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FREEDOM AND PUBLIC FAITH.
SPEECH OF WILLIAM H. SEWARD, ON THK NEBRASKA AND KANSAS BILLS. [OONCMlDKIt.] In United Status Senate, February 17, 1854. And that other proud and dominating Sen ator, who, sacrificing himself, gave the aid without which the Compromise ol 1850 could not have been established?the Statesman oi? New Knglaud, and the Orator ol' America? who dare assert here, where his memory is yet fresh, though his unfettered spirit may be wandering in spheres far hence, that he in tended to abrogate, or dreamed that, by virtue of or in consequence of that transaction, the Missouri Compromise would or could ever be abrogated ? The portion of the Missouri Com promise you propose to abrogate is the Ordi nance of 1787 extended to Nebraska. Hear what Daniel Webster said of that Ordinance itself, iu 1831), in this very, place, in reply to one who had undervalued it and its author: " I 8poke, sir, of the Ordinance of 1787, whioh pro hibits Hluvery, in all future time, northwest of the Ohio, as a measure of great wisdom and forethought, and one whieh has beon attended with highly bene ficial and permanent consequences." And now hear what he said here, when ad vocating the,Compromise of 1850: '?I now say, sir, as the proposition upon whioh I stand this day, and upon the truth and firmness of which I intend to act until it is overthrown, that there is not at this moment in the United States, or any Territory of the United States, one singe foot of land, the character of which, in regard to its being free territory or slave territory, is not fixed by some law,and some ikkki'kalaBi.k law beyond the power of the action of this Government." What irrepealable law, or what law of any kind, fixed the character of Nebraska as free or slate territory, except the Missouri Compro mise act? And now hear what Daniel Webster said when vindicating the Compromise of 1850, at Buffalo, in 1851 : " My opinion remains unchanged, that it was not within the original scopo or design of the Constitu tion to admit new States out of foreign territory; and for oae, whatever may be said at the Syracuse Con. vention or any other assemblage of insane persons, I never would consent, and never have consented, that there should be ono foot of slave territory beyond what the old thirteen States had at the time of tho formation of the Union! Never! Never! "The man cannot show his face to me and say he can prove that I ever departod from that doctrine. He would sneak away, and slink away, or hire a mer cenary press to cry out. What an apostate from Lib erty Daniel Webster has become! But he knows himself to be a hypocrite and a falsifier." That Compromise was forced upon the slaveholding States and upon the non-slave holding States as a mutual exchange of equiva lents. The equivalents were accurately defined, and carefully scrutinized and weighed by the respective parties, through a period of eight months. The equivalents offered to the non slaveholding States were: 1st, the admission of California; 2d, the abolition of the public slave trade iu the District of Columbia. These, and these only, were the boons offered to them, and the only sacrifices which the slareholding States were required to make. The waiver of the Wilmot Proviso in the incorporation of New Mexico and Utah, and a new fugitive slave law, were the only boons proposed to the shareholding Suites, and the only sacrifices exacted of the non-slaveholding States. No other questions between them were agitated, except those which were involved in the gain or loss of more or less of free territory or of slave territory in the determination of the boundary between Texas and New Mexico, by a line that was at last arbitrarily made, ex pressly saving, eveu in tltme Territories, to the respective parlies, their respective shares of free soil and slave soil, according to the articles of annexation of the Republic of Texas. Again: There wen* alleged to be five open, bleeding wounds iu the Federal system, and tw more., which needed surgery, and to which the Com promise of 1850 Was to lie a cataplasm. We all know what they were: California without a Constitution ; New Mexico in the grasp of military power; Utah neglected; the District of Columbia dishonored; and the rend it ion of fugitives denied. Nebraska was not even thought of in this calaloguc of national ills. And now, sir, did the Nashville Convention of secessionists understand that, liesides the enumerated boons offered to the shareholding States, they weie to have also the obliteration of the Missouri Compromise line of 1820? If they did, why did they reject and scorn and scout at the ('ompwswt1 of 1800? Did the legislatures and public assemblies of the non slaveholding States, whomade your table groan with their remonstrances, understand that Ne braska was an additional wound to lie heaknl by the Compromise of 1850? If they did, why did they otnil to remonstrate against the heating of that, loo, as well as of the other five, by the cataplasm, the application of which they resisted so long J Again: Mad it t**en then known thai the Missouri Compromise wm to lie abolished, directly or indirectly, by the Compromise of 1400, what Kepnwentative fmm a non-slave holduig Slate would, at that day, hare voted i'or it ? Not one. What Senator from a slavcv holding State would hnve voted for it? Not one. So entirely was it then unthought of that the new Compromise was lo repeal the Missouri Compromise line of deg. .'It) min., in the region acquired from France, that one half of that long debate wan spent on propo sitious made by llepreoenlativea from slave holding States, to extend the line further on through the new territory we had acquired so recently from Mexico, until it should disappear in the waves of the Pacific Ocean, so as to se cure actual toleration of slavery in all ot this new territory that should be south of that line; and these propositions were resisted strenuous ly and successfully lo the last by the Kepre (tentative* of the non slaveholding States, in order, if it were possible, to save the whole of those regions for the theatre of free labor. I admit ihut tliehc are only negative proofs, although they are pregnant with conviction. Hut here is one which is not only allirmative, but positive, and not more positive than con elusive: In the fifth section of the Texas Boundary bill, one of the acts constituting the Compro mise of l&iO, are these words: " Provided, That nothing herein contained Khali be oiiMtrawl to impair or qualify anything contained ia the third article of the second section of th* jolat resolution for annexing Texas to the I nite^tate*. approved March 1, 1846, either a* regard* the Bom ber of States that may herealter be formed out of the Staio of Tex aa, or otherwise." What was that third article of the sec<?nd section of the joint resolution for annexing Texas? Here it is: " New States, of convenient air.e, not exceeding four In number, in addition to said State of Texas, having suflicient population, may hereafter, by the consent of said State, be formed nut of the territory thereof, which shall he entitled to admission under the pro visions of the Federal Constitution. And mich State* as may be formed nut. of that portion of said terri tory lying south of Hi drg m min. north latitude, comm nly known as tha Missouri Compromise line, shall bo admitted into the Union with or without Slavery, as the people of each State asking admission may desire And in such State or States as shall be formed out of said territory north of said Missouri Compromise line, slavery or involuntary servitude (except (or eriuie) shall be prohibited." This article saved the Compromise of l&K), in express terms, overcoming any implication of its ahrogntion, which might, by accident or otherwise, hnve crept into the Compromise of 1600) and any inferences to that effect, that might be drawn from any such circumstance as that of drawing the boundary line of Utah so as lo trespass on the Territory of Nebraska, dwelt upon by tbe Senator from Illinois. The proposition to abrogate tbe Missouri Compromise, being thus stripped of the pre tence that a is only a reiteration or a reaffirma tion of a similar abruption in tbe Compromise of |H.r?0, or a necessary eon sequence of (but measure, stands before us now u|mjii its own merits, whatever lliey may lie. Hut liere the Senator from Illinois challenges the assailants of these bills, on the ground that they were all opponents of the (Compromise of IHTifl. and even of that of 1820. Sir, it is not my purpose to answer in person to this chal lenge. The necessity, reasonableness, justice, and wisdom ol those ('oinpromises, are not in question here now. My own opinions on litem were, at a proper time, fully made known. I abide the judgment of my country and man kind upon thein. For the present, I meet tbe Committee who have brought this measure forward, 011 the Held lliey themselves have chosen, and the controversy is reduced lo two questions: 1st. Whether, by letter or spirit, the Compromise of 1820 abrogated or involved a luiure abrogation of the (Compromise of 1820? 2d. Whether this abrogation can now be made consistently with honor,justice,and good faith? As to my right, or that of any other Senator, to enter these lists, the credentials filed in the Secretary's office settles that question. Mine bear a seal, as broad and as firmly fixed there as any other, by a people as wise, as free, and as great, as any one of all the thirty-one lie publics represented here. But I will take leave to say, that an argu ment merely ad peramunn, seldom amounts to anything, more than an argument ad cuplan dittn. A life of approval of compromises, and of devotion to them, only enhances the obliga tion faithfully lo fulfil them. A life of disap probation ol the policy of compromises only renders one more earnest in exacting fulfilment ol them, when good and cherished interests are secured by them. ^ Thus much lor the report and the bills of the Committee, and for the positions of the parties in this debate. A measure so bold, so un locked for, so startling, and yet so pregnant as this, should have some plea of necessity. Is there any such necessity ? On the contrary, it is not necessary now, even if it be altogether wise, to establish Territorial Governments in Nebraska. Not less than eighteen tribes ol In dians occupy that vast tract, fourteen of which, 1 am informed, have been removed there by our own act, and invested with a fee simple to enjoy a secure and perpetual home, sale from the intrusion and the annoyance, and even from the jn-esence of the white man, and under the paternal care of the Government, and with the instruction of its teachers and ntechauics, to acquire the arts of civilization and the habits of social life. I will not say that this was dtg|e to prevent that Territory, because, denied u> slavery, from being occupied by free white men, and cultivated with free white labor; but I will say, that this removal of the Indians there, under such guarantees, has bad that ef f<*cl. The Territory cannot be occupied now, any more than heretofore, by savages and white men, with or without slaves, together. Our exjierience and our Indian policy alike remove all dispute from this point. Either these preserved ranges must still remain to the Indians hereafter, or the Indians, whatever temporary resistance against removal they may make, must retire. Where shall they go? Will you bring them back again across the Mississippi ? There is no room for Indians here. Will you send them northward, beyond your Territory of Nebraska, towards the British border ? That is already occupied by Indians; there is no room there. Will you turn them loose upon Texas and New Mexico? There is no room there. Will you drive thein over the Rocky moun tains ! They will meet a tide of immigration there flowing into California from Europe and from Asia. Whither, then, shall they, the dis|>osseswd, unpitied heirs of this vast conti nent, go? The answer is, tunthrrt. If they remain in Nebraska, of what use are your Chartere? Of what harm is the Missouri Compromise in Nebraska, in that case? Whom doth it oppress ? No one. Who, ind<-ed, demands territorial organiza tion in Nebraska at all ? The Indians? No. It is to them the consummation of a long ap prehended doom. Practically.no one demands it. I am told that the whole white population, scattered here and then* throughout tkese broad regions, exceeding ill extent the whole of the inhabited part of the United Stales at the lime of the Revolution, is less than fifteen hundred, and that these are chiefly trappers, missionaries, and a few mechanics and agents employed by the Government, in connection with the administration of Indian affairs, and other persons temporarily drawn around the |mmI of Fort I/-.1 venworth. It is clear, then, that this abrogation of the Missouri ('ompro inise is not nen-ssary for tbe pur|N?se of entab lishing Territorial Governments in' Nebraska, but that, on the contrary. these bills, <>stablish ing such Governments, are only a vehicle for carrying, or a pretext for carrying, that act of | abrogation. It is alleged, that the non slaveholding States have forfeited their rights in Nebraska, under the Missouri Compromise, by first breaking that Compromise themselves. The argument is, that the Missouri Compromise line of IK deg. .10 min., in tbe region acquired from France, although corresponding lo that region which was our westernmost possession, was, never!heless, understood as intruded to be pros p?slively applied also to the territory reaching thence westward to tbe Pacific Ocean, which we should afterwards acquire from Mexico; and that when afterwards, having acquired these Territories, including California, New Mexico, and Utah, we were engaged in 1848 in extending Governments over (hem, the free Sta(??s refused to extend that line, on a propo sition lo thai effect made by the honorable Sen alor from Illinois. Il need only Is- staled, in refutation of this argument, that the Missouri Compromise law, like any other statute, was limited by the ex tent of the subject of which it treated. This subject was the Territory of l<ouisiana. ac quired from Fmnce, whether the name wen more or less, then in our lawful and |>eaceful posw-ssion. The length of the line of 36 ileg :*) min. established by the Missouri Compro misc. was the distance between ihe parallels of longitude which were ihe borders of that pos session. Young America?I mean aggrandi zing, conquering America?had not yet hern l?orn ; nor was the statesman then in being, who dreamed that, within thirty years after wards, we should have pushed our adventur ous way, not only across the Rocky Mountains, but also across ihe Snowy Mountains. Nor did any one then imagine, ihnt even if we should hnve done so within the |ieriod I have named, we were then prospectively carving iip and dividing, not only the mountain passes, but the Mexican Empire on the Pacific, coast, between Freedom and Slavery. If such a proposition had been made then, and jwrsisled in, we know enough of the temper of 1820 to know this, viz: lhal Missouri and Arkansas would have stood outside of the Union until even this por tentous day. The time, for aught I know, may not lie thirty years distant, when the convulsions of the Celestial Empire and the decline of British sway in India shall have opened our way into the regions beyond the Pacific Ocean. I desire lo know now and Is- fully certified of ihe geo graphical extent of ihe laws we are now pass ing, so lhal there may be no such mistake here after as I hat now complained of here. We are 1 now confiding lo Territorial legislatures the power to legislate on slavery. Are the Territories ? Nebjwka and Kansas alone within the pur view of these actB I Or do they reach to the Paci hcooast andembracealso Oregon and Washing ton/ Du dley slop there, or do they take in China and India and Afghanistan, even to the gigantic ha*, of tlie Himalaya Mountains? Ho they stop there, or, on the contrary, do they en circle the earth, and, meeting us again on the Atlantic coast, embrace the islands of Iceland | Greenland, and exhaust themselves on the barren coasts ot Greenland and Labrador ? Sir, II the Missouri Compromise neither in its spirit nor by its letter extended the line of deg. .*? mm. beyond the confines of Louisi ana, or beyond the then confines of the United States, for the terms are equivalent, then it was Kill1. ?" Missouri Compromise in 1W4H to reluse to extend it to the subsequently acquired possessions of Texas, New Mexico and < ahlornia. But suppose we did refuse toextend it; how did that refusal work a forfeiture of our vested rights under it ? 1 desire to know that Again; If this forfeiture of Nebraska oc curred in 18-18, as the Senator charges, how does it happen that he not only failed in 18.r>0 when the parties were in court here, adjusting' their mutual claims, to demand judgmem against the Iree States, but, on the contrary even urged that the same old Missouri Com-' promise line, yet held valid and sacred, should be extended through to the Pacific Ocean? I come now to the chief ground of the de fence of this extraordinary measure, which is hat it abolishes a geographical line of division between the proper fields of free labor and slave labor and relers the claim between (hem to the people of the Territories. Even if this great change of policy was actually wise and neces sary, [ have shown that it is not necessary to make it now, in regard to the Territory of Ne braska. 11 it would be just elsewhere, it would be unjust in regard to Nebraska, simply because lor ample and adequate equivalents, fully re' ceived you have contracted in effect not to abolish that line there. But why is this change of policy wise or necessary It must be because either that the extension of slavery is no evil, or because you have not the power to prevent it at all, or be cause the maintenance of a geographical line is no longer practicable. I know that the opinion is sometimes ad vanced, here and elsewhere, that the extension of slavery, abstractly considered, is not an evil ? hut our laws prohibiting the African slave trade are still standing on the statute book, and ex press the contrary judgment of the American Congress and of the American People. I pass on, therefore, from that point. Sir, I do not hke, more than others, a eeo graphicul line between Freedom aud Slavery But it is because I would have, if it were pos ?tble, all our territory free. Since that cannot be, a line of division is indispensable; and nnv line is a geographical line. The honorable and very acute Senator from North t arolina |Mr. Badger] has wooed us most persuasively to waive our objections to the new principle, as it is called, of non interven tion, by assuring us that the slaveholder can only use slave lalsir where the soils and climates favor the culture of tobacco, cotton rice, and sugar. To which I reply : None of them find these congenial soils or climates at the sources of the Mississippi, ?r in the valley of the Rocky Mountains. Why, then, does he want to remove the inhibition there ? But again : That Senator reproduces a pleas ing fiction of the character of slavery from the Jewish history, aud asks, Why not allow the nutatni patriarchji to go into new regions with their slaves, as their ancient prototyijes did, to make them more comfortable and happy ^ And he tells us, at the same time, that this in dulgence will not increase ihe number of slaves I reply by asking, first. Whether slavery has gamed or lost strength by the diffusion of it w n51 Sl,rfa('<' ,l,an 11 formerly covered ? Will the Senator answer that? Secondly 1 quite admire the simplicity of the patriarchal limes. But they nevertheless exhibited some |mh uliar institutions quite incongruous with modern Republican ism, not to say Christianity nftmHy, trial ol a latitude of construction of the marriage contract, which has lieen <-arri?-d by one class of so-called patriarchs into Utah. Cer tainly, no one would desire to extend that pecu ur institution into Nebraska. Thirdly, slave holders have also a peculiar institution, which makes them fnUUtral patriarchs. They reckon five of their slaves a? equal to three freemen in forming the basis of federal representation. If these patriarchs insist upon carrying their in solution into new regions, north of 3G deg. 3o nun., I respectfully submit, that they ought to reassume the modesty of their Jewish prede eessors, and relinquish this |>olilical feature of the system ihey thus seek to extend. Will they do that f Some Senators have revive,! the argument that the Missouri Compromise was unconsiitu lional. But it is one of the peculiariti<-s of compromises, that constitutional objections, like all others, are buried under them by those who make and ratify them, for the obvious reason that the parties at once waive them, aud re ceive equivalents. Certainly, the slavehokl.ne Mali-*, which waived their constitutional oh jc tions against the Compromise uf and accepted equivalents therefor,cannot bealfowed to revive and oiler them now as a reason for re fusing to the uon slaveholding States their rights under that Compromise, without first restoring the equivalents which they received on coodition of surrendering their constitutional oiiiHiums For argument's sake, however, let ibis reply lie waived, and let uk look at thin constitutional objection. Vou my that the effluxion of slavery by the Missouri Compromise reaches through nn?l beyond the existence of the region organized as a Territory, and prohibits slavery miitvKR, even in the Slates to he organized out of such Territory, while, on the contrary, the States, when admitted, will be sovereign, and must have exclusive jurisdiction over slavery for themselves. I<et this, too.begranted. Hut < 'ongress, according to the Constitution, " may admit new States." If Congress may admit, then Congress may also refuse to admit that is to say, may reject new State*. The greater includes the less; therefore. Congress may admit, on condition that the Stales shall exclude slavery. If such a condition should he accepted, would it not be binding 1 It in by no means necessary, on this occasion, to follow the argument further to the question, whether such a condition is in conflict with the constitutions! provision, that the new States re ceived shall he admitted on an equal footing with the original States, liecause, in this case, and at present, the question relates not to the admission of a State, but to the organization of a Territory, and the exclusion of slavery with in the Territory while its tfatm as a Territory shall continue, ami no further. Congress has Ciwer to exclude slavery in Territories, if they ive anv power to create, control, or govern Territories at all, for this simple reason : that find the authority of Congress over the Terri u>ries wherever you may, there you And no ex ception from that general authority in favor of slavery. If Congress has no authority over slavery in the Territories, it has none in the District of Columbia. If, then, you abolish a law of Freedom in Nebraska, in order to es tablish a new policy of abnegation, then true consistency requires that you shall also abolish the Slavery laws in the District of Columbia, and Submit the question of the toleration of slavery within the District to its inhabitants. If you reply, lhat the District of Columbia has no local or Territorial legislature, then I rejoin, so also has not Nebraska, and so also has not Kansas. You are calling a Territorial Legi<>laiure into existence in Nebraska, and another iu Kansas, to assume the jurisdiction on the subject of slavery, which you renounce. Then consistency demands thai you call into existence a Territorial Legislature in the Dis trict of Columbia, to assume the jurisdiction here, which you must also renounce. Will you do this? We shall see. To come closer to the question : What is this principle of abnegating National authority, on the subject of slavery, iu lavor of the People ! Uo you abnegate all authority, whatever, in the 'Territories ? Not at all; you abnegate only authority over slavery there. l)o you abnegate even that I No; you do not and you cannot. In the very act of abnegating you legislate,aud enact that the StaU*s to be hereafter organized shall come in whether slave or free, as their in habitants shall choose. Is not this legislating not only on the subject of slavery in the Terri tories, but on the subject of slavery even in the future States ? In the very act of abnegating, you call iulo being a Legislature which shall' assume the authority which you are renounc ing. You not only exercise authority in that act, but you exercise authority over slavery, when you confer on tht4 Territorial Legislature the power to act upon that subject. More than this : In the very act of calling that Territorial Legislature into existence, you exercise au thority in prescribing who may elect and who may be elected. You even reserve to your selves a veto upon every act that they can pass as a legislative body, not only on all other sub jects, but even on the subject of slavery itself. Nor can you relinquish that veto; lor it is absurd to say that you can create an agent, and depute to him the legislative authority of the Ignited States, which your agent cannot at your ovvu pleasure remove, and whose acts you can not at your own pleasure disavow and repudi ate. The Territorial Legislature is your agent. Its acts are your own. Such is the principle that is to supplant the ancient policy?a prin ciple full of absurdities and contradictions. Again : You claim that this policy of abne gation is based upon a democratic priaciple. A democratic principle is a principle opposed to some other that is despotic or aristocratic. You claim and exercise the power to institute and maintain government in the Territories. Is this comprehensive power aristocratic or des potic ? If it be not, how is the partial power aristocratic or despotic ? You retain authority to appoint Governors, without whose consent no laws can be made on any subject, and Judges, without whose consideration no laws can be executed, and you retain the power to change them at pleasure. Are these powers, also, aristocratic or despotic? If they are not, then the exercise of legislative power by yourselves is not. If they are, then why not renounce them also? No, no. This is a far-fetched excuse. Democracy is a simple, uniform, logical system, not a system of arbitrary, con tradictory, and conHicting principles! But you must nevertheless renounce National authority over slavery iu the Territories, while you retain all other powers. What is this but a mere evasion of solemn responsibilities ? The general anthority of Congress over the Terri tories. is one wisely confided to tjie National Legislature, to save young and growing com munities from the dangers which beset them in their state of pupilage, and to prevent them from adopting uny policy that shall be ut war with their own lasting interests, or with the general welfare of the whole Republic. The authority over the subject of slavery is that which ought to be renounced last of all, in fa vor of Territorial Legislatures, liecause, from the very circumstances of tne Territories, those Legislatures are likely to yield too readily to ephemeral influences, and interested offers of favor and patronage. They see neither the great Future of the Territories, nor the com prehensive and ultimate interests of ihl* whole Republic, as clearly as you see them, or ought to see them. I have heard sectional excuses given for supporting this measure. I have beard Sena tors from the slaveholding States say (hat they ought not to be expected to stand by the lion slaveholding States, when they refuse to stand by themselves; that they ought not to 1m? ex- I peeled to refuse the boon offered to the slave holding States, since it is offered by the non [ slaveholding Slates themselves. I not only confess the plausibility of these excuses, but I | feel-the justice of the reproach which they j imply against the nun slaveholding Stair's, as far as the assumption is true. Nevertheless, ! Senators Irom the slaveholding Slates must consider well whether that assumption is, in | any considerable degree, founded in fact. If i one or more Senators from the North decline j to stand by the non-slaveholding States, or I offer a l?oon in their name, others from that | region do, nevertheless, stand firmly on their I rights, ami protest against the giving or the acceptance of the boon. It has been said that | the North does not speak oui, so as to enable ; you to decide between the conflicting voices of her Representatives. An* you quite sure you j have given her timely notice? Have you not, 4>n the contrary, hurried this measure li>rward, f to anticipate her awaking from the slumber of 1 conscious security into which she has been lulled by your last '-ouipromise ? Have you not heard already the quick, sharp protest of ; 'he Legislature of the smallest of the non | slaveholding States, Rhode Island 1 Have ! you not already heard the deep toned and 1 earnest protest of the greatest of those States, i New York ? Have you not already heard re j monstrances from the Metropolis, and from the ; rural districts 1 Do you doubt thai this is only the rising of ihe agitation that you profess lo believe is at rest forever ? Do you forget I thai, hi all such transactions as these, the peo pie have a reserved right lo review the acts of Iheir Representatives, and a right to demand a reconsideration ; that there is in our legislative practice a form of at knactmkkt, as well as au act of repeal; and that there is in our politi cal system provision not only for abrogation, but for RKSToaATioN also ? Senators from the slaveholding Stales : You are politicians as well as statesmen. Let me 1 remind you, therefore, that political movements in this country, as in all others, have their | times of action and reaction. The pendulum | moved up the side of freedom in 1840, and ( swung back again in 1844 on the side of slavery, traversed the dial in I848,and touched 1 even Ihe mark of the Wilmot Proviso, and re turned again in 1898, reaching even the height of the Baltimore Platform. Judge for your selves whether it is yet ascending, and whether it will attain the height of ihe abrogation of the Missouri Compromise. That is the mark you are fixing for it. For myself, I may claim lo know something of the North. I see in the changes of ihe limes only the vibrations of the needle, trembling on its pivot. I know that in due time it will settle ; and when it shall have settled it will point, as it must point forever, to the same constant polar star, that sheds down freedom broadly wherever 't pours forth ils mild, but Invigorating light. Mr. President, I have nothing to do, here or elsewhere, with personal or psrtv motives. But I come to consider the motive which is publicly assigned for this transaction. It is a desire to secure permanent peace and harmony on the subject of slavery, by removing all occasion for its future agitation in the Federal liegislature. Was there not peace already lipre? Was | there not harmony as perfect as is ever possible in the country, when this measure was moved I in the Senate a month ago? Were we not, and was not the whole nation, grappling with that one great, common, universal interest, the opening of a communication between two ocean frontiers, and were we not already reckoning upon the quick and busy subjugation of nature throughout the interior of the continent to the uses of man, and dwelling with almost raptur ous enthusiasm on the prospective enlarge nieut ?.l our commerce in the East, and of our political sway throughout the world f And what have we now here hut the oblivion of death covering the very inetuory of thoae great enterprises, and prospects, and liopcs ! Senators from the noil slaveholding Stales ? * oil waul peace. Think well, 1 beseech you belore you yield the price now demanded,even lor peaee and rent from slavery agitation. I' ranee has got peaee from llepublican agiia J lion l.y a similar sacrifice. So has Poland ; so lias Hungary ; and so, at last, has Ireland. Is the peace which cither ol lliose nations enjoys worth tbw price it cost I Is peace, obtained at such cost, ever a lasting peace / Senators from the slaveholding Stales ; You, too, suppose that you are securing peace as well as victory in this transaction. I tell you now, us I (old you in J8fi0, that it is an error, an unnecessary error, to suppose, that because you exclude slavery Irom these Halls to day, that it will not revisit them to morrow. You buried the Wilinot Proviso here then, and celt bra ted its obsequies with pomp and revelry. And here il is again to-day, stalking through ihese Halls, clad in complete steel as liefore. Kven if those whom you denounce as faction ists in the North would let it rest, you your selves must evoke it from its grave. The rea son is obvious. Say what you will, do what you will, here, the interests of the non slave holding Slates and of the slaveholding States remain just the same; and they will remain just the same, until you shall cease to cherish and defend slavery, or we shall cease *> honor and love freedom! You will not cease to cherish slavery. Do you see any signs that we are becomiug indifferent to freedom ? On the contrary, that old, traditioual, hereditary senti ment ol the North is more profound and more universal now than it ever was before. The slavery agitation you deprecate so much is an eternal struggle between Conservatism and Progress, between Truth and Error, between Right and Wrong. You may sooner, by act ol Congress, compel the sea to suppress its upheavings, and the round earth to extinguish its internal tires, than oblige the human mind to cease its inquiring*, and the human heart to desist from its throbbings. Suppose then, for a moment, that this agita tion must go on hereafter as heretofore. Then, hereafter as heretofore, there will be need, on both sides, of moderation; and to secure moder ation, there will lie need of mediation. Hither to you have secured moderation by means of compromises, by tendering which, the great Mediator, now no more, divided the people of the North. But then those in the North who did not sympathize with you in your com plaints ol aggression from that quarter, as well as those who did, agreed that it compromises should be effected, they would lie chivalrously kept on your pari. 1 cheerfully admit that they have been so kept untii now. Hut hereafter, wheu having taken advantage, which in the North will be called fraudulent, of the last of those compromises, to become, as you will lie called, the aggressors, by breaking the other, as will lie alleged, in violation of plighted faith and honor, while the slavery agitation is risin" higher than ever before, and while your ancient ! friends, and those whom you persist in regard- ! iug as your enemies, shall have b?>en driven to geiher by a common and universal sense of your injustice, what uew mode of restoring peace and harmony will you then propose? W hat Statesman will there be in the South, then, who can bear the flag of truce ? What Statesman in the North who can medinte the acceptance of your new proposals 7 If, however, I err in all this, let us suppose that you succeed in suppressing political agita tion ol slavery in National affairs. Neverthe less, agitation of slavery must go on in some lortn; for all the world around you is engaged in it. It is, then, high time for you to consider where you may expeel to meet it next. I much mistake if, in that case, you do not meet it there where we, who once were slaveholding States, its you now are, have met, and, happily for us, succumbed liefore it?namely, inthelegwUtive halls, iu the churches and schools, and at the fireside, within the States themselves. It is an angel with which sooner or later every slave holding Slate must wrestle, aud by which it must lie overcome. Kven if, by reason of this measure, it should the sooner come to that |Miint, and although I am sure that you will not overcome freedom, but that freedom will over come you, yet I do not look even then for dis astrousor unhappy results. The institution* ol our country are so framed, that the inevi table conflict of opinion on slavery, as on every other subject, cannot otherwise than peace ful in its course aud beneficent in its terrains tion. Nor shall 1 ?? bate one jot of heart or hope," in maintaining a just equilibrium of the uon slaveholdmg Stales, even if this ill starred measure shall be adopted. The lino slave holding Slates are teeming with an increase of freemen?educated, vigorous, enlightened, en iiTprising freemen?such freemen as neither F.nglaud, nor, Koine, nor even Athens, ever reared. Halt a million of freemen from Ru rope annually augment that increase; and,ten )ears hence ball a million, twenty yavs hence a million,of freemen from Asia will augment it still more. You may obstruct, and so turn the direction of those peaceful armies away from Ne braska. So long as you shall leave them room on lull or prairie, by river side or in the moun tain fastnesses, they will dispose of themselves Ccefully and lawfully in the places you shall e left open to them ; and there they will erect new Slates Upon free soil, to lie forever maintained and defended by free arms, and aggrandized by free labor. American slavery, I know, has a large ami ever flowing spring, but it cannot pour forth its blackened tide in volumes like that I have described; If vou are wise, lbene tides of freemen aud of slaves will never meet, for they will not voluntarily com mingle; hut if, nevertheless, through your own erroneous policy, their repulsive currents must be directed against each other, so that they needs must meet, then it is easy to see, in that case, which of them will overcome the resist ance of the other, and which of them, thus overpowered, will roll hack lo drown 'the sources which sent il forth. " Man proposes, and C*od disposes." You may legislate and abrogate and abnegate as you will; but then* is a superior power that overrules all your actions, and all your refusals to ad ; and, I fondly hope and trust, overrules ihem to the advancement of the greatness and glory of our country?that overrules. 1 kftow, not only all your actions, and all your refusals to act, but all human event*, to the distant, but j inevitable result of the equal and universal lilierly of all men. HAVANA CIGARS, / \F the following rhoire brand* * ' Sy v* A Co.'i M C , l?t. In I lOtht, La Philanthrope in l-4th?. La Ado anion, in 1 -4th*; El Sol dp Huarvd, in l-4th*. Ueorjfe Washington, in 1 5th* ; Kl Consolation, in 1-Uh?. Ambrosia Londret, tot, I 10th*. I?o. 2d, I'5th*; Kl Etaeo. in 110th* ; La Cosmopolite. In i-.Mh*. Maria Antoinette Londres K>-galia, 1st, 1-10th*; Bs. do. do. Id, I-10th*; Espeniol* for le I'ronsado, in l-4th*; I ease " original " Victoria Londres, ft,000. Together with a flne assortment of Chewing To j Weo ftHRKELL A HAILEV, (Snoreseors to John B. Kibbev A Co.,) Jan 4 dfttif No. 5, opposite Centre Market. JOHN S. MANN, \TTORNEY AND COUNSELOR AT LAW, Couderaport, Potter connty, Penn Jen. F. MATTINGLY, AT, Cap, and Miseea' Flat Manufacturer, No. 7 ^ Washington Place, 7th atroet, between D and E, Wasbiugton, 1>. C. J*n 1 H new goods. 1 )ARKKR, at hi* Perfumery and Fane* Store, uu J. der the National Hotel, I'a. avenue, u justopen ing a now und complete stock of llood?, consisting, In part, of - GLOVES. Ladies and tleot'a Pari* Kid Glove*, all aiae* and ool or*. PERFUMERY. Extracts, from the house* of Lubin aud Prevo*t, Pari#, and Harrison, Philadelphia; Genuine German Cologne. Pomatum, Buiuf Marrow ; Cold Cream, Macassar Oil, W. I. Bay Rum , Low's Brown Windsor 6oap, Cleaver's Honey Soap; Lubin* Rose and Musk Roup*; Taylor's Transparent Balls. Ae., &o. BRUSHES English, French, and American Hair Bruahea, in one hundred different patterns, 1, 2, 3, 4, and 5 row Tooth Brushes, London made, for our sales expressly; Nail and Cloth Brushes, Ac , Ac , to. COMBS. Tuck Combs, latest Paris styles ; Shell, Buffalo, English cold prosaed Horn and India Rubber Dressing Coinbs; John Fen's premium ivory fine teeth Combs, and Pocket Coiuba. FOR SHAVING. Ouerlain's, Roussel's, and Harrison's Shaving Croatn; Military Cakes, and all other Shaving Soape ; Badger a hair Shaving Brushes, vary superior. PARKERS PREMIUM RAZOR STROP. Washington, March 12, 1849. We, the undersignod, having fairly tested Parkor'a Metallic Razor Strop Powder, tq which the Maryland Institute has awarded a premium, take great pleasure in certifying that it will keep the Raaor in fine, smooth shaving order, without the use of hone. J. Macphkkson Dkkkikn, U. S. Senator. W. W. Skaton, Mayor of Washington. W. S. Arohkr, House of Representatives. Rev. T. M. Pka.sk, Washington City. Thomas J. Rusk, U. States Senator. Hiram Walbridge, Esq., New York oily. RAZORS. Wade A Butcher's, of our own importation; 'l'ally-Ho, from 25 cents to $1.25 each. ? Razors imported to order, and all warranted. J an* 2?d NEW AND ELEGANT SILKS, EMBROI DERIES, CLOAKS, &c. THE subscribers beg leave respectfully to invite the attention of the ladies ot the city and vicini ty to the following new and rich Qoodi, which have just been received, viz : 50 dresses extra rich Brocade Silks, for evenings ; 75 do. do. do. street; 25 do. do. Moru antique, watered; 15 do do. Mora antique, brocade; 10 do. do. black Brocade Silk; 12 do. do. flounced Brocade Silks; 10 pieces light colored plain Poult do Solo; 25 do. very rich plaid Silks ; 25 do. Silk Illusions, for party dresses, all col's; 30 do. watored and plain real Irish Poplins j 150 new style Paris-trimmed Chemisettes A Sleeves, In sets. 250 do. French embroidered Collars; 50 do. Frenoh embroidered, cambric Chemi settes and Sleeves, in sets ; 75 French embroidered Chemisettes and Sleeves, trimmed with Maltese. Honiton, and Valen ciennes Laces, very cheap; 150 pairs embroidered munlin and cambric Sleeves, 250 French ombr.oidered Handkfs a great variety ; 300 pieces English ami French Throad Laces; 25 velvet Cloaks, latest style ; 25 embroidered cloth Cloaks, latest style ; 25 plain and trimmed cloth Cloaks; 50 small Persian Scarfs, for the nook; 50 long Cashmere Shawls ; 25 richly-emhroidered whito crape Shawls; Together with a great variety of new and elegant articlca appropriate to tho season; all of which we are enabled to offer at reduced prices, having taken advantage of the advanced season to make our pur chases [Jan. 1| HOPE. BROTHER, A CO. M. SNYDER, BANKER and Exchange Broker, National Hotel Building, Pennsylvania avenue, Washington | city, D. C. J?n 11 BUTTER AND BUCKWHEAT. G10SHEN Butter, selected from Delaware county I Dairies. New York and Pennsylvania extra hulled Buckwheat, in barrels, half barrels, and bags. Tho beat Philadelphia butter in prints, for table uae. ! Supplies received weekly, and any quantity deliver ed to order. SHKKKLL A BAILKY, (Successors to J. B. Kibbey A Co..) Jan 2?dlwif No. 5, oppoaito Centre Market. ORANGE ami' AUMANDRIA RAILROAD! CHANttK OF HOURS. ON and after Thursday, October 6, 1853, daily _ trains (Sundays ex >epted) will be run over this r?ad. agreeably to the following arrangement A tralu f ?r Warrenton and intermediate points will leave the station, corner of Duke and Henry streets, Alexandria, at 81 o'clock A. M.; arrivoa at 11 A M Returning, will leave Warrenton at a quarter pas: 1 o'clock P. M., arriving in Alexandria at a quarter before 4 P. M. ? A train from Culpeper te Alexandria anu interme diate points will leave Culpeper at 7? o'clock A. M., arriviug in Alexandria at 10J o'elnek A. M. Returning, will leave Alexandria at 1} o clock P. M , arriving in Culpeper at 4} o'clock. A dally stage is running between Gordonsville anil Cal|>e|ier, in connection with the cera on this and th? Vi'Kinia t'entral Roada l%hrtmgh Tirlnti. To Oordonsvil e - ? W Tu Staunton J-jj? To Lvnchburg - ? ' To Winchester * _ For order W B BROCK KTT, Jan 7-d A**nt SEGARS! SEGARS! " I can't grt a dtctnl Stgar in Wtukingt m,'' I S a phrase hourly heard from strangers. In our city 1 Without admitting or denying its truth, the sul> nrrihvr determined to remedy the evil. To tbif and, Im has wado a list of every brand which any (t?ntle man has pronounced " the beat aegar I ever smoked, end with this document he haa proenred from the flret importers in New York, a atock of thoee choice brands, and now offers them to the poblic Every fumigator. who knowi a good aegar wheu be smells it. is requested to call and examine the stock JOHN R1S8FORD. Sign of Jim Crow, 7 doora eaat of National Hotel. Jau 2 -3m REGULAR LINE. NEW YORK, Alexandria, Washington, and tioorge town Packets Schooner Fairfax?C Penfle'd, mu!?r, I>o Kmpirn?Kufus Knapp, milter Do. Statesman?J D Cnthell, uutir Uo Washington ? J Kondrick, outer Do. SsMt?r?W Kirby, master Do. Hamilton?A bijtoi, muter D.>. Arlington? H. Lewis, master. Do Arctic?Oeorjp1 Wilson, master. The above packet* hnvii.R resumed their weekly | tr ip-i. shipper* are notiAod that one ol them will pos itivoly clear from New York on everj Saturday, (or nftcnnr If necessary,) and that this punctuality may be depended upon during the year, until interrupted by ice STURUES. CLKAKMAN. A CO., 110 Wall street, New York. S. S11INN A 8<>N, Alexandria _Jan. 7~d_ F A A_ 11 DODWK, Georgetown. _ TO WMTKKK RRtUMU HIHlN AWtM'M ! Tionn. rpHK Proprietor of I ho Philadtlphni Aii/f Rtgu 1 ler, an independent, commercial, literary, and political paper, offers to send it gmi mrtnttty, for one year, to Mi of the moet frequented reading rooms, ' whether in hutch or elsewhere, in Western Pennsyl vania, Western New York, Ohio, Indiana, Michigan. Illinois, Missouri, Iowa, and Wisconsin, and for two dollars, |?yahU in advance, to AMI others, situated I in tho di?trict? nnd States above mentioned. The only condition is, that at Inast si* of the latest num ber* shall be constantly kept on lie for tho use of the public. The nnrnns should be forwarded at once to the Editor and Proprietor, WILLIAM BIRNEY, Feb. 1<?2t Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. H. C. WAI.BOR* * CO., WHOLESALE and retail premium ready made shirt and collar manufactory, and gentlemen ? furnishing store, Nos. 7 and ? North Sixth street, Phil adelphia On hand a large assortment of shirts, col lars, drees stocks, gloves, hosiery, Ac., which we will 1 sell at the lowest cssh prices. Shirts and wrapper* made to order by measure ment and warranted to give satisfaction. WM. W. ENIUHT, Jan. M 3m R C. WALBORN. ORORHK Vt . II1LUN, Attorney and Councilor at Isxw, Cmtrtvill*, Indiana, WILL attend to the s?<-nring nnd collecting of claims, and sll other business intrusted to his care, in the counties of Wayne, Randolph. Henry, Union, anil Fayntte. and in the Supreme and Federal Courts at Indianapolis. Doc 22 61LKAM HAIR DTE. The bent article ever used, as hundreda eun testify in thia city and surrounding country R-*d' OIL MAN'S LIQUID HAIR DYE ehttug ?a the hair to a brilliant jet lihu-l or gtossy Brount, which ia permanent?doe* uot nla.ui or in any way in jure the skiu No article over yet invouted which will compare with it. We would adviae all who have gray haira to buy it, for it never fath. - Bon on Pot'. Z. D. OILMAN, Chemist, Waabingtoii city, Invent or and Hole Proprietor For aale by Druggists, Hair -Dressers, and De*ltr? iu Fancy Artiolea, throughout tho United Stuten J. F. AS PER, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Warreu, Trumbull co , 0. Office No. Market atreet. Jan 7 d HENRY JANNEY, SIIOB DEALER, and Fashionable Boot Mukoi Pennaylvania Avenue, between Browns' Hotel and Seventh atreet, Washington Jan 2?3m REMOVAL! HENRY JANNEY'8 Boot and Shoe Store and Manufactory, for the laet teniv uurs located on Uth street, near the General l'oat Office, waa removed to Pennaylvania Avenue, between Browns Hotel and 7th atreet, where the proprietor has spared no paina or expense in fitting up an eatabliabuient oommenau rate with the great increase in the business of the houae. The aabacriber tenders hia most cordial and grate ful acknowledgments to hia friends and patrons for their long-continued favors, and will be pleaaed to meet them iu hia new house. I have a very well assorted atock of Boota and Shoea, of Freucb, New York, Eastern, and my own make, embracing every atyle and variety, to which I invite the attention of membera of Congreaa, and eiti fenagenerally. HENRy JANNEY. Ponn. a v., north side, between Browns' Hotel Jan. 2 and 7th st., third door from the latter. From the United StaUi Argus. To thoso persons who may visit Washington, and are in want of a boot that cannot be excelled, either in quality or workmanship, we would call their atten tion to the card of Henry Janney, to lie found under the bead of " Washington." A handsome and neat ly-made boot ia not at all times a source of pleasure to tho wearer, but often one of exLreme torture; this ia caused by the bungling manner in which the boot is fitted to the foot. Mr, Janney bos devoted much of hia time in studying the construction of the human loot, in order to ascertain how a boot should be cut and fitted, that will be perfectly easy to all parts of tho foot. In this he has succeeded, so that it matters not what may be the shape of. or tho number of corns on the foot, his boot is perfectly easy. Thus be has combined beauty with comfort. CAMERON'S GENERAL AGENCY and Insurance Office, 3 Co lumbia Plaoe, (2 doors north of Louisiana ave nue,) Seventh street, (east side,) Washington. D. C Claims before Congrats and the different Depart ments. Jan. I? d " CHINA, CHINA, CHINA! CS. FOWLER A, CO. (store in Odd Fellows' Haft, ? 7th atreet) have just completed opening a large assortment of CHINA, QUEENSWARE, andGLASS, making their stock at this time equal to any in tho country ; consisting in part as follows, vii: Decorated gold band and plain white French China Dinner, Desert, Tea, and Breakfaat Bets, and de tached pieces, such as Fruit Baskets, Compotiers, Casseroles, ornaments for dining tables, and Punch Bowls. India China, in dinner and tea sets, and detached pioues. Iron Stone China, decoratcd, flowing blue, and white dinner, tea, breaklost, and toilet seta, and detach ed pieces, in every pattoin and shape Also, in great variety? Dresden, Terra-cotta, Parian, and French China; Vases, Card Receivers, Jewel Stands; Candlesticks, Motto Cupa and Saucers; Mugs, Pitchers, Ac GLASSWARE, rich cut and engraved Crystal straw, stom, and Pressed Goblets ; Champagnes. Wines, Cordials, and Tumblers; Finger Bowls, Water Bottles, Spoon Holders; Toilet Bottles, Cologne Bottles, Globes, Lamps, rich and plain Decanters ; Cut and pressed Bowls, and silvered Bowl*; Solar, Etherial, Hall, and Hide Lamps, Candelabra*, Uiraudolos, rich and plain Castors; Britannia Coffee Urns, Tea Sets, covered and un covered ; Pitchers. Punch and Molasses Pitchers; Fine Cutlery and Albata Forka, Spoons, Ac , of the moat approved and latest patterns, Also, Block Tiu Coffee ('ma, Biggins, Teapots Plate Warm era, Egg Boilers, Ac. With an endless* variety of goods not named, which we reapeetfiilly invito straugers and citizens to call and examine before purchasing elsewhere. Storekeeper* and country luerchauta will find it to tbeix advantage to buy of na, aa our Cacilitiea are eijtial to any other importiua! bouse in the United State*, and we are determined to sell as low. N. B. Goods carefully put up for the country l.y an experienced paekcr, and delivered free of charge in any part of the city. Jan. 2?dtl' RELIGIOUS BOOK DEPOSITORY. RAY A BALLANTYNK. Seventh street, two vl doora above Odd Fellows Hall, have the only Depository in thia city of the publicationa of the American Bible Society, Methodirt Book Concern , Robert Carter A Brothers, Presbyterian Board, American Tragi Society, Evangelical Knowledge Society; American Sunday School Union, New England and Ma?sachusetts Sabbath School So cieties , and all the principal Religious Publishers It ia therefore apparent that their atock of Stand ard Theological Works and general Religious Litera turc most he unoqualled They always keep an extensive assortment of all the Hymns used in the different choreb<?. family and Ckot Bibles and Prayer Books, in plain and superb dings Attractive and choice Juveniles, embracing nearly all of the moat useful and entertaining Books for the young, published. School Books, of all the kinds used in the oity and country schools, at New York priees Blank Books, Staple and Fancy Stationary Pocket Knivua, Portmonnaies, Portfolios, Writing Desks, Ac Jan. ??d ANOTHER NEW BOOK, By tkt Author of tk* ? Wide. Wide World.'* GA RLE RINK EN hisChristmas Stockings Beau tifully illustrated Price, 75 cents , (jilt, $1.25 The Bow in the Cloud , or, Covenant Mercy Tor (be Afflicted. Numemu< engravings Price, $3 r?0 ttled Tidings . or. The Gospel of Peaee Price, 6.1 cts Popular Legends of Brittany. Illustrated Price, 75 nali. Spiritual Progress, or. Instruction* in the Divine Life of the Soul From (ho French of F'nllon and Madamo Guy on Price, 75 cent*. The Old and the New n\ The Change* of Thirty Year* in the Kant By Wm Goodoll Prioe, $1 25 Old Sight* with New Eyes I'rice, $1 Conversion It* Theory and "Process By Rev T. Spencer. Price, f 1 15 Autobiography of Rev J B Finlay , or, Pioneer Life in the W e?t Price, $1 Chriat in History; or, Tho Central Power am?ng Men By Robert Turnhull, D. D Price, $1 25 ORAY A BALLANTYNE 7th nt. Jan 4 d2 2 doors above Odd Fellows'Hall SERVANT WANTED G< OOI> Wages will be paid to a colored woman com I" patent to do the work of a small tamily Inquire over Mr Edmonston's Shoe Store, 7th street, near E Jan. 3 ?d3t EZRA C. SEAMAN, ATTORNEY ani Counsellor at Law iMroit, Mich igan, will practice in the Slate an.I United Ktat<? Courts attend to securing and collecting debts, and to investigating titles to lands in any pari of the Stain of Michigan. Jan. ft? d DUTCH CHKKSE-DUTCH HER RINGS. GENUINE "Edatn " (ftwN, in cases of 2 doien each, in primo onlor. Genuine Dutch herrings, in small kegs, in good order. 8HKKKLL A B AILEY, (Successor* to J. B Kibbey k Co..) Jan. 2?dfttif No. 5, oppoaite Centre Market . D. CAMPBELL, OADDLER, Hnrneaa, and Trnnk Maker, Pennsyl O vania avenue, a few doors east of the National Hotel, City of Washington. Jan. 2 In NEW YEAR'S PR Ml NTS AT SHILLING TON'S BOOKSTORE. ANNUALS of the most splendid binding Elegant editions of the Poets. A beautiful assortment of Juvenile Books, Episco pal and Catholic Prayer Books. Toy Books. Portfo lioa. Portmonnaies, Albums, and everything in the fancy stationery line, for sale at 8HII.LINHTON 8 BOUKgTOBl. Odeon Building' eor *4 st and Pennsylrauia air. Jan. J? 3w