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L1T81AKV MISCBLUNV. For the H atloaal Bra. TO OBNAFAB BY WILLIAM ALSEST BUTUrf* I hw the shrill December wind About my window playing, And put the backward-swinging blind Tbi now moon * rays come strsying, Upon a thousand bill* at rest The spotless snows w? gloaming, And giving back from earth's chill breast The chillier starlight streaming. The tremulous eve star drops IU ray Behind the hill topi lonely, With stnile, whioh, striving to b? g?y, Goes out in sadness only; A* if it fain, before farewell, Would droam some fond awaking, But o'er Its retrospection ?well Earth's thousand years of aching. I would not think of thee to-night" Another time were fitter, When airs are light, and ikies we bright, And memory leu bitter; When summer daye come o'er the sea, And heart and pulse are beating, When memory of thy voioe might b? The harbinger of meeting It is in vain! thy visloued face Still looks from out the distance. As wheu, In the retreating days, Thou would'st have given assistance; With earnoit eyes that would have smiled To hide the pain of parting, And grief that would not be beguiled To keep the tears from starting. I cannot deem thou thinkest less On him the world hath driven Alar into life's wilderness, Porchance, afar from Heaven; I may not think the newer claim, Of later friendship's rearing, Should make his seldom-spoken name Fall duller on thy hearing. I dare not dream the leagues between, With long interposition, Should make his face, no longer seen, Fall dimmer on thy vision; But through the wast* of stricken years. Thy prayers go up to Heaven. For one of Life's poor mariners, Athwart the wild sea driven. I have not knelt for any boon, My poor, proud spirit pawning? And if the world gave bitter words, I gave it only soorning; Then, ifmy griofgrew passionate, 5one looked upon my weeping, ?xoept the distant, holy stars, That watch the earth a-sleeping. I've passed among the siily crowd. Nor faltered at their gaiing\: With knee unbent, wd head unbowed, jUekless of blame or praising. False smiles and cheer died out afar, The broad world lay before me? Beit like a distant, cloudless star, Thy friendship still beams o'er me. I have not stopped, with smoothed brow, At wayside shrines for praying; Dark thoughts would deepen to a curse pare word I was sejiag I scarce reeall the gentle themes I learned in childhood, kneeling, Beside that one whoee qniet voice ?omes slowly o'er mo stealing Bat tru'?n ??r0M th* broad-sunned plain, AmA o'er the craggy mountain. I lonred tetfool my burning brain At some Fissian fonatainj Foul dust had the libed brim. Bart eypr-s, o'er Had made the very sunlight dim. With their funereal screening Then muse net at the weary strain! I Ma weald have it gladder; But should I strike the lyre s?ain. Its notes would he still sadder. With hopeful lowers it should he wreathed. To make its tones he gayer, Yet every note, per force, It breathed Would hat bemoek the player. Now dimmer gleets' the waste of snows Athwart the hills they lie on; And high above their white repose Beams triple-starred Orion Good night! broad Nature's holy oalm Be round thy spirit closing; all the holy joy of dreams Upon thy soul reposing. Tm Qctirnow ?The 8t. Joseph Vallty Register *?ks for light oo thie question, being alarmed by Un Datum that the reform now so vigorously pjoseoated in England oon tempi atee the b,M?iahment of wneeors and sksar% ae wall as u/ more. This is a mi* No aatknrity ?."* ^ subject has yet adrooatsd letting the bea** wild, soy mors than the hair or lbs fin/***- naile )t must be trimmed and rendered neat and oidsrlv by art and toato. To leave it totally a."*"* for bs esaa snore ebjeotkmebla in of the reformer* than to ehave it off altoget^* Nnr York Trtinmt. Mis. Jtrrao*.?We learn by a from Hamilton, thnt the beaMi of this eminent My, ie oo bettor. She ie uble to eit up a small prntaon of each day, and is carried about the boom in a rooking- chair. No kope of bar rseovsiy ie entertained. Ska resnaias with bar i ? Utica Gazetti A New Cast.?A Lyons journal states, that a new pis* of baildmg oarm and other vehi- j oka baa bean diaootared, by whisk a boras can bs made to draw a load one-half heavier than ky oarte as al preeent ooaetruoted. The new ' ?ekfale baa four wkeeia, and Wkaa the bona ie kenaand, tks foremost pair oome to akant Ike middle of kis body. The WSlght ie throws on tke axles, and the vehicle ie oometruoted in snob a wey tkat It eofave the kens up to tba naak. I Soicioc is New York in 1853?Aooordug Is the ksoke of tks Ceroasre, the number of ^?bk Haw York last year wae flfty?aesr ^KnB tor aa?k week in tke year The ?number of oeaaa In one month (Marsh) ? lo May there was but oaa, and in ^^^?eoiy one. be men boned as a singular fact, tkat as histories am ami re, and lives, of eo aatod a statoameo ae Alexander Hamilton, do not glee tke name of bis wife! Even J. C. of New York, in writing tke lito of bee father, baa BMittad to aaeattoe tke name of kia own motker. Statistics, oarefoUy prepared, demonstrate tkat aearceiy one-fourth ofthe inhabitants ot PkBadstokto ate isgulei oburcb-goers while is Boston, it kae been aaosrtaiped tkat one kail [ait fltatod worshipper*. nryTh* Daily Era onu bfj had ?very atorniiif X. .W.J 8?d * **'? I * oban#*. Philadelphia; alw>. the Mwkly hjp. rry Mr. Jam its BlMot r U authorixed to rseslvs ?ad receipt for nubwripUoiw Hud ndvort??em?nU or ih? Daily and tb? Wwkly Nmttonal Era. In Ciuoin aati nod vicinity. WASHINGTON, D. C. TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 28, 1854. misrepresentation again "The organ " averts?" that, during the d'is cussiouti of 1850, the Missouri Compromise wan declared to have been expretwly repudiated; that it was denounoed as infamous to the Sen ate, and there was no reply to that denuncia tion until John P. Hale came to its defence; that even he admitted it to be without legal foroe or validity; that general priuoiplee were avowed in the Senate, wholly inconsistent with it; that the advocacy of it was deprecated in the House, as likely to prevont a peaceable ad justment of the pending controversy; that the Constitution?aB it was in 1819, before the Missouri Compromise?was demanded in Con gress, and the position taken there that the South would accept nothing less." To sustftiip this assertion, it relies alone upon the following allegations: j 1. June 12th, 1850, Judge Stephens, of Geor- j gia, declared before tho House, that " the Mis souri Compromise had been expressly repudia ted." 2. June 7th, of the same year, Mr. Root re marked " that the Democratic Party had made a great mistake in abandoning the Missouri Compromise policy for the new doottioe of In tervention." 3. May 28th, of the same year, l' John P. Hale oomplained that the Ordinance of 1787, identical in principle with the Missouri Com promise, and all legislation of like charac ter down to 1848, the Missouri Compromise/in cluded, had been denounced in the Senate as in famous, and not a word was said in reply /" 4. June 31, of the same year, " Mr. Douglas said: 411 would LEAVE THE WHOLE SUBJECT TO THE PEOPLE OF THE TERRITORIES THEMSELVES, and allow them to introduce or exolude Slavery, as they may see proper. I believe that that is the principle upon wnioh our institutions rent. I believe it is one of those rights to be oonoeded to Territories the moment they have Govern ments and Legislatures established for them " , 5. Jones, of the House, said, on the 5th of June: "I believe that to advocate the Missouri Com promise line at the present time, is, in effeot, to oppose a settlement of the agitating question wnioh uow threatens the integrity of the Union." 6. Upon the 8th of August. " Brown, of Mis sissippi, took grounds even more distinctly. He said: u Give utf the Constitution as it was ad MINISTERED FROM THE DAT OF ITS FORMATION to 1819, and we are satisfied. Up to that time, Congress never assumed to interfere in the re lation of master and servant. It extended over all, and gave to all an equal protection " * ? ? ? Less than this, we will not ac cept." Such a tissue of gross misrepresentation we have rarely seen. From the collocation of quo tations made in " the organ," one would infer that the Missouri Compromise had been under inn in 1850, and, after full deliberation, had been repudiated. The reoord of the pro ceeding of Congress, published in the Congres nonal Globe, shows that that Compromise was never under discussion, never brought up for action. Nobody proposed its repeal, nobody, its confirmation. The only question conneoted with it, which at any time came up for consideration, was, shall the polioy of the Missouri Compromise be applied to the Territories acquired from Mexico 1 In other words, the question was, not shall the old Compromise stand, but shall its polioy of a geographical line between Sla very and Freedom, be adopted as the basis of a new Compromise * The majority in Cougress refused to apply the polioy to the Territories just acquired, but nevwr touohed the polioy as already establish ed in the old Louisiana Territory. There is not % man in Coogress who does not know that what ws state is true Let us now attend to the allegations of "the organ " in their order r 1. It u not true that Judge Stephens made the declaration attributed to him. He said that " the extension of the Missouri Com pro wpimm line had been expressly repudiated"?not that the Missouri Compromise had been ex pressly repudiated. ' The organ" misquotes the Judge It should be added, that Mr. Ste pfofna was reproaching the Southern meo for <oing tor the acquisition of Mexican Territory, the Wilasot Proviso had been sanctioned by a majority of Congress, 'm |8*8, and the extends of the Missouri Comproaie* Jinje to the Pacific r?j?ct?d by a similar ms^rity. The allusion tdSfef Compromise was incidental 2 Mr. Root the *Wr,b uted to him: that t.W I?" hJ Mr Johnson, of Arkansas. W* ** of the extension of the Missouri Compromise line to the new Territories?said that jx>' icy had proved a happy one-had given tho oountry peace, union, and brottoarbood, f<r thirty years?had been adopted in relation to Texas and Oregon?should be applied to the present controversy?and, alluding to the doo trine of the Cass Nicholson letter, remarked, that " the Democratic party had ?aie a grea in the late canva*?, Hi abandoning tfce Missouri Coaspromiss policy" (not ths Missouri Compromise) " for the new doctrine of Noo-In tervention." I. John P. Hale never said anything of the and "the organ" knows it. What he did say, ws shall qnote from the reoord, with oat garbling his language, as "the organ" dees in another article Mr. Foots had spoken with great complacency of the ?otive advocates if the Omnibus BUI. as "the leading sobers of the Senate." Mr. Hale eaoght up thi* pkMWS, and in hie frequent attack* upon the Bill was aooustomed to quote it iromoally. On (h. iMk * M?J, 1M0, h. m?d? on. <**??. MrnMtif nyrrf'r.n which were so characteristic of hiss, in the eouas (4 which be said ?bo*, *r, what f he*-, been pni^d at tion. It wae denouooed as ' iufaatoot), sir, over ud over again. The official reporters of oar body, the proprietors of the Unio-n news paper, paid by the column, day after day, and week by week, deoounoe the measure aa 'in famous,' and of oouree everybody who supports it is infamous too; and we sit quietly here, and hear the faith of our fathers, and the doings of this Congress, from the curliest mo ment up to the present day?no, up to 1848? denounced ai ' infamous,' and not a word is ?aid in reply. The great difficulty now ia, how to get rid of this infamy. We are not to meet it in the fsoe, but to stifle it?put it out of the way. It is dead, sir, confessedly. All around ooofess it to be dead, and the only thing now is, to bury it out of sight, so that it shall not offend the olfactories of gentlemen !" The remarks of Mr. Hale, before uttering this invective, show that he was speaking of the power of Congress to prohibit Slavery in the Territories. The exeroise of such a power had been denounoed as infamous. This waa the provooation to his sarcastio invective just quoted. Not a word had been said about the Missouri Compromise, and Mr. Hale had no reference to it. And yet, the "organ," on the ground of this inveotive, reports Mr. Hale as having said that '-'tho Ordinance of 1787, identi cal in principle with the Missouri Compromise, and all legislation of like oharaoter down to 1848, the Missouri Compromise inoluded, had been denounoed as infamous, and not a word I was said in reply ! " In other words, its own far-fetched, groundless inference, it puts in the mouth of John P. Hale! 4. The quotation from the speech of Judge Douglas ia made oorreotly, so far as it goes? but it gives no oountenanoe to a single asser tion oontained in the paragraph oopied above from " the organ." We shall have something more to say of the speech of Mr Douglas from which this extract is made. 5. To the reoord again. It is folly to trust to " the orgau." When the California Bill of Mr. Douglaawas under consideration in Committee of the Whole on the atate of the Union iu the Houae, Mr. Jones, of Tennessee, moved, as an amendment, the Omnibua Bill of Mr. Clay, then under dis cussion in the Senate. " In presenting the amendment, said he, I shall merely remark that, in my opinion, this is the only praotioal proposition wnioh is now, or which has yet been, before either Houae of Congreaa. For my own part, I should be will ing, aa an alternative, to take the Missouri Compromise line. I would, however, prefer this Bill to that proposition; and I believe that to advocate the Missouri Compromise line at the present time, ia, in effeot, to oppose a set tlement of the agitating question that now threatens the integrity of the Union." The proposition had been several times made and rejected, to extend the Missouri Compro mise line to the Pacifio ooean. In view of this faot, and of the faot that the Omnibua Bill of Mr. Clay proposed the organization of Territo rial Governments in New Mexioo and Utah, without Congressional restriction as to Slavery, he preferred that Bill, to the extension of the Missouri Compromise policy to the new Terri tories. And doe* this give any countenance to the ridioulous assertion of " the organ," that the Missouri Compromise itself was repudia ted ? What nonsense! 6. The only question, be it remembered, un der discussion then, waa, aa to the admiaaion of California, the settlement of the Texaa boundary, and the organization of Govern ments for New Mexico and Utah. The extract given from Mr. Brown's speech proves, not that he was against the Missouri Compromise, but against the extension of its polioy to the new Territories. This is still further shown in another portion of the same speech, in whieh he reoognisea the application of the Miasouri Compromise line to Texas, as valid. " By a solemn compact," he saya, "as binding in ita forma as a treaty between nations oould make it, and as plain in its terms as our lan* guage oould express it, we accepted her, and shaped her polioy through all after time on the subject of Slavery. Her territory north of 38 deg. 30 min. was to be free, and all south of that line was to be slave territory.'' And yet Mr. Brown is quoted by " the or gan" as having, in 1850, repudiated the Mis souri Compromise itself! You cannot trust the honesty or logio of Pro-Slavery men. COKQ&ESB. In the Senate, to-day, representatives of the free States of Pennsylvania and New Jersey have spoken in support of a measure that is in tended and will operate to extend the area of Slavery over territory now free. In the House of Representatives, after an ex oiting debate upon a bill granting land to Wis consin for railroad purposes, the Homestead bill jyas taken up, in Committee of the Whole, and disoussed and amended. Candidates for Printer to Ttf t House.? Messrs. Beverly Tucker, A. O. P. Nicholson, John W. Forney, ? Glossbrenner, J. Morgan Johnson, W. W. Curran, Arnold Harris, and Cornelius Wendell, are to-day spoken of in oonneotion with this office; end we presume that Messrs. Gales & Seaton will, of oourse, be complimented with a /air minority vote. The election is appointed for two o'clock, to morrow. The Ohio River?Immense freights, Sfc. Wheeling, Feb. 27, 9 P. M?There is ten feet asd a half of water in the channel this evening, and rasing. There is now no antici pation of a very heavy ri#e. The steamer Falls City arrived this eyeoing, with six hundred tons of freight for the Seat. The Baltimore and Ohio railroad is loading over one hundred oare daily. It is confidently expected that the receipts of the railroad for this month will be about 9400,000, avsmcinr ? 12,000 daily Charitable Bequests. Philadelphia, Feb 27.?The will of the late fcir.ott /-reason distributee $127,000 to philanthropic btyegta, including *50,000 to American Sunday schools, 1)0,000 to the School of Design, $10,000 to Mm HitV>ripal Society, $10 000 to a monument to Wm. Penn, $10,000 to Epieoopal Missions at Port Cream, Africa, $5,000 to the Episoopa! Seminary at Altarsdo, $5 000 to the hospital for the insane, *5,000 to Philadelphia city for plan** trees, 4 boot eight tons of game are at Detroit, bound to #ofak>. m witw samhhikb dxleoaxioh aid the KBBKAtXA BILL. The Nebraska Hill proposes the repeal of the Aot of, 182#, by which Slavery is excluded from Nebraska. It is supported by the entire South, on the ground that it will opeo the Territory to Slave labor Institutions. Had BUoh a proposition been made in 1848 or 1850, it would have been soon ted. All that oould be wrung from Congress wan. a waiver of the right to prohibit Slavery in the new Territories acquired from Mexioo, and thin, notoriously on the ground, taken by thorn Northern members who oonsented to forego the Wilmot Proviso, that tho laws of Mexico and the lawH of Nature alike, prohibited Slavery in those Territories. But, even this waivor of right was opposed by the Demooratio party of New Hampshire. The resolutions of the Legislatures of that State, at suooessive sessions, in 1847, 1848, 1849, 1850, resolutions unrepealed are still binding upon the delegation of New Hampshire in Congress, upon the right and duty of positive Congressional enactment against Slavery in the Territories. To repeal such enactment, is a gross violation of their spirit and purpose. And yet, it is rumored that the two Senators from New Hampshire, and several of its Repre sentatives in the House, have resolved to go for the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and thus disobey the express will of the People whom they represent. Here is the record of tho will of New Hamp shire, made known from year to year: 1847. ? Resolved by tkr Senate and House of Rep resentatives tn General Court convened, That we regard the institution of Slavery, as a moral, social, and political evil, and, as such, we deep ly regret its existence, and arc willing to con our in all reasonable and constitutional meas ures that may tend to its removal. Resolved, That in all territory which may hereafter be added to, or aoquired by, the Uni ted States, where Slavery does not exist at the time of such addition or acquirement, neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude, except for the punishment qf crime, whereof the party has been convicted, ought never to exist, but the same should remain free; and we are op posed to the extension of Slavery over any such territory; and that we also approve of the vote of our Senators and Represenratives in Congress in favor of the Wilmot Proviso. Retolv.d, That our Senators in Congress be instructed, and our Representatives requested, by all expedient and constitutional means and measures to sustain the principles herein above set forth. Moses Norris, Jr., Speaker of the House of Representatives. Harry Hibbard, President of the Senate. Approved, June 30, 1847. Jarkd W. Williams, Governor. Moses Norris and Jared W. Williams are now Senators, and Harry Hibbard a Represent ative in Congress from that State. Their names are signed to instructions, never repealed, 44 to use all expedient and constitutional means and measures" to keep Slavery out of Free Terri tory, and also approving of the Wilmot Provi so: and yet they are charged with intending to vote for ths repeal of the Missouri Compro mise, which has kept Slavery out of Nebraska thirty-three yean! Who has given currenoy to sueh a libellous accusation ? Every Hanker Democrat voted for those re solves; and Mr. Norris, now charged with sup porting this Pro-Slavery Bill, spoke in their support, as follows: " I believe Slavery to be a ' great moral, so- , cial, and political evil.' It has been so pro nounced by all philanthropic men in our ooun try, from the organisation of the Government down to our time. It was so pronounced by Washington, Jefferson, Madison, and all the leading men in Virginia. It was so prouounoed by leading men of the North. "The gentleman [Mr. Wilson] has referred to Mr. Jefferson. He deserves to be eulogised as a philanthropist and statesman throughout the world. With his opinions of Slavery I I fully agree. I fully agree with the gentleman's quotation from him, that it is destructive to the morals and manners of a people; that ehildren cannot be brought up in suoh a society without , imbibing notions of superiority and anstoeracy, without imbibing the notion that they must : rule, that they are made to live at ease, not to labcrt and others to serve and labor. All this I believe, end that it will destroy the very foundations of society. " Mr. Calhoun's opinions upon Slavery 1 re gard as the worst feature of his charaoter?the most degrading?that Slavery is a benefit, an institution of God. Why, sir, I could not har bor saeh an idea for a moment; and, sir, I have no ocamunion with suoh men?with men who hold suoh dootrine. I am opposed to it, and I hope to God the day will oome, and I be lieve it will, when this institution will be abol ished through the length and breadth of our land. " Sir. I may go lurther, and sav that I am not only opposed, to Slavery, in all its forms, whether io Mexico, in Southern States, or in New England, everywhere: but I hold that man is made in the image of God, ie a freeman, or should be, and should have the right to exer cise all the rights of a freeman. I should be willing to go farther than the resolutions them aelvea I should be willing to say this, and have said it, and to Southern men, that no more territory should be admitted into the (Jnion where Slavery existsj and that I would vote for an organic law prohibiting it. "Sir, I am in favor of these resolutions. 1 think they spaak the sentiments of troth, jus tioe, and freedota; and I should like to know if there is a man in tbie House?I hone the yeas and nays will be oalled?I should like to see the first man in this tyouso who will dare to fitoe the freemen of New Hampshire, and vote against them. I should like to nee the first ; man who will go home to his constituents an<J say, I voted against these resolutions because they are all wrong. They avo^ the principles upon whioh our Government must rest. They avow principles for jtyumanity, and for God himself and nil lays, and I hop? they will' be adopted u they are." They were adopted; and to this speech Mr j Norris is indebted fyr t^e seat he now holds in the United States Senate WW* Resolved fry the S*n#t find fjotue of Rep resentatives tn General Court WiMyW, T"ft* ; wo are in favor of the passage of a law by | Congress forever prohibiting Slavery in New Mexico and California, and in all other Terri I tones now acquired or hereafter to be acquired by the United States, in whioh Slavsry does not exist at the time,of sueh acquisition. Resolved, Thai events have recently occurred and are now transpiring at the seat of General Government, and elsewhere, whioh seem to make necessary a renewed expression of our T eJ*iolES 'TOnS^MF k*Pator; 1)0 wptrwted and ^pStati^ ^ueSedjM M passage of snob a law relative tp Mow Mexico and California, and that we approve, as we have alwavs heretofore done, of all their votes already given in fevor of snob a law, or ia fa vor of tho piinsipls of the same J Resolved, That tho Secretary of State be di ! routed to forward a copy of the foregoing res , olutiona to eaoh of our Senators and Kepre 1 aentatives iu Congress. Samuicl A. Ayer, Speaker of the House of Representatives. Harhy HIBBAKI), President of the Senate. Jared W. Williams, Governor. Them) resolutions were reported to the Sen ate by Harry Hibbard, who spoke earnestly in their support. They were pawed unanimously in that body, and afterwards unanimously in the House, of which Moses Norris, now United States Senator, and G. W. Kittredge, now a member of the U. S. House of Representatives) mein Iters. Theso instructions to sustain positive Con gressional enactment against Slavery in terri tory already free, have never been repealed. Do Mr. Norrie and Dr. Kittredge reoognue tbe great Democratic Principle of Popular Sovereignty ? Or do they hold that the agent may repudiate and defy his prinoipal'! The New Hampshire Patriot, then, as now, understood to be tbe exponent of the views of General Pierce, said of the resolves; "We need not say that these resolutions meet our hearty approbation, for our readers are awure that they contain the sentiments which wo have always contended for sinoe we we have boen connected with this paper; tbe sentiments which the Demooracy of this State | have supported ever sinoe the question of the i Extension of Slavery oame up." 1849. In 1849, the Legislature advanced a step fur ther ; that is, it resolved in favor of the Aboli tion of Slavery within the jurisdiction of tbe Geueral Government, while adopting a long report condemuutory of the Fugitive Slave Law. Resolved by the Senate and House of Repre sentatives in General Court convened, That, op posed to every form of oppression, the people of New Hampshire have ever viewed with deep regret the existenoe of Slavery in this Union ; that while they have steadfastly supported all sections in their constitutional rights, they have not only lamented its existence as a great qo cial evil, but regarded it as fraught with dan ger to the peace and welfare of the nation. Resolved, That while we respeot the rights of the slaveholding as well as the free portions of this Union, while we will not willingly con sent that wrong be done to any member of the I glorious Confederacy to which we belong, we j are firmly and unalterably opposed to the ex I tension of Slavery over any portion of Ameri j can soil now free. Resolved, That, in our opinion. Congress has the constitutional power to abolish tbe slave trade and Slavery in the Distriot of Columbia, and that our Senators be instructed and our Representatives requested to take all constitu tional measures to accomplish these objeots. Samuel H. Ayer, Speaker of the House of Representatives. Wm. P. Weeks, President of the Senate. Samuel Dinsmoor, Governor. These resolves wore passed unanimously. From the Concord (N. H) Democrat we learn that they were reported by Zenas Clemens, of Sanbornton, "an intimate personal friend of General Pierce," who has sinoe been appointed oolleotor at Portsmouth. Geo. W. Morrison, now a member of Congress, was in the Legis lature of his State when they passed. And what was then the sentiment of the State may be inferred not only from tbe?e resolves, but from the following paragraph in tbe New Hampshire Patriot of July 26, 1849, comment ing on the doctrine of the Cass-Nioholson let ter : " The Democracy of the North never did en dorse the dootrine, and they never will. The Demooracy of this State are unanimoos in the opinion, so far as we know, that Congrees has and should exeroise tbe power, and exclude Slavery from California and New Mexico.'' The Patriot now goes for the repeal of the Congressional enaotment whioh excludes Sla very from our Western Territory! 1850. The action of 1850 we state in the words of the Concord Democrat. "We come now to the year which witnessed the passage of the Fugitive Slave Bill and the other moaeurrs known as the Compromise measures. Soon after the assembling of a Democratic Legislature, a special committee of one from each oounty wan appointed by Mr. Speaker Baker, to oonsider the sabjeot of Sla very, &c. At the head of that oommittee was plaoed Dr. Josiah C. Eastman, of Hampstead, the present Senator for Distriot No. 2. In due time that oommittee, through their ohairman, made a report, from whioh we extract the fol lowing preamble and resolutions: "'Whereas New Hampshire, through her Legislature* and in her primary Conventions, has repeatedly proclaimed her unoompromising hostility to every scheme for enlarging the boundaries of Slavery, and her updouoting Conviction of the power and duty of Congress to prohibit its extension by positive legislation; therefore. "4 Resolved by the Senate and Howe of Rep resentatives in General Court convened, that the people of New Hampshire see no reason to re nounce the position assumed, and tbe principles Iiroclaimed, in relation to this subject, by their ast Legislature?but, on tbe oonirary, every day deepens their oonviotion of the propriety and duty of adhering to those principles. "' Resolved, That the oonrss of our present delegation in Congress, in unitedly resisting all attempts to autboriie or allow tbe introduction of Slavery into the new Territories, receives the hearty and united approval of the people of New Hampshire.' " That report waa drawn up and presented, iu ^ccofdaupe witfi the express advioe and ooadntrtnoe of, Awtmg many other Democrats, George W. iVforrfaoti. who promised' to ttup^ort it in the Hourte, Of which hfc was, that year, as the year before, a metaber. That it did not pass, was gring solely to tbe neglect of its friends to call it up before the laat day of the session; when a few factious individuals auc oeoded by a trick in first getting it upon the table, and tbep Heaving the Hdhse wtyhW a quorum. The yeas ana nays,1 Whioh were sev eral times taken, showed, however,'that a large majority desired its passage Finding at laat that it ooiiId no* be aoted upon in season for the oooenrrent actiop pf the the roI. fowjng f? ofrrei pa^ by 1 tbe overwhelming rpte pf 27 in favor, to 26 '? against j w 1 " 'Rnolvd, That the people of khie State are bound by no oompaot, expresa or implied, < to suffer the introduction of Slavery into Terri- i tory now free, and that they are nnalterably I opposed to the ereotion of any Territory, with- 1 out its prohibition by positive law.' " I " Unalterably oppoeed to the erection of any ' Territory, without its (Slavery'a) prohibition by j positive lav'" The final expression pf ffee | spirp, popfirmipg |11 its nreyjoua declarations, ' wouaUy repeated, from tU year 1847 And yet we are to be told that Mosps Nop- , Ria, Jarcd W. Williams, Harry Hibbaiw, j Georop W. Kittppdoe, pod Gpopop W. Moa- i kison, will vote not only to erect a Territory without the paasage of a p<?&lw0 ,ltW to e*emp it from Slavery, but io repeal a positive law, held sacred for thirty-three years, exempting Nebraska from thia ?wil!?1that these dwtin guished Democrats, revering the Principle ol Popular Sovereignty, champions of the dooti iuo of self-government by the People, holding that the Representative is but the servant ot the Sovereign People, intend to trample upon the unalterable creed and policy of the People oj tkeir own Stale ! Tobacco.?We have just perused a " Prixe Essay on Tobacco Diseases, with a Remedy for the Habit," by Joel Shew, M. P., and we would that it could be placed in the hands of every reader in the United States. That this usage entails groat physical, mental, and moral evil, might through this means be made manifest to | many who are its victims. It ifl stated that 2 000 000 ton* of tobaooo are annually pro duced in the world, and that 100,000 of these are produoed in the United Stolen. The duty upon tobaooo imported into England in 1852 amounted to 84,560,741, which is equal to a poll tax of about #2 per head! Cheap as the article is in this country, the quantity con sumed in our cities and towns ha* often been demonstrated to exceed in value the cost of the bread consumed. And yet no single benefit is believed to proceed irom its use. towlcru & Wells, New York, are the publishers of this pamphlet, or tract. The Voick of thk Gkrman Citizens.?In th? broad fields of the West, the furrow is often turned by the German immigrant, and his ohildren of Amerioan birth are to dwell there forever. The German citizen is therefore a deeply interested party to the scheme ol pro viding those regions with a Government, and with the social institutions to be there estab lished. It is stated in New York papers that a Ger man, who holds office under President Pierce in this city, lately led tho way in an attempt to induce the Germans there to pass resolutions in favor of the Nebraska biU. " But," the Tri bune says, " having so signally fuiled in a meet ing held for that purpose on Thursday last, a mass meeting has now been called against tho : bill, to take plaoe on next Friday night, at Washington Hall." The Tribune adds: 44 The excitement of the Germans in this city, in oonsequence of tho outrageous attempt [ of a few traitors among their countrymen, is intense, and the proposed meeting will prob ably be the largest ever held here by that class of our fellow-citisens. Their opposition to the spread of Slavery is uncompromising." Trade and Morals ?At a special meeting of the Board of Trade of Baltimore, held ou Monday, the following was adopted: "Whereas the bill now pending before the Legislature, known as the Prohibitory Liquor Bill, will, in the opinion of this Board, have an injurious effect upon the trade and commerce of ?ur city, and also upon the rovenue of the State; therefore, be it ? Resolved, That wo disapprove of said law, and would respectfully remonstrate against its passage by the Senate.'1 If the bill really threatens the "trade and commeroe" of the city, and "the revenue of the State," let it be defeated, by all means. The Board of Trade says nothing of its adapt edness to prevent drunkenness, destitution, pro fanity, licentiousness, theft, robbery, murder, > and such like familiar things in Baltimore; but why should they be remembered in view of the infinitely more momentous subjects ol "trade," "oommerce," and ' revenue'" De feat the law, by all means, and let thrift and infamy triumph! The Alabama Legislature has adjourn ed, without granting aid of any kind to the Alabama and Tennessee Railroad. The following resolution was introduced into tho Louisiana Hou*e of Representatives, on 1 Tuesday of last week, and, alter some disous- | ?ion, referred to the Committee on Federal Re lations : Resolved, That the late news from Havana eivee evidenoe of the intention of Spain to Af ricanize the island of Cuba, by the emancipa tion of their slaves; and, believing the people of Louisiana have a deep interest in preventing it, we as repiesentotives coming directly Irom the people, express our disapprobation of the toleranoe shown by the present Federal Ad ministration by its non-interference. An Argument Well Prkskntkd?The freeman, published at Mercer, Pennsylvania, in noticing the death in the workhouse, of a once distinguished oitwen of that Stote, *ajs: 44 Suppose, twenty or thirty years since, the question of a prohibitory liquor law had been submitted to the people of this State; and the father of this man had voted against it, and j also to continue that trsffic, which has brought this terrible ruin to his son, with what b'Uer ness wonld he not reproach himself, it soil living, when the recollection of the part he a< ted on the question referred to would come up before his mind with its upbraiding* "What is a supposed oase in rcspeot to h? father, may prove a terrible reality in the ease of many lathers who are now arraying their j inflaence against the paseage of a law to pro hibit the traffic in intoxicating liquors They may live to see their sons fall nnder the influ- , ence of strong drink; and after dragging out ( a few year* of degradation, going down to a i drhnjtard's graVe."* i 1 Wife cannot comprehend how any ftonsoieii tioun or feeling man, after reflecting upon the mbjeot in this light, can withhold ha aesent from law* designed to nrrcHt the arm of hii^ who would |???t th?' bottle t, hm neijgfebor'e lTft: ' . I Thk Testimony of a F*ia ?The National Intelligencer of this city contains the ollowing extract of a letter to a l%dy of W**h. ngtofl, (Vqifl % i?o?thernJV, dated (taston, Feb nary 18, 18M: <*They are 'bailing over' here upon the Nebraska bill; all parties, Whigs Hod Demo trata, Stiver (Jrays and Woolly Heads, Soft* Mid Hard*, Anti-Hlawy, and even the little tandful of Pro-Sla?ery folk*. If the Nebraska >ill should be pawed, the Fugitive Slave Law ? a dead letter throughout New Kngland. As taeily conld a law prohibiting the eating ot todfish and pumpkin piee be enforced, a# that aw be executed, This is the uni^ers^l ueult nent, gatheved yo^r oprve?poodant within ue t#> Weeks ia*t past in MawaohaeeM* Maine, Connecticut, and New Hampahire." Charles Fenno Hoffman, the American au hor, in now an inmate of the Pennsylvania ?tate Lunatic Asylum, uear Harrisburg. He ? incurably inmne. from the Albany Ho^wUir- >Sihor Uray ' THS FB1EHD8 OF THE COUPKO*!8* MKA8UKIS OF 1860. M It ia aborted th?t mituv of 'ho friends ot the Compromise Measure* t>l' 1850 are opposed to the bill now before Congre-*, urguuiaing the Territories of Nehxiuku and Kaunan upon tho broad principle of popular novereiguty. Tout this should be the oaee, ainong tbtme who are surrounded by clamorous Abolitionists and reoklet-s demagogues, we can readily su|.po?e; but that any triend of the Compromise Meas ures of 1850, after a full examination of the measure, as it is presented to hiui iu the de bate! Ot; Cam?ll0u!J the bills of Judge Douglas in the Senate, hn(l Col. Richardson in the Houee, wo should gjreat ly regret to believe."? Wadmgton Lnim. "The friends of tho Compromise Mcu?uienof 1850," at tho North, at least, " alter a firil ex amination of the measure as it is presented to them in the debates of Congress' are stilJ op Sied to Senator Douglas's Nebraska Bill. ey are opposed to it upon principle, and be cause its passage would be an utter violation of faith on the part of those who we now seekj ing to foi ce its passage. To the V\ ashington Union it is useless to sjioak of tho inevitable future, if that measure is foroed through Con gress. It will not open its eyes or its ears, to see or hear, or understand the Northern senti ment on this subject. We claim to know some thing of the opinions of the friends of the Com promise Measures of 1850, on this redo of Ma son and Dixon's line. For them, we think we can say, truthfully, that no considerations of polioy will induce them to surrender the pro visions of the " Compromise" of 1820, which limits Slavery to 36 deg. 30 min.; that, among them all, there ia to bo found scarcely a man who will consent to such surrender. The sen timent against the repeal of that Compromise is universal, so far as they are coucorned. It is deep-seated, firm, immovable, eternal, as far as the word can be applicable to human opin ion and action. The "friends of the Compromiso of 1850 at the North have suffered by their tirninees in sustaining those measures. They regarded them as in suppoit ot; and not in opposition to, the law of 1820. They stood by both, and be oause they did so they became for a time iso lated from their ancient political associates and friends. They became in a degree unpop ular, were excluded from official position and the 'honors and emoluments of place. They were right in principle, standing upon consti tutional grounds, fighting not so much for themselves ax for their brethren of the South ern States, struggling to preserve the national ity of the Whig party. They were gaming in strength and numbers every day, because they were thus right in principle, and because their course had the high sanctions of the Constitu tion. Agitation on the subject of Slavery was dying away. The dawn of the better light waa plainly visible, when tho very people for whom they had boen breasting the current of popular sentiment, their brethren of the South ern States themselves, recede from their sup port, and demand a lastly greater sacrifice and renewed strife. The fwend* of the Compro mise of 1850 at the North, the National Whigs, have Buffered enough, they have yielded enough, and they will yield no more. If their brethren of the South insist upon an extension of Sla very over territory now free by the laws of Congress?laws oonceivcd and passed in the spirit of concession, and iu settlement of diffi culties endangering the tranquillity of the States?they will find no sympathy among the National Whigs of tho North. They may aa well understand this at once. If they perttst in this repeal of the law of 1820, thoy will find the Whigs of the North, to a man, as a unit, swinging into opposition against them. The Union should not be deoeived on this subjeot. The Democracy of the South should not deceive itself m regard to the sentiment of the Northern Democracy. There is no con ceivable measure to utterly repugn-uit to the whole People of the free States as this repeal of the Compromise of 1820. It is doubtless true that the Administration may seouro some mattering votes from the North in favor of re peal. It would he a strange thing if it could not. With all its patronage, and the influence of plaoe. it would be a miracle almost, il it could not secure or purchase a lew feint echoes in the States, or venal votes in Congress But the evidenoes everywhere exist, with all the foroe and power of perfect demonstration, that in every free State of the Union, the ma*i?s, the millions that oontrol the political destiuie* of the country and of men, are firmly, deeply, universally opposed to such repeal. The l*o ple of tho South?Whige, Democrats, every man who loves tho Union, its 4uiet and repose? ihould understand this as a great practical, existing and fixed fact, which no sophistry cau change?no false assertions to the contrary subvert. Understanding it, they should calcu late the stupendous fellv of arraying tho North, of all parties, in a rndid body against the South?the free State? against the "liveholding States free labor against slave labv?r. l he repeal of the Compromise of 1820, arid the ex tension of Slavery over Nebraska, will inevita bly lead to this precise result. Much as we should regret this oouJiw'ou of things, we see it clearly detned in th<- future Hitherto, the agitation on the aubjeot ot Slavery has oome from the Northern States; we have beep willing to regard the people ot the North as the aggrefHOrs upon this subject, and justice toward! tn?ir Southern brethren induced the national men of the North to roeist suoh ag gression But this poeitiun is reversed. Tho people of the Southern States have tfceauaelvee beoome the aggressors They, are bent epo* breaking down the barriers between slave la bor and free labor, which wen* reared by sol emn compact The national men i>f the North resisted aggression, on the part of tbeir politi cal associates and frieuds at home. They will just as firmly resist all aggression on the part of the Sonth. They will let the institution ot Slavery alone where It exists. They will leavo it all the pfoteotloo which, by the Constitution liberally and fairly oonntrued, it is *nti&4 but they will not stultify th^ p*;W>, th*ir ?ympatbies th-i- trfp^oy. the obligations >i *uui*nify, by doing more. They will not itand out against the spirit of the age, and tho popular sentiment of the world in fevor of the dilution of Slwry, when it thus becoraca aggressive. j*a^ church, at (Chester Factories, was blown ip on tpc evening of the 22d February, by a keg of powder being placed in it, and tred by t slow matoti. The Ire was extinguished, but be churoh and fixtures are a perfect wreek? ;he injury being an great that it will be impos iibl(i to repair the building Thn eau*e of thie xitrago probably lies in the feet that a "'Car ion teagua" (temperance) recently formed in Chester Factories had held their meetings in he uburoh. We may here nunark. that thn -segue have a fund of $00 (KM), taxable at one >er cent, per annum, for the purpose of main aining the Maine Law in that village, and hey are not to ba deterred from effecting tbeir hjeot by suoh lawless deeds as this. Toe se eotmen have offered a reward of $900 for the eteebon and ooaviotioa of the rateals who erpctrated the wanton outrage npon the huroh property ? Springfitlti (Mam.) Repub. A hotel for siek travellers is contemplated in lew York. ^ Iu the year 1800, there were four hundred nd thirteen Quaker moeting-houses in Bng wd. There an now bat three hundred and ivsoteen a