Daily national era. [volume], April 04, 1854, Image 2

About Daily national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1854

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WASHINGTON, I). C.
TUKSDAY, APRIL 4, ihm.
CONNECTICUT.
Tho returnh from thin Stato are a* unsatiH
factory to the friends of the Nobratika bill an
any that have been yet received.
CONGRESS.
The Senate to-day passed tho Six Stoanier
bill, and then, at half past twelve o'clock,
went into Kxecutivo session, during which, it
in believed, the Gadsden treaty wan ascertained
to be unfavorably regarded by the majority of
that body. Our information on this point
however, is not authoritative, nor do we under
stand that there was any foal action.
In the House, after some business of minor
importance, Mr. Bennett's bill, which contem
plates equality in tho distribution of lands
among the States, iu aid of improvements, was
considered for a time; when the Houso resolved
i(*olf into Committee, and Messrs. Clingmnn
and Wright of Pennsylvania, mado speeches in
support of tho Senate Nebraska bill.
POPULAB SOVEREIGNTY IN THE SOUTH.
Our duiKy political experience is a constant
tribute to the doctrino of popular sovereignty.
While Abolitionism derides the principle from
which it has inntt to fear?for in nothing is
the American sentiment so unanimous as in
its ahhorrenco of the precepts and examples of
that fanaticism?the whole country bears wit
nees to its potent influence.^ Nowhere have its
triumphs been more frequent and mofe sub
stantial than in the Southern States. In the
toctb of the bitter taunts and threats of crazy
zealots, wo nee both parties rapidly, in that
{?art of the Union, liberalising suffrage, popu
arizing eledhons, breaking up life offioes, and
opening wide the doors of distinction to the
ambition of all. Tho rulo of the people?the
voioe of tho ina>sos?the resistless power of
republican principles?is npwhere more ardent
ly and gratefully acknowledged than in the
South. Such a lact is invigorating, after hear
ing the doctrine of popular sovereignty assail
ed by those who aff<?ot to be for all Democrat
ic meusures.-r- Washington Union.
The Union speaks vaguely. What does it
mean by M Popular Sovereignty?" The right
of the People to rule them^l ves ? What People ?
The People of the whole Union, or tho People
of the States sejiarately ? What number?the
whole, a majority, or two-thirds ? Who?the
whites, or tho whites and free blacks, or white
and black, bond and free ? How?directly, by
their own immediate action, or indirectly,
through their repiesentatives and agents? If
by representatives and ?gents, how chosen?by
themselves, directly, or by other agents, select
ed by them ?
Let us set?the Judges of the Supreme Court
are appointed by tho Pranidaat, for lifo, or
daring good behaviour. The President is elect
ed by electors. Electors are generally chosen
by the People of the States; in South Carolina,
by the Legislature; and they cast their votes
for candidates who have l?een selected by the
packed Conventions of two great jmlitical or
ganisations, in one of which the majority prin
ciple is strangled by the two thirds rule, and
both of which always make their selections
with a paramount view to availability. Now,
will any one be good enough to tell us how
mooh Popular Sovereignty has had to do with
the appointments of the Supieme Bench ?
By the ratio of representation, the South is
deprived of the privilege of representation for
two-fifths of its black " people,"' (or slaves.)
and in the choice of Representatives three mil
lions of these people have no voioe. -
Is this Popular Sovereignty*
Under the Constitution, each State, whether
numbering three million, or tho tenth of a mil
Iioo, is entitled to two Senators; in legislation,
the little State id" Delaware, with its ninety-one
thousand fieople, has an equal voice in the Sen
ate with Now York, with ita three millions
Is this Popular Sovereignty ?
Sixteen State* nf this Union, nnml>ering, all
told, BOOM- four and a half million aonls, have
as much weight in the Senate as fifteen States,
with an aggregate population of eighteen and
a half millii n??and their thirty-two Senators,
representing l.?nr and a half millions, ean veto
any act pamed through the popular branch .of
Congress by the licpresentativo* off eighteen
and a hall' millions.
Is this Popular Sovereignty 7
The Pre*id?nt tiff the United States, chosen
by electors, elected by some of the People of
the States, in ohedienoe to the decisions of a
Convention, in i^iich one-third of the mem
ber* may have dictated the candidate, has the
veto power on legislation, which nan be over
come only by a vole of two-thirds of the mem
ber* of each branch of Congress. In other
words, under the Constitution, he, one man.
ohonen a* it often happens, by a minority of
the People off the United States, has a power
in legislation greater than that of 155 mem
bsrs in a Horn* of 234, and than that of forty
Senatorn in a Chamlier of sixty two.
Is this Popular Sovereignty ?
Sonth Carolina contain* ?6?,000 People
394,000 of whom hare nothing to do with the
government off themselves, politically or per
?ooally; and Misaismppi has 80?,000 People
o?ly 293,000 of whom rule, while 309,000, so
far from having any control over themselves
do not even own themselves. Is it thus that
lbs resistless power of Popolar Sovereignty ia
acknowledged in the South?
la South Carolina no person can Im a Rep
ressntative, unless he owns a settled freehold
estate of 500 acres, and ten human beings, or
a real satUc, clear if debt, worth 1.50 pounds
sterling; no pemm c?n tie a Senator, unless
he owns a freehold estate worth 300 ponnds
sterling; and no perwio ean he Governor, unless
he owns a freehold estate worth 1,500 pounds
starling And in Virginia there are two claw
as off People numbering mere then five bun
pi opfe, whom the remaining
AliMll are so determined to
keep in Ignorance, that they [?nnish with fine
any one who attempts to
to rend or write!
n the lan^nrigrt of the Unicn, the
march of " Popular Sovereignty," M the reflat
ions {tower of Republican principle*!''
The Ncbrueka Bill proposes to exclude from
all participation in the Government of the Ter
ritory all aliens who may nettle there, and in
v<-nt there their labor and capital; and to de
> ny to the People any voice in the choice of
! their Governor, their Secretary of State, their
| Judge*; and to inveut the Governor, appointed
by the President, who himself in chosen in dis
I regard of the principle of 1'opular Sovereignty,
with a veto power, stronger than any number
of their representative* Ices than two-thirds
And the Union glorifies it, an a beautiful ex
hibition of Populur Soveroignty, denouncing
Abolitiouiata, us enemies of Popular Sovereigo
i ty, because they repudiate it!
Enough illustrations of Popular Sovereignty
j for one day. Suppose the Um<m now favor the
Public with a definition of this mysterious pow
er, ho constantly invoked, but which in no
where ao utterly repudiated arid dishonored
aa under Slaveholding Institutions.
"POOE WHITE WOBKIES."
" Wo have asked for no extension of Slavery
Ui the Northern States?though, we dare say,
the poor white warlcies there would be rejoiced
to have their hard ta*k? performed by ne
groes."
Tho "poor whito workies" of the North
j have gcnorally hud the advantages of a oom
' won school education, and they havo the sense
' to understand that if their hard tasks were
performed by negro slaves, there would bo no
task left for them to do, and of course, no
bread for them to eat. They sec nothing par
ticularly fascinating in tho do-nothiug system,
especially when do-nothing is equivalent to
eat-nothing.
Let the hundreds of thousands of the "poor
white workies" of the South, who have fled
from their homes to tho banks of tho Missis
sippi, to escape the crushing competition of
slave-labor, sound tbo praises of a system
which kindly relieved them from all employ
ment!
" EQUAL BIGHTS."
All that we have asked is. that tho Southern
States shall have and exorcise rights in the no
lional domain, eaual to thoso enjoyed by the
Northern States '?Southern Exchange.
You ask for what you already have. The
Southern States have now, and may exercise,
rights in Nebraska equal to thoso enjoyed by
the Northern States. The citizens of tho for
nier removing there, cannot make people work
for them, without wagon, and unless they please:
nor can citizens of thn Northern States. Tho
prohibition of Slavery is not conlined to ("?asses,
but is universal, operating upon all aliko. We
are happy to be sustained in this view by Judge
Douglas, who is looked upon affeotionately by
the Slaveholders as a martyr in their oause.
" Sir," said he, " I do not hold the doctrine
that to exclude any species of property by law
from any territory is a violation of any right
to property. Ho you not exclude banks from
some of the Territories? Do yon not exclude
whiskey from being introduced into large por
tions of the Territories of the United States ?
Do you not exolude gambling table*, which
are property, recognised a* suoh, in tho States
where they are tolerated? And has any one
oontended that the exclusion of gambling ta
bles, and the exclusion of ardent spirits, was a
violation of any constitutional right or privi
lege* * * * * #
Why, sir, our laws now prevent a tavern-keep
er from going into some of tho Territories of
j the United State*, and taking a bar with him.
and usin^ and soiling spirits there. The law
also prohibits certain other descriptions of liu
xineM from being carried on in the Territories
I am not, therefore, prepared to say that under -
the Constitution we have not the power to pass
laws excluding negro Slavery from the Terri
tories. It involves tho same principle."
This is from tho revised official report of a
?peech made by Judge Douglas in 1850, in the
Senate, on the Omnibus Bill, and wo are not
advised that ho has changed his opinion.
If theexolusion of Slavery from Nebraska lie
a violation of tho equal rights of tho States,
there are other violations which aie very qui
etly acquiesced in by Southern men. JVhat
think they of the aot of Congress of 1850, pro
hibiting slaves from being brought into this
District, from any State, for tho purpose of sale,
or to be I veld in depot for transportation to the
South? This is a palpable denial to "slave
property," so called, of the usual privileges se
cured to proj?erty. If to exclude Slavery from
a Territory be a violation of the equal rights
of the States, on the ground that the right of a
master to his slaves in entitled to the same pro
tect inn and favor at the hands of the Federal
Government, as the right to " any other prop
erty, ' then, to prevent him from bringing or
sending his slaves to this District, as he would
I bring or send "any other property," in ^ viola
tion of the " equal rights of the States."
Again : the prohibition of the foreign slave
trade must be regarded in the same light If
slaves l?e property in tho view of the Constitu
tion, and Congress oannot exolude such prop
erty from the Territories, withnnt violating
the equal right* of the States, how can it,
without similar violation, exclude slaves, pur
chased by American citir.*r.?, and imported in
American vessels, not only from the Territo
ries, but the States themselves *
Tho logio of Slavery, like iteelf, is an ab
surdity.
Should Congress pass an aot, authorizing the
hemp-growers of Missouri to remove to Ne
braska, and hold their slaves there, hot pro
hibiting the introduction of slave* from any
other quarter , or, should it aHow the immi
grant from the South in that Territory to hold
a oortain number of slaves, but forbid the
Northern immigrant to hold any, it would be
guilty of a wicked and wanton discrimination :
but there ean be no violation of the equal rights
of any State, so long as the citizens of aH are
allowed to immigrate into United States Terri
tory, and are there placed by tbo laws on an
eqnal footirg
Were Utah at this moment " a Sovereign
State, and shonld the Mormons claim the
right of settling in Nebraska with their se
raglios, on the ground of the eqnality of the
States, would tho slaveholders deny the power
of Congress, or tho Territorial Legislature, to
pass laws for the prohibition of polygamy or
bigamy1 If consistent, they wonld; for, to
exclude polygamy from United States terri
tory, while a single State recognised it as one
of its institutions, wonld. according to the rea
soning of these gentlemen, be a violation of
its rqnal light to the pablic domain!
SLAVE AID HUUELUra STATES.
* ? a ? Illinois it indebted for the*te
two thousand miles of railroad to the Comity
of the Federal Government?a bounty indulged
at the expense of the.Southern Statos, whose
feebleness and deoay are sueored at. Kvery
foot of these roads litis been made hy appro
priations of publio luidi*. Not a cept has come
out of tho pockets of the people. And railroads
aro not the only favors bestowed upon the
Hireling States Ipimense contributions have
been made to them all, for schools and oollogos.
We dare say, if the same liberal measure had
been dealt out to the slaveholding States?it
there territory had been permeated by canals
and railroads, and schools established in every
neighborhood, at the expense ot the Northern
States?we, t?u>, might boaet ot our prosjwrity.
It would not be going too Ur to say, that Illi
nois herself, if, in addition to tho millions she
has received from the Federal Treasury, had
had the benefit of slave labor, might have been
still more pronporous.?Richmond (Va ) Whig.
What folly to venture upon assertions which
can so easily bo refuted by authentic statis
tics ! Southern papers aro coutinually mis
leading their readers.
First?as to donations of publio lands, the
Whig assumes that they have been made to
the free, and not to the slave States. This is
an imputation against the Representatives of
the latter of gross stupidity or carelessness.
Official documents show that in this respeot, as
in all others, Southern Representatives have
looked well to tho interests of their constituents.
On the 13th of February, in oomplianoewith
a resolution of the House of Representatives, a
statement was submitted to that body, from the
Secretary of the Interior, of tho number of
acres of the publio lands that have beeu grant
ed to the laud States; specifying, also, the pur
poses for which the grants have been made.
A portion ot thin statement wo have clawifiod,
so as to exhibit at one view tho extent to which
the Western Froo and Slavo States havo been
favored by Congress in this respect.
Donations of Public Lands to?
0., Ja., III., Mo.. Ala, Mi.,
Mioh., Iowr, La , Ark.,
Wisconsin. Florida.
A errs. Arm.
School Lands, 5,273 749 5,.'520,504
Universities, 253,360 207,366
Seats of Government, 28,560 22,300
Salines, 261,045 161,230
Internal Improvement, 1,569,449 2,600,000
Roads, *" 251.355 ,. ? -
Canals and Rivers, 4,996,873 400,000
Railroad?. 2,595,053 5,788,098
Swamp Lands, 11 265,333 24,533 020
Individuals and Co.'s, 60,981 17,839
Military Services, 20,167.763 5,716,974
46,723.391 45,167,325
Here are six new slave States, and six new
free States, the former having received in
round numbers forty-five million acres of pub
lic lands, the latter, forty sil millions?and
yet tho Whig would have us believe that the
superior prosperity and enterprise of these free
States are to t>e accounted for on the assump
tion that the Federal Government has made
thom largo grants of public lands, while their
Mister slavo States have received none!
In this connection, it would bo instructive to
oompare these two classes of States, as it re
gards commerce, agriculture, manufactures,
education, '&o., but we have time now to at
teud to but one item?that of railroads Ac
cording to the Census of 1850, the miles of
railroad oompleted and in progress in those
States wero as follows:
Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, Alabama, Mis
Iowa. Michigan, Wis- sisaippi, Louisiana, Ar
eonsin kansiis, Florida.
Complrifl hi profTft*. Complrtnl. I* jtrwfrtu.
2,913 4,955 417 2,318
There is no avoiding the force of such statis
tics. The explanation of the differences in the
relative wealth, commerce, prosperity, and
population, of these two classes of States, is
furnished in the contemptuous title prefixed by
the Whig to its remarks?" Slave and Hireling
States/' The People of tho Free States hire
their Lalior?those of the Slave States coerce
theirs. Lalvor among the former ufree, of course,
intelligent, energetic, versatile, hopeful; among
the Utter, enslaved, of course, unintelligent,
without energy, without versatility, without
hope.
If wo would avail ourselves of the forces of
Nature, we mint oliey the laws of Nature.
Men oan be used to most purpose, both as re
gards their own interosts, and the interosts of
others, by treating them as men, not as brutes.
Tiik Island or Coba.?Pr. Hughes, the
Roman Catholio Archbishop of New York,
having been misrepresented, as he asserts, with
regard to his expressed opinions of the people
and affairs of Cuba, makes a publication, in
which he says:
"I was in Cuba as an invalid, by the advice
of my physician in New York. Hut whilst
there I saw no signs of "degradation" or
"imbecility" in the "Creole population." On
the contrary, 1 found thom quite on a par with
corresponding classes of sooiety in our own
and other countries through which I havo had
occasion to travel. Neither did I witness any
evidences of "incapacity" in those who ad
minister the Government of the Island. On
tho oontrary, I found thom well eduoated, kind
and accomplished gentlemen?highly qualified
to discharge their respective duties with honor
and ability."
If Cuba is indeed to be annexod to oar Re
public, we should all rejoice that such aro its
inhabitants and rulers!
Land Reform.?Gen-it Smith, in a reoent
letter to Frederick l>?rngtou's Paper, sets forth
his reasons for votfft^ against the Homestead
bill. He writes''"
'? If my fellow land-reformers, with whom I
have so long toiled for the success of our land
reform doctrines, shall be aggrieved* by my
vote, I shall be sorry. Nevertheless, I oan nevor
regret my vote. I was a man before I was a
land-reformer. And for tho sake of no gains,
howsver great, or however many, oan I con
sent to ignore the claims, and even the fact it
self, of a oomraon manhood. Hut the advan
tages wl|Bh are sought at the expense of tram
pling on hnman righto are not gains. Such
gains are losses, even to those who get them.
The Homestead bill would have been pur
chased at too dsar a rate, had it proscribed
only one negro, or only one Indian. The curse
of God is upon thq bill, or there is no God.
There is no G??d if we have liberty to insult
any portion of his ohildrsn."
The people of Richmond are ia rap
tures with Jnllien'ft Concerts. Jullisn will
give Conoerta in this city next weak.
The cashier of one of the Canada railroads
(in progress) has abseooded with ?20,000.
my 1HE compact.
The Central Christian Advocate, a leading
religious paper, published at St. Louis, says:
u That our readers maty underotuid the irn
luoutw scope of uountry which will be subject
to the agitation of the question of the intro
duction of Slavery into its liuiita, upon the
pitusage of the present Nebraska bill before
Congress, and the repeal of the Missouri Com
promise law, let them take up their maps und
follow us from the marling point back ag.iin
to the beginuing ooruor. They can thud beet
nee what a country it u which thia bill gratu
itously and recklessly promos to open to Sla
very ; a region now free from such agitation,
and from any possible blight from thin with
ering national ourso."
| After giving the boundaries of the Territo
ry, it continue*:J
" It will make twelve States an large as the
Slate of IllinciM. It is situated in tho very
In art of the North American continent, it
contains more territory than now exists in all
the froo State* put together. When nettled by
an agricultural population congenial to the
ebmate, it is bound, in connection with that,
portion of tho Mississippi basin bordered by
the lakes and the Alleghany range, to make
tho imperium in imperto, and guide tho domi
nion of this mighty Republic, 'lbrough thia
immense fertile region posterity will coostruct
two national thoroughfares?Middle and North
ern?Irorn the Atlantio to tho Pacifio sea
board*. In this expansive territory there is
n am for millions of freemen. What a pity if j
Slavery, with all its dark folds, should bo
(Muled down in their midst! It now embraces
all the unorgauised territory of the nation, if
the insignificant district of Indian Territory,
north of Red river, and between Arkansas and
Texas, be excepted. For thirty-three years
this wild and as yet uninhabited region by civ
ilized tribes has, by Btatute, by oompaot, by
compromises, (obtained under circumstances
making the iaith of obligation moro inviolable
than organio or constitutional law,) and by the
oommon consent of the American People, been
hold as consecrated to Freedom, and the Mis
souri Compromise lino ns tho great breakwa
ter to African Slavery in the United States.
It will surprise us morethau anything that hai
over c courrcd in the annals of legislation, if
the good sense of tho warm hearts of the
American People, which ever beats for liberty,
and these solemn compacts, be set aside to
gratify the ambitious aims of jaeudo, red-hot
politicians."
THE CLEB6Y AMD MK. DOUGLAS.
The New York Recorder, one of the ablest
religious papers in the Union, has a word in
behalf of the clergy assailed by Mr. Douglas:
" It is often said of clergymen, as a class,
that they are unacquainted with the ways of
the world, and are sadly apt to blunder when
they travel out of their striotly professional
sphere. Undoubtedly there is a foundation for
this criticism, as there is for the same criticism
with reference to any other class of men; but
the amusement of the thing is, that the wise
people, who are most fond of descanting upon
the worldly greenness of the clergy, are often
quite as limited in their own knowledge of
matters not belonging to their own line. Wp
venture to intimate to the Senator from Illinois,
that he knows less of tho clergy of the country
than they know of him, and that the clergy
of the country understand a good deal more or
secular and political affairs than he does of
those of religion and theology. Indeed, we
venture to say, further, that if Mr. Douglas had
made more frequent choioe of the clergy as
his companions, he would have been a man of
a good deal more general intelligence than he
can with any reatton pretend to, and might
have derived other advantages from the oom
panionship, whioh it is not necessary for us to
suggest. As a matter of fact, Mr. Donglas
shows himself utterly and inexcusably ignorant
of the character of the New England clergy.
As a clam, their superiors us to general intel
ligence are not to l?e found in the United
States, or in tho world. They are men of
learning. The colleges of New England were
founded by them, and almost universally they
have been tho teachers of the colleges. Of
23,832 graduates of New England oolleges,
aooording to tablos at this moment before us,
ti 502, or more than One-fourth, have ontercd
the ministry, and there is not a school district
from Rye to Madaw&ska whioh has not felt
their influenoe in raising the tone of genoral
intelligence and culture. It has been, more
over, an incident of New England history, that
the doctrines whioh luive provailed in regard
to the ministry?(hat they are not a caste, but
the companions and equals pf their lay breth
ren, and distinguished only as oalled to pecu
liar duties?have always brought them into
tho closest relations with tho public in all mat
ters of social interest. They havo mingled
with their fellow citiiens freely in the oonsid>
oration of publio questions, and not a year
passes in which they do not hold offioe, More
or less, as magistrates and legislators, and they
are often members of Congross, Judges, anil
fJovemors
u It is of such men, to the number of more
thau three thousand, that Mr. Douglas makes
the sweeping statements which we have quo
tod?that not one of them knows the history of
the Missouri Compromise?that not one of them
even knows the history of tho Compromises of
IgAO?and that not one of them lias taught
the obligation of the Fugitive Slave Law of
that year, or of national engagements in gen
oral. Why, there are names on that protest,
by boots* of men who were high in station,
men of learning, general intelligence, and in
fluence, before the Senator from Illinois was
l,orn?who were participators in tho agitations
of 1820, and know its details as they know
their alphabets. There are scores, too, wno were
the stanch friends of the Compromises of 18.50.
some of whom preached in favor of them, and
who proclaimed in Boston itself tho obligations
of the offensive law in question, and congratu
lated the country that it was now to have ' a
Sabbath on the subject of Slavery '?the very
Sabbath whioh the Senator from Illinois has
broken, outraged as he affects to feel at )>oing
charged with the profanation. It was certain
ly a wanton venture when the comparatively
youthful Senator impugned the intelligenoe of
suoh men as Francis Wayland, Lyman Beech
er, Nathaniel Taylor, Alexander H. Vinton,
and a host of others of similar standing among
the distinguished personages of our time. Are
they less citirons because they are clergymen ;
ana because they solemnly believe the judg
ments of (rod are provoked by a violation of
public faith and an act of political immorality,
are they to Tie denounoed as fanatics and
dunces by the Senator from Illinois? "
Am Acsn Womaw.-?Tho Utica Herald of
Maroh 31st says :
u A correspondent, in our paper of March
14th made some notice of Mrs. Judith Town,
a lady resident in the town of Marshall, in this
county, who had attained the remarkable age
of 107 year*. Hardly had we published his
note, however, before she passed away. On
the 16th of Maroh, with hardly any previous
indications of so speedy a departure, she term
inated her earthly career She was born in
October, 1747. sod was consequently a woman
grown when the Declaration of Independence
was signed. Her reoollection of the events of
those days were vivid in the extreme. *She was
undoubtedly the oldest woman in the country
at the time of her death. We are informed
her oldest daughter survives her, at the vener
able age of 86 years.
BKDim.
A letter from thin pereonage to the Roman
Catholic Archbishop of Baltimore, l* published
in the"Catholic Magazine." II ?? at
London, 17th February.
The greater part of thin letter ie too vague
and umbiguous for our comprehension; and yet
it contains some intelligible pointa. He thinks
be wuh lucky to escape assassin atiou in thin
country. He ifl bitter against the "evil-dis
posed " whom he found here?" certain refu
gees." Ho says:
" Oh, what shameful pUgee will history trace
in their legard, and in regard to those who
concurred with theui in these street orgies, and
those, too, who knew not how to restrain
""They abused, first, the most unbounded
and generous hospitality ; and afterwards, the
credulity of a nation whioh ? already grea
and which aspires to destinies still greater. II
thev could not claim that abused nation as an
accomplice, thoy rendered it at b ast reejioiisi
blc for what took plaoo before its eyes, uudor
its laws, and on ite soil?namely, for a moet
savage attempt, capable of causing any nation
whatever to descend a thousand degrees in the
scale of its dignity '? L. .. .
"The nation redeemed itself greatly, it is
true, in the really courageous and true words
whioh ito Senate spoke in defence of, and re
spect for, the Envoy of Rome ; it was in that
moment that one capital rendered itself entire
ly worthy of the other; but 1 cannot help re
flecting that, notwithstanding, such words did
not avail to put a stop to those lurious outrage*,
or even to protoet my life from the same dan
irers f supposed that a Government would
act upon and in harmony with those noble
words, to which I will never cease rendonng
the tribute of culogium and gratitude; but the
hopes thus awakened, and, in fino, the promises
given resulted in nothing; inaction became the
servant of the delirium of a few, and those oven
foreigners, and I was obliged to be convinced
that for more than one palace in Washington
the inscription dictated by Job would be most
appropriate?/uissem quasi nan essem !
? i ggiost render an account to my sovereign
of the effcct, at least of his most kindly intend
ed letters, but the silence of those who reocived
them will explain my own silence; and this
dinoourtcou* and innulting lenaon tor the * ov
creign of Rome will not be lost on any other
obief of a nation and of a State who may ever
wish to lavish civilities and courtesies from the
other side of the Atlantic. Certainly, it is not
thus that great nations are governed and
served. There ie, indeed, a common code for
them all; nor is there an ocean to divide them
in the fulfilment of their paramount duties, for
the flagrant violation of which those who rule
or represent their destinies are obliged to an
swer. The judgment to be parsed on this af
fair, the nation* of the two worlds have already
formed, and not some miserable bribed and
shameless print on the banks.of the Ohio or ot
the Hudson."
The writer proceeds to rejoice that bis way
was not " scattered only with rosea," and to
bless " those thorns which mortified it." He
says:
u They are the blessed seal which qualified
it and rendered it more holy. Let them plant
the indignity which perfected it in the very
quick of the heart; the field whioh reoeived
that seed will not delay to bring forth abund
ant and blessed fruits. Nisi granumjrumenlt
cudens in terra mortuum fuerit, ipstim solum
manet. Could there be words more true and
more consoling than these, for one who was the
obieot of the anger of hell, in the exercise of a
ministry all of love and of peace 1?
The conclusion of this letter is peculiarly in
teresting. To understand it aright, the reader
must remember that when French bayonets had
extinguished the hope of liberty in Italy, and
invited the return of the Pope, who was then
what Bedini now so thoroughly scorns?" a
refugee"?a good old Taney portrait in oil was
made to produoe wonderful effects upon the
popular mind, by rolling its eyes, whether of
its own volition or not, we do not propose to
determine for others. The Nuncio says:
? Meanwhile, for a more sensible proof of
mv gratitude, and of pious remembrance,
whioh mry recall my journey, I send at the
same time to your Grace and to.your col
leagues a number of pictures of the Dieesea
Virgin of Rimini, whioh I caused to be there
exprosslv engraved, the engraving being done
from a daguerreotype taken from the wonder
ful picture itself, and given me by the pious
and zealous Bishop of that oity. That porten t -
ous moving of the pupils took plaoe precisely
during my civil jurisdiction, when I presided
over the Government of Bologna.
Without pledging a divine laith on this sub
ject since I believe that the only authoritative
1 sentence of the Vatican has not yet intervened,
still, how much force in itself has a faith?all
human though it be?in favor of the well es
I tablished prodigy; and tho diffusion of a pic
I ture so blessed and so full of oelestial insnira
! tion, I consider will be grateful to Catholic
! hearts, and, more than grateful, useful and
| efficacious for their piety. * * * ... ,
"Yes! this beautiful contradiction will also
! appear at the sight of this picture, to wit that
so many who yielded so prompt a credulity to
' the false and most injurious narratives ot one
individual, will glory in being the most incred
ulous in resisting tho assertions of thousands
! and thousands who have testified to the pro
digious movement of the eyes, and who t ,rouP 1
! a midden and irrepressible emotion found their
own eyes in tears and their hearts in oommo
tion. Having a blind and moet prompt faith
for calumnies and for falsehood, they will have
none whatever for the moet marvellous truths;
and throwing themselves with full appetite
and without disgust upon tales which degrade
and corrupt the man who believes them, wi
profess themselves too experienced and too sa
gacious not to reject with scorn and contempt
I the faithful relation of events which ennoble
I the human species and oonsole it, putting it in
more evident relation with the Divinity even,
of which it bears itself the image smoe the
first moment that the vital breath was g.ven
to the olay of Kden. But this is language lost,
upon them ; non omnes recipiunt verbum
I must limit myself to nray tho same blessed
Lady of Rimini, that benignant sho would
i turn her merciful oyes upon this land, where
to me it is most sweet to distribute this her
I image. Oh, may this most powerful Mother
] of the God-man console with her celestial
! glance so many of her children, who will seek
in her maternal heart the fountain of so many
graces; and may she in so many others, also,
who bathed in the blood of her son, still ob
stinately refuse to call her their mother, work
the not lose rare prodigy of opening tboir eyos
to notions more true, more just, more doar,
more holy. * * * ? ?
G. Bedim.
Archbishop of Thebes, Apoetolic Nuncio.
London, February 17, 1864.
The Toiordo Colonist laughs at the notion
of an invasion of Canada bv an
from this sid; of the line, led by John Michel
and promises that their dread
repelled by an eqnal force of
Slavery, now living in the PJ0*?*}
the negroes would fightdssperate y ,
Mi toll el should oonquertheywould
it once be restored to that Mosaio condition
of whioh he ie to great an amateur.
&XTHACT8 FBOM OUR COBWMPOTDEBC*.
Marengo, lit., March 18, 1854.-AUow me
to hi?v r word in regard to the feelings an
sentiments of the people in this
the Nebraska question. Ah lar as we are in
formed, 1 know of but two uiou in the county
that civilly advocate the bill?they are pur y
men of the Hunker stripe. Petitions hate boon
in circulation here, to proaeut t?> our Represen ?
ative, against the passage of a bill without the
Missouri nrohibitiou of Slavery, and not one
in fifty refuse to sign the petitions.
The resolutions attaining Senator Douglas,
that pasiiod our Legislature, by no means are
the nentiments of a vast majority of the voters
of the State. It is well understood here, that
those resolutions were got up and urged
through the Sonate by a few personal friend*
of the Senator in the Senate, and a few out
side wire-workers. In the House there was a
majority that either vote against them, or did
uot dare vote at all.
Terrytovm, Pa., March 22, 1854.?Now that
the Senate have consummated lis far as thoy
can tho Nebraska conspiracy, the jieoplc bore
are anxiously inquiring whttt tbo Houho will
do. 1 have heard several persons say, if the
bill pass the House, thoy are ready to buckle
on the knapsack, and shoulder the rifle, and
defend Nebraska against the incursions of the
slave oligarchy at all hazards. The excite
ment is increasing, and the end no one oan
foretell.
Mt. Union, Stark co., Ohio, March 27, 1854.
It is worse than foolish for any one to attrib
ute the present excitement against tho Nebras
ka Bill to the Free Democrat* alone.
1 had occasion, some days ago, tp sneak in
opposition to this measure, in a neighborhood
Home miles from this placo, in which I was in
formed there are but ono or two of tho Abo
lition " stamp, but aro almost all Administra
tion men. And I must say, that nowhere, in
any " Abolition " community, have I attended
a meeting on this subject, where indignation
to tho bill was more heartily and fully mani
fested. It is not a question of party, but of
principle; and I hope, if it is productive of no
other good, it will open the eyes of the North
era people generally.
Claremont, N. H., March 20, 1854.?Allow
me to stato ono fact that speaks volumes in
reference to the sentiment in New Hampshire
on the Nebraska Bill.
It was the vote to see if the town would in
struct the Representatives to vote for no man
for Senator to Congress who was not against
the Nebraska Bill.
It was taken when the house was as full as
at any time during the threo days of town
meeting. It w?s proposed to divide the house,
but many oried out, " O, no; we are all on one
aide." ...
And when it was called, more than six hun
dred hands went up with a rush; and when
the contrary was called, three hands were
raised. I saw only two, but understood there
were three. Here was an expression of the
hearts of the people.
Mill Point, Ottawa county, Michigan, March
jO, 1854 ?That infamous Nebraska Bdl must
he defeated. It will be. There is yet love of
Freedom in the North, and covenant keepers
in the South, enough to accomplish it. By the
way, how can such a man as Thos. H. Benton,
with his iron-willed opposition to Slavery
Propagandism, how can he say that he is op
posed to the Bcheme as a breach of faith, but
as it is thrust npon them from the North, he
accepts it, and will vote for it? Does it eome
from the North ? Is it the offspring of North
ern sentiment, or in any proper sense a North
ern measure ?
Our correspondent is mistaken on one point.
Mr. Benton is an honorable and a consistent
man,and not a supporter of the Bdl?Ed. Era.
Orwell, Ohio, March 20, 1854.?The people
here are united to a man, as far as I have seen
and heard, even to the death, agoinnt the Ne
braska Bill, and also the Fugitwe Slave Law.
If the Nebraska Bill does repeal the Missouri
prohibition, depend upon it the out|??t8 of
Slavery will, and shall, be driven in.
NEW MISSILES OF WAB.
Late English papers contain tho following
extraordinary statement:
41 A certain French engineer,-on a late visit
to Sinope, upon examining some of the wrecks,
gave a* his opinion that the missiles used in
the destruction of the Turkish vessels were of
novel invention, and unlike anything hitherto
used in warfare. Some of the *pars from the
dismantled ships were despatched by hini to
the French commander, to be duly examined
by y>orw>nH of experience in matters of this no
tar*. Among those j>rosent was tho captain
of one of the frigates, who had. under Louis
Philips, formed part of the Conncil of the
Marino. At sight of tho fragments sent for
examination by tho engineer, he was Htruck
I with the remembrance of an invention offoied
to the Minister while he was in the bureaux of
the marine, and which was rejected at the
time, as its employment in war would !>e con
trary to the laws of humanity and honorable
warfare. The invention was duo to the ohem
ionl researches of a M. Fortier, who calls it, in
his programme, the bovl't asphyxiant, and was
discovered in the year 1839.
??IJ pa* For tier's offer to commnnicato the
secret to the Minister of Marine, ho refused
to ocoept it, alleging the groat number of
means far the destruction of huiuau life alread y
existing; and there, it w ems, the matter ended.
In 1842 anothor proposal was made of the same
invention, registered in the archives of the Ma
rino as Fortior's ' boulet asphyxiant,' no longer,
however, made by the inventor, but a M.
Champion, an individual well known in the
annals of Paris life, who had lost and won
many fortunes?who hail been fennur dm
I jtux, speculator on the Bourse, an enfant de la
halle?in short, ono of those who deem all
I means of gain lawful Where all havo an equal
chance.
The offer was again refused, upon the same
pretext as liefore, and nothing more was hoard
of the affair, until it became known thot M.
Champion had repaired his broken fortune*
in Russia. Captain B , who had seen the
s) ecimenn which Fortier had deposited at the
Marine in 1839, declares the effect to have
been procisely the same as that visible upon
the shattered spars of Sinope. The programme
of Fortier's invention describee it as liquid fire
burning under water, and destroying life by
suffocation in all who happen to be within a
certain distance of its explosion. The obser
vation mode hv Captain B , at the end of
the report, whioh has been sent home, is this:
?' If the Emperor of Russia is really in pomes
won of thin doadly ?lomcnt of destruction, the
combined navies of the whole univorse would
be powerless against him. '
The Biblk for Italv.?Tho Evangel,rt
savs " Very important and urgent letters havo
just been reoeivedat the Bible House, from <ie
neva, signed by Dr. Merle de Aubigne, Dr.
Malan Col Tronchin, and sixteon others, nrg
in* the Amerioan Bible Sooiety to furnish
means for publishing immediately, 12,000 or
I 15,000 oopies of the Italian New Testament in
Italy which can now be circulated, and the
people are eager to possess it. ' Will the Chris
tians of America, (iay they,) through your So
oiety, oonsecrate two or three thousand dollars
to bring out the first edition ? * It is nnder
ntood that there is a possibility of circulating
the Scriptures in Italy, such as has not liefore
existed
LOCAL.
The Jury in the oase of James W.
Sohaumburg, indicted for wwwU and battery
with intent to kill Edwurd H. Fuller, by ?-hoot- .
him with a pistol, connoted of Messrs. Jam*s
Lynch, George A. Bohrer, Thomas Munthall,
Dennis Callahan, Jedediah Getting William
Boyd, John Ashfurd, Lewis C. Hotoo, John D.
Kvaus, Jamea MoSberry, Wm. Bond, and Sam
uel Wine. Judge Crawford yesterday sentenced
the offender to six months' imprisonment in
jail, and a fine of one hnndred dollars.
Q^=- Tho Comet, it is said, whose approach
to our oentral luminary has been noted for
some days, is distinctly visible above the north
western horizon on clear evenings. This comet
is not so large as the one that showed itself in
tho same quarter last autumn, yet it lormn a
remarkablo object in the western sky.
Q^- The Supreme Court of the II. States,
pursuant to adjournment, reassembled at the
Capitol, yesterday. There were present, Hon.
linger B. Taney, Chief Justice ; Hon. James M.
Wayne, John Catron, Peter V. Daniel, Samuel i
Nelson, B. E. Curtis, and John A. Campbell,
Associate Justices.
James B. Campbell, E^q., of South Carolina;
C. B. H. O'Neill, E^q., of Pennsylvania; and
Charles Bayard Strode, Ksq.? of California
were admitted attorneys and counsellors of thin
court.. ______
BY TIIK MORNINU'S MAIL.
Connecticut.
Hartford, Aprii. 3, 11 P. M.?On State
ticket, Whig vote, 1,136; Democrat, 505; Tem
perance, 381 ; Free Soil, 100. Whig Senators
ure elected in the 1st, 2d, 3d, 7th, 8th, 9tli, and
14th districts; of which fivo ure Whig gains.
Democratic Senators elected in the 13th and
18th districts.
Massachusetts.
New Bedford, April 3.?Thoeleotion held
to-day for a member of Congress for this dis
trict, in place of Zano Scndder, has probably
resulted in the choice of Thomas D. Eliot, tho
regular Whig candidate. The vote in this oity
is: For Eliot, J,158; for A. H. Howland, Free
Soil Democrat, 1,325. In Plymouth, Elicit has
1 228, and Howland 165.
College Burnt.
Buffalo, April 3.?The Collogikto Institute
at Brockport was totally destroyed by fiie yes
terday. Loss estimated at $20,000.
Large Fire in Danville, JV*. York.
Danville, A pril 3 ?A vary destructive fire
| last night made a burnt district of the business
j portion of our oity. The Presbyterian church,
American Hotol, and forty other buildings,
were burnt,to the ground. Loss estimated at
$200,000.
Fire at Oswego.
Osweqo, (N. Y..) April 3.?The extensive
, iron foundry of Mr. Richardson, at this place,
was destroyed by fire lust night. Loss, $20,000.
Escape of Slaves.?The Norfolk Beacon of
March 31st notices the esoape of a slave, the
property of Mr. Richard Doyle, of that city,
and adds: "We aro called upon to announoe
almost daily the esoape of this species of prop
erty to the North. The community ot Nor
folk and vicinity have, within the 1&?* twelve
months, huxtained a loss of over $30,000 of
slave property by the aid of Abolitionif te, and
are now largs stockholders in this kind of
proiierty, north of Mason and Dixon's line.
We would ask if New Bedford, Boston, or any
other community of Abolitionists, were losera
in any kind of property, would they Bit so
quietly, aud not call for redress from the
'l?owers that l?e?' It is time that the South
should take some uctioo. Forbearance has
ceased to be a virtue.''
The forbearance here alluded to, as having
ceased to bo a virtue, is that of the slavehold
er?not of tho slave!
Duty of Ministers.?Old John Adams un
derstood well the duties of the nulpit. In a
letter to his wifo, dated Philadelphia, July 7,
1774, he inquires?" Does Mr. Wilibind preach
against oppression and the other oardinal vice*
of the times ? Tell him tho clergy here, of
every denomination, not excepting the Episco
palian, thunder and lighte n every Sabbath."
The clergy of the Revolution gavo effectual
aid and comfort to tho cause of liberty. They
assailed wickedness in bi^h places as well as
in low, and dealt with public as with private
sins. Oppression on the part of rulers they
held to be a flagrant crime, demanding tho
sternest rebuke of tho pulpit.? Barton Comm.
Kidnapping Excitement?TIic sudden dis
appearance of two colored children from New
port, Rhode Island, is causing a good .teal of
exoitement in that city. The suspicion pre
vails that they have been kidnapped, and the
Mayor offers a conditional reward of $I0? for
their return.
A Queer Mi mow we.?A San Francisco pa
per oloscs an account of a firemen's celebra
tion as follows: "After three cheers bad been
given for Mrs. Sinclair, (late Mrs. Forrest.)
Bishop Kip pronounced tho Is-nediotion' "
Mrs. Willard died of hydrophobia, in Buffa
lo, from the bitu of a oat.
James Burton was shot dead lately, by Mat
thew Grubb, at a public side near Huntsville,
Alabama.
It has been stated, on authority entitled to
the highest credence, that thnre is more work
done every day in England, by the power rf
machinery, than all the men and women in
ths world could do without it.
Lieutenant Jerome Napoleon Bonaparte, U.
S. Rifles, is in New Orleans, and is about re
sorting to the theatre o? war, in Europe.
A man named Seal I ion wn tried and hanged
on the 12th November, in Santa Fe, for killing
Hugh N. Smith, who is alive, and ' slowly re
covering.'' ^
FOREIGN ITEMS
It is said that Sir Charles Napier told some
one, on the night of the reform dinner, that
in three weeks from that date bo n would either
be in St. Petersburg!) or in Heaven."
Whfn the English fleet was sailing, a signal
was ma?le for a dmihle allowance of chloro
form.
Sir James Wylic, for so long a time the chief
physician at the Russian Court, has just died
at St. Petersburg!!. He is reported to have
bequeathed the entire qf his very arge fortune
to the Rmperor of Russia. JaM Wyhe
was a Scotchman. He was kn.ghted at As
oott Heath races, in 1814, by George IV , then
Prince Regent, and was subsequently created
a baronet, at tho request of the Rmperor Al
exander, on his departure from England. Hjb
wealth is ^ated to have beon considerable.
Mr. Maurioe's " Theologioal Essays'' are
positively prohibited at Rome.
A concert given a short time sinoe by tho
King of PriiMsa, at Bnrlin, derived much eclat
from tho pre*?noe of Jenny Lmd, who exe
cuted several morteaux.