDENCE. A subscriber sends us the proceedings of a meeting at Poughkeepsie, Dutchess county, N. Y., in Mr. Dean's district, held February 13th, for the purpose of denouncing the attempt now on foot to repeal the Missouri Compromise. Hon. Abraham Baker, aided by several Vice Presidents, presided. Speeohes were made by VV. Wilkinson, C. Bartlett, James Emmett, and W; h. Van Wagner. Among the resolutions adopted were the following: u Resolved, That there are limits to political generosity and forbearance, bevond which con cessions, ceasing to be laudable and patriotic, beoome degrading and ignominious. ? Resolved, That whether we have regard to constitutions, laws, com acta, compromises or to the teachings and examples of Washington, Jefferson, and other sages aud patriots of the Revolution, wo are constrained to feel and to avow that the bill of Senator Douglas, repeal ing the Missouri Compromise, and openiogtbe Territories of Kansas and Nebraska to the ad mission of Slavery, is uncalled for, anti-repub lican in its principles and tendencies, a gross breach of plighted faith, a fountain of political demoralization and of national discord?a bill, in fine, fraught with the greatest evils, both present and prospective, to our own country. Our correspondent adds, that Mr. Dean, being on a visit to his constituents, lately, found the feeling against the bill much stronger than he had nupposed. A subscriber from Wilmot's district, Penn sylvania, writes, that great excitement prevails there, and a call for a public meeting at Tow anda, Bradford county, headed by David Wil mot, has been issued. Oxford, Michigan, Feb 9.?"The Nebraska Territorial bill baa awakened profound inter est. We shall protest against it by petitions, and sustain the Independent Democrats in thrf position they have takon. Would to God wo had a voice in Congress of the same sort! " Meotings to protest against tho bill aro an nounced all over tho free States. A subscriber at Whitewater, Wisconsin, writes: " These are porilons times for Freedom. The Nebraska bill out-Herod's Herod. North ern dough has beoome so soft that it oan hard ly keep its shape over night. We in this State aro living on soil free from Slavory, through the operation of tho Ordinanoe of 1787, and it grieves us to see the dark cloud of Slavery spreading towards territory entitled to the Bamo boon by the legislation of 1820." Chari.cston, S. C., Feb. 14, 1854. Southern Representatives! a call is now made on your wisdom, which will put it to a most severe test .Beware! from your aotion now on this devilish bill, you will be rewarded in future times, either by the grateful remem brance or tho hoarty maledictions of the South ern People. Reflect deeply upon this matter. If you allow yourselvos to be oaught on that gilded bait, a stain will be fastened on the rep utation of your constituents which will be most difficult ever to remove. If; on the contrary, you show yourselves their true Representatives, you will establish on a firmor basis than eyer that reputation for hemesty and magnanimity ... . . ? _ 1 ,T Ifta Ar which is tho essential feature of its character. For th? National Br* * THE SECOND VOICE OF CHICAGO. A few pergonal *"<1 political friend* of Judge Douglas cflbd a public meeting at the South Market Hall, on Saturday evening last, fur the purpose of counteracting, if possible, the cflect of tbe meeting held on the Kth inut So great in the excitement hero on that question, that the people assembled at the hour appointed in large numbers, ho that the hall was filled to overflowing. The result wan, a complete dis comfiture of tho Douglas men. The meeting, after hearing all the speeches of the advocates of tho hill, voted down the resolutions by an overwhelming majority, and passed others, affirming the action of the pre vious meeting. The prominent aotors in this meeting, both for and against tho bill, were old line Democrats. The other parties are unanimous against the bill. It seems I made a slight mistake in my last communication. There are six instead of five daily papers in this city. Tbey are all oppos ed to the Nebraska bill : so are all the other city papers C. B. W. Chicago, Feh. 15, 1854. Thic Rivai.ry op Citiks.?'There is a quiet ooolness about tho following, from tbe Phila delphia Daily Register, that refreshes us even in this Iroaty season of the year : ?' It is one of the coinoidenoea of the day, that the Africa and America, the two last steam ships from Kiirope, are both stuck in the mud, the former at New York and the latter at Hoy ton. These places are both very respectable villages, and wo should be glad if they had perfectly safe and commodious harbors, into which large vessels could easily enter. It can harJly be exited, however, that anything short of a large oity and commodious and safe harbor, like that of Philadelphia, will eventu ally answer for our foreign commeroe. We have made no 1 toasts of our tuperiority in this rospcct, but are willing, now that these acci dent have happened to our neighbors, to sug gest an easy way to escape snoh dangers in future. We hope to hear that these steamers are got off before the arrival of others, so that they may not all be detained on this side, and the rogular communication broken off.'' (?7"- Willis J. Hardy, who had already a wife in Boston, married Miss Brown, in Phila delphia, in September last, and Mrs. Parker, of tho same city, in January. Willis is now in jail, awaiting a trial for his crimes, and may have the assurano6 of our hearty wish that his punishment may be snch as will most effectnal i ly deter other scoundrels like himself from ; imitating his example. He is a bad, unfeeling man?corrupt and cruel, clear down to the ut most depths of his fiendish heart, is this Willis Hardy, if he is guilty. CONGRESS. THIRTY-THIRD CONORKM?K1HST 8fc*810N. In the Son ate, yesterday, Mr. Sewaid spoke Tor three hours in opposition to the Nebraska hill ; whon Mr. Pettit moved the postponement of the further consideration of the hill to Monday next, expressing a wish to be heard that day. Mr. Sumner desired to be beard on tbeques tion, and gavo notico that he would follow Mr. Pettit on Tuesday. The Son ate adjourned till Monday. In the House of Representatives, after Mr. <'amphell had oonoluded, Mr. Kerr, of North Carolina, spoke in sup port of the Nobraska bill. He reverenced the saeredness of the Compromise of i850, and be lieved the.measure now contemplated was in perfect accordance with it. Mr. Giddings made* a brief explanation of some historical facts in connection with the purchase of Louisiana ; after which, the Com mittee rose, And the House adjourned until Monday. The Galena Jtjf'ersotiian, the leading Demo cratic paper in the northwestern portion of Illinois, comes out manfully for freedom. It ?aye: " Mr. Douglas's Nebraska bill is a bomb shell in our camp. We rejoice to know that it will be actively atid vigorously opposed. It asks much, and it asks for Slavery. We shall opposo tho measure with what ability and in dustry we may possess." As yet, but a single Democratic paper in Il linois has come to the support of the bill. ? Ravenna (Ohio) Star. Prom the N. Y. Evening Post. MOKE "KKLIGIOUS FANATICISM." Those who demand the repudiation of the Missouri covenant excluding Slavery from the Northern Territories of the Union, are likely to have a gioat deal of trouble with what their organ, the Washington Union, calls "religious fanaticism." Tho New York Observer, one of the calmest of conservative journals, has re turned tc the attack. In its yesterday's issue it says of the Nebraska bill, now before Con gress : " This new measure, if forced through at the present time, we are satisfied will only renew the agitation which has been so calamitous in the past and bo threatening for the future. It will be regarded at the North as a breach of faith on the part of the South, and not the less so because the measure was proposed and is strongly advocated by Noithern men. It will open the whole subject anew. It will, we fear, be the end, as the present is only the beginning^ of rest upon the vexed subject of Slavery. It will be said that if one Compromise may be violated, so may another. That if it is right to disturb and repeal the Compromise of 1820, so will it he to seek tho repeal of that of 1850* Timely discussion of the measure may avert such consequences, by preventing the passage of the bill. * * k * b F * '? The agitation onoo renewed on such a plau sible pretext, it will bo difficult again to allay it. If this Compromise be set aside, it will bo the end of all Compromises. We would again call for the arrest of a measure fraught with such consequences, the end of which no proph et oan foretell." The Christian Intelligencer, the organ of the Dutch Reformed Churches, is equally " fanat ical," and even more emphatic. It says : "The Nebraska bill ol Senator Douglas haw already set tho whole country in a blaze, and we should regard ourselves as derelict in duty should our oolumus be silent respecting that huge iniquity, which political craf t ia now stri ving to perf>etratu through that measure. * * "Of late years, a new doctrine has sprung up at the South?the opposite extreme of Northern fanaticism?whioh maintains that Slavery is a positivo good, an actual blessing, and ought to be extended To this doctrine the Froemen of the North will never give their adhesion. And now, when Senator Douglas and his ooadju tors attempt to foroo through a measure which if adopted, will invite Slavery into the im mense Territories of the Far West, it is time that every organ of public opinion at the North should spfiak out again?t tho threatened infa my and wrong. Lat the South beware of ask ing too much from tho obliging and compro mising spirit of the North." I BY HOUSE'S PK1HTIHG TELEGKAPH | TELEGRAPHIC CORRESPONDENCE FOR DAI I.Y NATIONAL rua. Luke. Burns Convicted of Murder. Baltimore Feb. 18.?The jury to whom was submitted the case of Luke Burns, for stab hing fatstlly Peter Miller, on the 24th of De eembor last, have just rendered a verdiot to the court of guilty of murder in the first degree, but reotmmending bim to be sentenced tp the penitentiary for life. The prisoner heretofore, according to the testimony at the trial, hRs I borne a good character. The Steamer City of Glasgow. Piiii.adki.phia, Fkb. 18 ?The steamer City of Glasgow has arrived at this port, from Li? cipx>l. She brings no news, it having been all Hupcr<**ded. Opposition to the Nebraska bill. Boston, Feb. 17?A Convention of the peo- ) pie of the third district of this State was held to-day at Dcdham, irrespective of party, to re monstrate against the Nebraska bill. Speeches were made by the Hon. Charles F. Adams and others A series of resolutions, solemnly pro testing, and calling upon the people of the dia triot to remonstrate against the measure, were passed. Large Robbery. Bwtai.o Feb. 1<?.?A man residing at Fre donia, while on his way to New York, wa>< robbed of S11 000 last night, at Hornollsville, by womon who had followed him. Trial Trip. New York, Fkb. 17.?The rtearmr Prinoe ton and the caloric ship Kriotmon went down tho bay to day on a trial trip. .X'aval Movement. ' New York, Fkb. 17.?The United States steamer Fulton sailed from Neuvitaa on the 3d instant, for CardenM. Markets. Baltimore, Feb. 18, 12 M.?Flonr firmer; sales of 1,000 barrels of Howard Street, at $8 .25, generally held higher; City Mills held at $8 37. Wheat?sales of 3,000 bushels, white, at $1.90 a SI 9.1; red, at $1.88 a $1.90. Cora sales of 80,(KM) bushels of white at 83 a 86 oents. Whiskey sold at 32oenteper gallon, i Other articles unchanged. New York, Feb. 18, I P. M.?Flour dnll: sales of 2 000 barrels State brands at $8 75 to $9; Southern at $9 to $9 25, Wheat?sales of 5,000 bushels; red at $1 95 to $2. Corn de clined; sales of 18 000 bushel* mixed at M8 cents; yellow at $1. Cotton and stocks un changed. Review of the Baltimore Market. Baltimore, Fkb. |8.?The business of the past woek ha* l>eon steady, but not especially active. The supply of breadstuff's?boih flour and grain?is moderate, but prices have rece ded. More firmness has been caused in ooffee by the reoent favorable advioes from R?o. No eapeoial change in augara and molasaea. The Western and Southern trade in increas ing, and the general indications of an active Hiring trade are favorable. Price* of flour and grain of last Saturday, compared with to-day'* price*: Feb. 11.?Sales of Howard Street flour, at $8.75; wheat, red and white, at *2 02 a #2.10; corn, white and jellow, at 93 to 95 oenta. Feb. 18.?Sale?of Howard Street and City Mill* Hour, at $8 25 a $# 37; wheat, white and reJ at SI 88 a 31 95 ; coru, at 83 to 8ti eta. It will be aeon that tho price* of all kind* of breadstuff* have declined. The prices of flour sinoe the last review have been fluctuating be tween $8 75, at which 2,000 barrels were sold on Saturday, and 88, at which 2 000 barrels were sold yesterday under the ellects of the Canada's newa ; upon whioh tbere has boen a slight advance to day. The same fluctuation in the prices of wheat and corn, and decline under the Canada's new*, is noticeable?tho decline of both in priee being from 10 to 15 centa. * The tendenoy of prices in the stock market - during the past week haa been upward, al though the buaineea was not very aotive?the whole amount of sale* in the Baltimoro Board being only about $283,000 against $500,000 lust week. Canada ut Boston. Boston, Fkb. 18.?The steamer Canada haa arrived at this port, from Halilax. All the papers indicate a warlike aspect of affairs in Europe, but there is nothing addi tional to what yon have already received. Steamer Pucijic Sailed. Nkw York, F*b. 18.?The steamer Paoiflo has Hailed, to-day, with seventy pabsengera, in cluding Mr. Bowe", consul to Bordeaux, and live bearers of despatches. Sbo cairios no spooie. . . Sterling eiohango declining. Jlfrica Still Jlshore, etc. Nkw York, Fbb. 18 ?The Africa is still ashore. The America is to tako her place on W odnosdiftYi Notes on the Merchant's Bank of Now Jer sey have been refuaed. Maine Liquor Law. Annapolis, Fkb. 17.?The Maine Liquor bill has been ordered to bo engrossed Chicago, Illinois, Feb. 7, 1854. To the Editor of the National Era: I think you are personally acquainted with our highly-gifted Senator in Congress, the Hon. Stephen A. Douglas, and that, with all tho po litical prejudice you may entertain against him you cannot fail to know as well as we do, that he baa a kind and gonoroua heart, and many other honorable and estimable traits of character. _, , , , In Northern Illinois Mr. Douglas has long been a favorite, and by his own deportment has raised himself to a moat enviable position, not only in the estimation of his party, bnt the people at large. What, then, think you, is the rooasure of indignation wu feel at the treat ment he has received at the hands of bis Dre tended friends in Washington? While they have intoxicated him with their cowardly ca rosses to his faoo, they have secretly and behind bis back combined to dig his political grave, and now stand ready to push him in. W ho are the coward* that dapd not meet him before the people for their high favor, but have thus meanly plotted against him, and *proad the snaro to effect lus downfall! B MARRIAGES On Tuesday evening, the 14 th instant, by the Rev. Mr. Pyne, Hknry l> u> Mary, youngest daughter of Col. J. J. Al,er? In Philadelphia, on the lfith instant, by the |lev. P. F. Mayer, William Clabauoh, of Georgetown, D. C., to Mary A., daughter ot John Buddy, Kaq-, of the former city. DEATH On yoaterday morning, the 17th instant, Mr. Robkrt Cammai k, in the 23d yoar of his age, Hon of Mr. Wm Cammack. . The friends of the family are invited to at tend his funeral to-morrow afternoon at ? o'clock, from his father's residence, above Georgetown. Q^"The Rev. Mason Noble will preach in the Sixth Presbyterian Church, ooruor of Sixth and C streets south, to-morrow, at II A. M., and 7 o'clock P. M., in the basement of this new edifice. The public are invited to attend. Kev. W. H. Milhnrn, chaplain of the House of Representatives, will preach in lite Capitol to morrow morning, at ] I o'clock. Sulv jeot: The Christian Idea of Woman and h??r Sphere. Rov. Alexander Duncanson, pastor of the Congregational Church on Fifth street, west of the City Hall, will prcach to-morrow at It A. M. and 3^ 1*. M. Subject in the morning: The Unity of the Church. ? Rut. Dr. Morris, of Haiti more, may be ex pected to prcach in St. Paul's English L utheran Church, (Hot. J. G. Butler's,) corner of Eleventh and H streets, to-morrow, at II o'clock A.M., and at 7% F. M. The Sacrament of the Lord's Sapper will bo administered at 11 A.M. [?y~" Ira Kocktnan, Esq., of New York, and others, will addrew the friend* of Prohibition, at remperaneo Hall, maiu saloon, to morrow, at 7 P. M. Seat* free. [J^"KeT. Thomas Johnson, of Nebraska, will prcaoh in the Methodist Episcopal Chureh South, Eighth street, between H and I, to mor row, at 11 o'clock A.M.; and the pastor, Her James A Duncan, at 7'^ P. M. (?/? A goneral meeting of the Masonic fra ternity of the District of Columbia is hereby called for Monday evening next, 20th inst, at 7 o'clook, to hear the report of the committee appointed at the last meeting, relative to the creetion of a Masonic Temple. B. B. FRENCH, Chairman. 0^" Senrioe in the Church of the Ascension, H street, between Ninth and Tenth, to-morrow, at II o'clock A. M., and at 31^ P. M. The lie?. Eleazer Williams, missionary to the St. Regis Indians, will preach, and a collection will be taken in aid of the Indian missions. Rev. Phineas D. Gurley, D. D., pastor eleet, will, by Divine permission, preaoh in tho K htroet Presbyterian Church, to morrow, at 11 o'clock A.M., and at 9% P. M. THE HUTCHINSON FAMILY, I^ROM the Old Orsnito Rtste, arc happy to sn nounce to the eiti*?w of Washington that thvy will glye throe of their VOCAL KNTKKTA IN MRNTS AT CARUBl'R SALOOR, commencing on thi? (Friday) turning, February 17, 1844, Mid po*itivoly cloning Monday, tho 20th, intro during their now composition*. Ticket* Ml conts ; children half price?to l>* had st tho principal Mn?ic and Bookstore*. I)oor* upon st fij o'clock; Concert to commence st 7J o clock Feb. 17. '