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THI KKDAV MflKNINU, JAN. 3, IMU. CONUKKK8. The Senate wu nut in session yesterday. In the House of Representatives another in effectual effort was made to elect a Speaker by a plurality vote. Two additional trials were then made, vicu voce. Mr^Banks, as hereto fore, received the highest number of votes and an adjournnent took plac? without the House coming to a definite result on this in teresting question. CdNUHKM-RKCKPTlON OK THE MBHSAUK. A general surprise was created in and out of the two Houses of Congress by the unexpected presentation to those two bodies of the President's annual message, on Monday last. It seems to have been taken for granted, without any special reason for the assumption, that the message could not be received or read uutil both Houses should be organized. It has been customary for th?? two Houses to appoint a joint committee lo wait upon the President, and inform him of their readiness to receive his communications. It has also been customary for the House of Representa tives to effect an organization within a reason able time after its meeting. While no law makes it obligatory on the House to apprize the President formally of its readiness to re ceive his measure, yet that courtesy which is equally necessary between individuals and Departments of Government, suggested, soon after our Government went into o: eration, the propriety of making knowu to the President the willingness and readiness of Congress to receive his message. And in the early days of the republic the reception and the reading of these communications were one and the same thing?for the rule then was for the Pre sident to go the Capitol, appropriately attended, and with his sword by his side, and deliver his message in person, and with his own voice. Such was the custom of Washington during his two Presidential terms. The custom was departed from, and we thiiik it unfortunate, by Jefferson. In the Senate, the message, though not ex pected, was received, and read without en countering any objection. But the House was thrown into a state of high excite ment by its announcement. A warm and pro tracted debate ensued, which resulted in the refusal of the House to hear the message read. Many speeches, and various expositions of the respective duties of the President and the House were made. We shall state briefly our opinions on the ?ubject and the grouuds of those opinions. No one, we presume, will deny that it is the duty of the President to communicate with Congress. That matter is determined by a constitutional provision?as follows: "He shall, from time to time, give to tht Congress information, of the state of the Union and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expe dient. He mag, on extraordinary occasiont, convene both houses, or either of them" dc. If the President is President, it is his duty to communicate, as above; and if Congress i? Congress, it is its duty to receive such commu nication. Else the constitutional provision ii altogether barren and worthies*. That Presi dent Pierce, is President, everybody knows, bu1 the question is gravely mooted by many, whe ther Congress is in fact Congress. On thw point we are not left in the dark. The Consti tution provides that u Congress shall assembW at least once in every year, and such meeting ?hall be on the first Mondav of un less they shall by law appoint a different day.' It further provides that "the Hon* of Iiepre sentatiees shall choose their Speaker and othei officers." When the Senators and the elected Repre sentatives of the people assemble in obedienc< to law, at the appointed place and time, whe ther a Speaker, Clerk, or other officers 1* elected or not, these Senators and these Representatives constitute the Congress?tc the whole, or either branch of which, the Presi dent may?not may?but must, "shall," com municate his opinions on public affairs. It is idle to characterize, as some do charac terize, the sending in of the President's mes s age as a "usurpation," and an a discourtesy tc a co-ordinate branch of the Government. Ii was bis duty to do so, sad a* for the argument in regard to discourtesy, the discourtesy existi on the part of the dominant party towards thi President and the country, in the fact that the} will not organize. Although the House refused to bear tlx message, it was read in the Senate; it has beer published in all the papers, and its contenti will be kno* n to the members of the House ai well as if it had been received and read in thai body. Whether an organization will be pro moted or retarded by such knowledge we vil sot undertake to say. THK PRESIDE BIT'S ^KSIAUK. MN e published in our last issue the Auuua Message of the President to the two Houses 01 Congress, but did not have the opportunity ol accompanying its publication with suitable commentaries. Nor do we design, at the pres ?nt time, to present to our readers any thing bearing the character of a detailed and elabo rate exposition of the points of that important document. Yet, while we forbear at present to express our views in extenso on the variouj topics presented in the message, we shall tak? occasion, in future numbers of the Sentinel, tc discuss the President's recommendations. However, while we defer to future olcasioni the discussion of the specific points of this doc ument, it becomes us as political?as Demo cratic journalists, to give to our readers our general estimate of its character. It is not so long as such papers usually hare been in latter years, and this we regard as a great improvement It is written in a good, plain, lucid style, and is happily free from that rhetorical flourish and theatrical display which too often mark Ameri can State papers. Its exposition of the relations of the States to the Federal Government and to each other, is most clear and satisfactory, and has drawn compliments from those who like ourselves be long to the State-rights school of politics. We content ourselves for the present with tbaee brief remarks. The reports of the Heads of Departments we shall endeavor to present io future numbers of the Sentinel. "AMD HIC PLAVK1) UPOM A IIA HP OF 1 A THOU MA AID HTKIMOtt"- TM1C WASH- | I HO TON CHION. In an article in the Sentinel of the 18th De cember, 1856, under the caption, "A Political Mo?uie ? The Washington Union, ' we inad vertently omitted to refer our reader* to the lauda'.ory comments of the Washington Union, in its issue of the 28th of December, 1854. of the speech of General Shields, late Senator of the Uuited States from Illinois, upou the Ne braska bill. Not desiriug to do our neighbor injustice or lo disturb its consistent series of inconsistencies upon the Nebraska-Kansas bill, which we un folded from his record, we make this morning the amende honorable by supplying the omis sion. To do this more effectually, we repro duce our article of the 18th entire, and insert here the following, from the Washington Union of the 28th of October, 1854: From the Union of Oct. 2b, ISM. ti?u. Shield'* In Illinois. We are gratified to see that General Shields is in the canvass iu his State, giving powerful aid to his distinguished colleague, Judge Douglas. Seldom has a contest been so zeal ously and ably carried on as that iu Illinois. Judge Douglus has just completed a tour of four weeks, and returned to Chicago with con fidence of the triumph of the democracy. General Shields has entered the light with earnestness and ability. We see a sketch of his speech at Springfield, iu which he sustain ed the principles of the Nebraska bill with great force and effect. Speaking of the princi ple of ncti intervention, he said: " It allowed the people (he said) to fix their ywn condition, manage their own affairs, and work out their own happiness in their own way. It gave equal chances to equal States iu the settlement and government of common territory. Kansas and Nebraska were free note, and the people tJiere would keep them free. The establishment of slavery in those Territo ries was not only improbable, but impossible, and it was always wiser and better to let peo ple work out a great good for themselves than have it forced upon them by others; and this was the way in which freemen always do what in great and good, by their own free and volun tary act. The principles of non-intervention would not only keep Kansas and Nebraska what they are now?free?but would by itsJull and fair operation, if we acquire the continent to the Isthmus of Darien, work with such pow erful force and effect that no man would ever see another slave Territory on this continent." "After saying much more on this head, General Shields alluded to the danger of sec tional organizations, and of arraying one sec tion of the Union in a general sentiment of hostility against the other. The Nebraska question, he said, would soon settle itself, as, in the midst of this ani/ry discussion, Kansas would present herself with a fret constitution, and be admiitetl as a free member of the con federacy." Now, here we have what really hail escaped us, the Washington Union absolutely endors ing the speech of General Shields, in which he hail argued in favor of the constitutional prin ciple in the Nebraska bill, while he declared that the passage of the bill itself would ensure the admission of Kansas into tho Union with a free constitution. While we eudorse the whole principle of non intervention contained in that bill, we could not have been induced to sup port it purely upon the ground of its practical effect upon either section of our country. This would not have been fair. A principle is only a good principle when it operates equally upon all the parties interested in its establishment Such was the case in this instance. We do not mean to impugn the patriotism of General Shields. By uo means. We know it too well, and have often commended it highly but the praise of the Washington Union, of the pecu liar view enforced by him, is in striking con trast with its very late positions, taken for its own purposes no doubt, upon the extreme southern platform. A POLITICAL MOSAIC?Tllk " WASHINGTON UNION." On the 20th of January, 1854, the Washing ton Union denounced those who would give the compromise of 1850 fair play in Nebraska, by removing all obstacles to its full, and free, and tintravinelled operation there. It de nonn:ed those who would repeal, by express terms, that portion of the Missouri compromise which curbs and restrains the compromise of 1850 while Nebraska remains a territory. The Union also demands precedence for the Mis souri compromise as fixing the territorial cod dition of Nebraska, and denounced any attempt to repeal that unconstitutional act, in order to give force and virtue to the Baltimore plat form. In speaking of Judge Douglas's report, the Union Baid: "lie has arrived at conclusions which seem to us unassailable, lie plants himself reso lutely upon the compromise of 1850 as a ftYial settlement?not final merely as to the territo ries then io dispute, but final at to all future legulaiion for territorial government*. If the principles of the compromise, as brought for ward in the Nebraska bill, are sustained by the united democratic votes of senators and repre sentatives, all doubt as to the final expulsion of the slavery question from the democratic organization will be put to rest." On the 11th of January, 1854, the Union said: " We are gratified to witness the earnestness and promptness with which our democratic contemporaries are rallying to the support of the principles proposed to be incorporated in the Nebraska bill. As a historical iact, we may remark, that in 1850, Judge Douglas pro posed to adopt the Missouri compromise line, and to extend it to the Pacific; but the organs which now insist upon the inviolability of that compromise, denounced his propositions as a base truckling to slave power. He is now de nounced by the same organs as truckling to the slave power because he does not again bring forward the Missouri compromise." Again, in reply to the Albany Atlat't stric tures upon the bill, the Union tfpoke as fol lows : " But the reasons for the insertion of the clause criticized by the Atlat, should lie dis tinctly stated. The clause is copied literally from the compromine acts of 1850; as to L'tali and New Mexico, portions of their territory were situated north of the Missouri compro mise Ijne. Its insertion in those acts was de manded as a solemn recognition of the great principles of Congressional non-intervention. ri.is principle lay at the foundation of the compromise. If it can now be said with cor rectness that the Nebraska bill proposes to re peal the compromise act of 1H50, so might it nave been said with equal correctness as to the I tah and New Mexico bills. If it be true, as maintained by the Allot, that this clause in the Nebraska bill will be a dead letter on the statute-book, so with equal force could it be said that this clause in the Utah and New Mexico bills was a dead letter, and yet the de elaration in thu claute was etteniial to give vitality to the eompromite of I860?it was the recognition of a great principle, and as such acquiesced in by the country as an essential element 10 the settlement of lite slavery ques tion." Again, the Union said: "1 he bill reported by Mr. Douglas challenge# the support of every true democrat. By the compromise of i860, the Territories of Utah ! and New Mexico were free and open to emi gration, and the rights of person and property were subject only to the restrictions and limi tation* imposed by the Constitution of the Cuitttd States and the acts giving government to these territories. The same provision is made in Mr. Douglas's bill for Nebraska; or if j it is doubtful whether such provision is made, j we are sure every democrat will readily see I that a faithful adherence to the compromise ol ! 1830 requires that it should be made." The Union thus commits the Administration to the Nebraska bill: "We cannot but regard the policy of the Administration as directly involved in this question; that policy looks to fidelity to the compromise of 1850, as an essential requisite to Democratic orthodoxy. The proposition of Mr. Douglas is a practical execution of the principles of the compromise, and therefore cannot but be regarded by the Administration a# a tent of Democratic orthodoxy The Union copied an article from the Bing hainton Democrat, published at the residence of Daniel S. Dickinson, in which it urged the passage of the Nebraska bill, and the repeal of the Missouri restriction, and endeavored to damn it with faint praise; and seizes on a single expression as a pretext for cavilling criticism, and unmerited rebuke, and as a text for a canting sermon on concession and forbearance towards the Freesol opposi tion to the Nebraska bill, forgeting, the while, that with fierce gesticulation and big voice, it declared, as one authorized, and duly em powered and accredited to announce the law, that the support of the Nebraska bill was a test of Democratic orthodoxy. this is not all. The very same page of the Wash ington Union contained also an article from the Nashua Gazette, in which the posi tion, associations and purposes of the National Democracy were most offensively misrepre sented ; and yet not one word of rebuke, of censure or of correction was given to the Nas hua Gazette. AAer its election as printer to the House, the Union said: In our judgment it would be as unwise as it would be unjust, to regard and treat such opponents of the measure as thereby abolition izing themselves. Such Democrats', as we un derstand them, recognize the principle of non intervention as secured, but they are not satis fied that it should be applied to the Nebraska Territory.'' A i>ain: "As we have said before, this paper does not make the details of the bill for the organiza tion of Nebraska and Kansas a party test. We repeat, that this paper dpes not now as.sume that this bill, in any of its stages thus far, or the votes upon it. constitute a test of Demo cracy; but gentleman should consider well whether the great principles of this measure, which can be regarded in our party in no other light than as fundamental, do not here, and will not elsewhere, present what the ultimate tribunal?the people?will regard and act upon as a test." Thus having first exercised the power of ex communication, it goes one step higher and asserts the superior power of absolution. For the practical application of the Nebraska bill, the Union gives this view of what it con ceives to be the policy intended under it. Speak ing of Governor Reeder, after -he had dote everything which had embroiled that Territory, it says: " We unhesitatingly say to the true friends of constitutional principles, in every part of the Union, that no man could more faithfully represent the conservative sentiments of the country, or trill more steadily and conscien tiously labor to bring order out of confusion than the present Governor of Kansas." 1 his emphatic endorsement was after Go vernor Reeder's speech was published aid known to the Lnion, in which he declared '? Kansas has been invaded, conquemt, subju ' yaled. by an armed force from beyond her bor ? ders. led on by fanatical spirits, trampling un derfoot the principled/ the Kansas bill and the right of suffrage.'* We have uo room, nor is there need, for corn meoA, Verily, we know nothing to liken our con temporary the Washington Union to, unless it be the skillful musician in the text, "lie played upon a harp of a thousand strings aporitsof just men made perfect," and for the amiable purpose of further reflecting our con temporary, we append the whole of the inter estmg discourse which was so aptly based up on it; A Political Itrmlni. Mi Brkktukinu, I will take for my text the same which was preached once by my brother, at Hrandon, Mississippi, of which vou all have doubtless heerd "And he played on a harp of a thousand strings?sperrits of inst men made perfic." My breethren, there is aa many alrraps to politix as there is to a lyre?an a good many liars to eeny most every strings?theu there amt but one on em all that rings out the music of the union to which ever lru?, patriot had ought to keep step?fur "he played on a harp of a thousand strings?aperrits of just men made perfic." Fust thar'g the know-hothin'! riis nam* expresses the amount of his information, but it don t convey aa >de? of his resources. Ha', tha most extraordinary animal iu the show? he is fur and against a variety of topics; he's temperance and be drinks?he's fur the Maine law so pervided he can violate it?he's fur and against fusion?he's an abolitionist here and e at nt an abolitionist?he's here and he's thar ?and he will be no whare in Novehiber?fur ?he played on a harp of a thousand string? ?pcrrits of just men made perfic." Then thars the polittikle cobbler, goin' round like a roaring green bay Jackass neekin' where lie may humbug some boddy. He's all the colors of the rainbow), and more changeable then the Camelia Joponniky. Lie is a whigf anti-whig?and know-nothin' and anti know nothm fur furnners and again furriners fur every boddy and agin every boddy, but prin cipally a long-heeled, woolly headed, rantin' ravin rnggerist and abolitionist and di,unionist fur he "played on a harp of a thousand strings?sperrits of just men made perfic." 1 hen thar s the straight out whig?a respecta 80rl of * character in contrast with don't ! perceoing who represents the fusionist. He I 1 WLnt l? *ee th* ^nior? destroyed, but he knows he can t heir, it if he run, on his own hook, and, that he'<(better run wid der machine that, bound to be ahead and wash the other tubs He plays on a harp of a nnglt string but_h,s execution is imperfect. hen thar's the liberal and the genuine old , fashioned democrat. They don't go whirling round ,n c.rcumbendibuses-they amt afraid of j nobody nor nothm'. They carry their Union Hag afloat the bunting all kivered o'er with stars and stripes?glorious and victorious be cause its the banner of the Union. They go for personal freedom?for popular righte? lor justice to all men and all part* of j cottntry?-for light iustead of darkness?for open iliscuskion instead of midnight cabal?for self government and not for oligarchy; and they go in to win, for their instrument in tuned with pop lar feclin' though its made of bttcii wood? j aud they played ou a harp of a lAottsaud strings, aud every smug an honest principle. Supreme Culrt uf the Dulled State*. j Wkdnksuav, January 2, 1856. J. Young Scammon, esq., of Illinois, wua admitted an attorney aud counsellor of this court. No. 19. David Bush, v*. Maborn Cooper's administrators. In error to the High Court of Errors and Appeals of the State of Missis sip pi. Mr. Justice Curtis delivered the opinion of ihe court, affirming the decree of the said court in this cause, with costs. No. 24. The United States, ??. Catesby Ap Roger Jones. In error to the Circuit Court of the United States for the District of Columbia. Mr. Justice Grier delivered the opinion of the court, alfirming the judgment of the said Cir cuit Court in this cause. No. 119. Isaac Hartshorn, plaintiff in error, vs. Horace II. Day. This cause having been prematurely docketed by the plaintiff in error, it was ordered to be stricketi from the docket. No. 32. Robert A. Parker et al, appellants, ' ft. Wui. Overman. The argument of thin cause was contiued by Mr. Lawrence for the appellee, and concluded by Mr. Bryan for the appellants. No. 33. Edward C. Richards et al., appel lants, VS. SylvantiH Holmes et al. The argu ment of this cauase was commenced by Mr. Bibb for the appellants, and continued by Messrs. Feudal! aud Tracy for the appellees. Adjourned till to-morrow at 11 o'clock. Maeanlf'i .History. The English reading public is very wrathful just now on ascertaining the fact that Ma cauly's new volume, over which he has been laboring for years, covers so little time. One of the correspondents gives the following' account of the state of feeling: " A history of the reigns of Anne, and at least three of Georgies? Oh dear?and dear indeed it is?nothing of the sort; but for a history of four years of William and Mary. Fancy that as the result of seven years labor of a writer who promised to bring down his nar rative to within memory of men still living. Thirty-six shillings and some fifteen hundred large octavo pages of letter press for a chron icle of four years a century and a half ago! If that be not the romance of history it is dif ficult to say what is. Opium-eating has surely bemuddled Bab's brain, and caused him to be oblivious of the admonition of his old friend Sidney Smith, who used to entreat long-winded writers to remember the flood, for since Noah's day a century made rather a serious hole in a man's chronology. Why, at the rate T. M. B. is crawling along lie must intended to live to the age of Methuselah himself and his own pos terity. No grand children of any man now alive will be in the land of the living bv the time the thread of the discourse gets as far as the cotton spinning era of Eugland. 11 They Don't Run, Kin 'Km. At Bolougnei during the reception of her Majesty Queen Victoria, a number of English ladies, in their anxiety to see everything, press ed with such force against the soldiers who were keeping the line, that the latter were, in some instances, obliged to give way, and gene rally were, to use the expression of our police men, "impeded in the execution of their duty." The officer in command, seeing the state of affairs, shouted out? " One roll of the drum, then, if they don't keep back, kiss them all." At the first sound of the parchment, the Eng lish ladies took to flight. " If they had been French," says a Parisian journalist, "they would have remained to a woman." THE SONG OP HI AAV AT H. A The following are the opening lines of Long fellow's new poem: Ye. who love the haunt* of Nature, Luve the suushine of the meadow, Love the shadow of the forest, Love the wind among the Uranche*. And the rain-sbower and the ?now ?ronn, And the gushing of great river* Through the palisades of pine t?e??, And the ihunder in the iiiouuUho^ Wbo*e innumerable eChoe* Ffap like eagles in their eyri**,? Listen to'those wild tradition*, To this song of Hiawatha ! Ye who love a nation's legends, l^ove the ballad* of the people, That like voiees from afar off Call to us lo pauae and listen, Speak iatojiea *o plain and childlike;, Scarcity i kq the ear distinguish Whether they are sung or spoken,? Listen to this Indian Legend, To this song of Hiawatha. Ye whose hearts are fresh an ^ nimtple, Who have faith in God and Natiyre, Who believe that in all age* Every human heart is human. That in even savage bosoms There are longings, yearings, atrivitigt, For the good they comprehend not; That the feeble hands and ht-lple**. Groping blindly in the darkness, Touch God's right hand in that dwrknes* And are lifted up and strengthened? Listen to this simple story, ! To this song of Hiawatha. Ye who sometimes in your ramble* Through the green lane* of the couolry, Where the tangled barberry bushes Hang their tufts of crimson berrie* Over stone wall* gray with mosses. Pau?e by some neglected grave-yncd, For a while to mu*e and On a half-effaced inscription. Writlen with little of song craft. Homely phrases, but each letter Full of hope, and yet of heart-break, Full of all tender patho* Of the Here and the Hereafter? Stay and read this rude inscription, Reitd this *ong of Hiawatha. After Longfellow (with a Suarp?P*?r.) ?A few moments since, we fonnd thef allowing poem in the delightful cbirography of ?>ur devil, lying in close proximity to a copy of Vir. Long fellow's "Song of Hiawatha." It. is positively refreshing, the impudence of our devil. And the poem?no 01* but Mr. Longfel'<ow or the devil cinild have doge it: HIAWATHA. Have you read the misty poem Of the mystvc Hiawatha? Read about the wild Dakota*. Anil the brave Humbugawamp am*. In the vale* of Hifaluieo, In the vale* of Wishy Washy. In the vale* ol Skiintny Dishy? No, Sir E. Sir. that I have not, And I would not for a hundred Dollar* paid in silver, or in Gold by the inllated teller Ol a bank called the Manhattan. I looked in the book a moment, And my spine is really aching At the hard word* Mr. Longlel Low puts in hi* learned ver*e?. Hmnor saya that Mr. Riply. Critic of the N. Y. Tribune, Hired by a snob called Greeley, Labors with an awful lockjaw,^ Got in reading Hiawatha, Gue*s he got a-fouI of this w* )r<\? Oliejay wayaacolola!!! Here the MS. end* abruptly. "Since the above was in type" the head ?om' poaitor has informed us that the body of our devil is lying under the press, , with an empty bottle in his band, marked t>randy, bat snp posed to have contained lau Jnum. Another genius gone I They die earl jr whom tba gods lore.?A?w York Mirror. ikungrtssioiui. TIUKTY-POIJKTH t'OKRHI SH I'lKKT SfcSilON. tteuate?Medueidiy, January X, IKM, The 8?Dit* wi> not in ?(???ion to-dajr. Uuuae of HepreawutaUvts. Mr. GIL>L>1N(JS moved th*t the journal of Mon day l>e amended; ?iriling out the word*, -a mea sure in writing was received from the President of the Uinied State*, and handed in at the Clerk'* desk by Sidney Webster, the private Secretary of the President," and inserting a suboiiiute, to the effect, that the private Secretary came within the bar and aonounced. without permission, a message in writing from the President of the United Slates, and banded the same to the clerk. A motion waa made to lay the subject upon the table, which was decided in the affirmative?yeas 1'25, nays S9. Mr. KNIGHT, after urging the importance of a speedy organisation of the House, offered a reso lution providing for the election of a Speaker by a plurality vote, and that, until (hat renult ahall be effected, there shall be no debate, adjournment, or rtceu. Mr PHELPS moved that the resolution be laid on the table; and, the question being taken, it waa derided in the affirmative?yea* 115, na\s 103. Mr. LAKE, alter a few pieliuiinary remarks, (saying he believed the President has discharged his duty in transmitting his annual message,) of fered a resolution?thai the message of the Presi dent of the United State*, with the accompany ing documents, be received, and that the message be read 10 the House. Mr. STEPHENS and oiher gentlemen con tended that the message baa already been re ceived. Mr. LAKE did not so believe. On motion of Mr. WASHBURN, or Maui.?, the resolution waa laid upon the table. The House then proceeded to vote, ?i*? sum for a Speaker, with the following result: Mr. Banks 103 Richardson 72 Fuller 32 Pennington : 6 Boyce 1 Porter 1 McQeen I Williams I Orr I Whole number of votes "Jli Necessary to a choice U0 Mr. MILLSON moved that the message ot the President of the United Stalea, communicated on the 31st instant, be now read. Mr. STANTON raised a question of order? that the House is not in a condition to receive the message, and have it read. Mr. MILLSON argued in favor of his motion, saying, incidentally, in his judgment the message was an excellent and admirable State paper. Mr. STANTON enforced hia views, saying, iit reply to Mr. Million, that the message is. tn bis judgment, the most di?reputable public document which ever emanated from a public functionary; talsilying, as he charged it does, the history of the Government from its organization down to the present day. in every particular. Debate en?ued on ihe point of order, at the con elusion of which. Mr. MACE moved that the whole subject be laid upon the table; which question was deter mined in the affirmative?yea* 118. nay* 91. The Houae resumed voting, viv moe?, for a Speaker, with the following reault f Mr. Banks 101 Richardson 71 Fuller'. 30 Pennington (i Orr 1 Williams. 1 Boyce 1 Porter 1 Smith, of Tennessee 1 Wliole numl>er of voles 213 Necessary 10 a choice 107 The House, at half-past three o'clock adjourned. Salt Rtrtr. Many persons may suppose the river of this :name to be an imaginary stream, up which de feated politicians are sent by ,a sort of figure of .speech. Indeed, it is doubtful whether one in I a hundred ever thought of inquiring into it* length, breadth, depth, or locality. From the ?description which follows, it is certain that the exile has not much of a journey to make: I This river, (saya Bayard Taylor,) where it debouches into the Ohio river, is not more than sixty yards in bresulth, but very deep. It is never fordabie even in the dryest season, and, being navigable for fourteen miles above: has i not been bridged at this point. We descended ' its steep and difficult banks, embarked our car riages on a flat ferry-boat, and were conveyed | across. The view lookiug up the river was ! very beautiful. Tall sycamores clothed the hank, dropping their boughs almost to the water, and forming a vista of foliage through which the stream curved out of sight between two wooded hills. I longed to be rowed up it. While on the spot I took occasion to inquire the derivation of the slanj; political phrase, ''Rowed up Salt River," and succeeded in dis covering it. Formerly there were extensive salt works on the river, a short distance from its mouth. The laborers employed in them were a set of athletic, belligerent fellows, who soon became noted far and wide for their achievements in the pugilistic line. Hcnce it became a common thing for the boatmen on the Ohio, when one of ttwir number became* refractory, to say to him, "We'll row you up Salt River," when of coarse the bully saltmen would have the handling of him. By a natural figure of speech the expression was applied to political candidates; first, I believe, in the Presidential campaign of 1840. (17* Sick Headache Remedy.?A remedy tor the nick headache, which has been recently offered to the public, i* attracting great attention, not only by reason of the very satisfactory testimonial* to its efficacy winch have been volunteered by many j who have been benefited by it, but also because 1 there are so great a number of people who are af flicted with the distressing complaint, for which no medicine has before been made public. Or. Kastman, who discovered the efficacy of his "ren; ; edy," is a physician in this city, iu high standing, with a large practice He is a physician in whom 1 great confidence it placed; and we do not wonder 1 that his remedy for a very common disease, which has been so longneeded.has attractedthe attention ofall sufferers from headache who have heard of it. From our own knowledge of Dr. Eastman's char ucterand practice, we have no doubt that the med i ciue deserves tne favor it receives, and that it will p>rove to be a great benefit to all who may give it ? trial.?Lynn Newt, Dtwnbvr 23, 1853. For sale in Washington by Z. 1). Gil AN, and try all the druggists. Apr 2 Blakk hooks and STATIONERY. Just received from a sheriffs sale in Phila delphia, h very large lot of Blank Books, Letter Iand Cap Paper,Steel Pens, Faber's Pencils, Mathe mntical Instruments, Black Band, Buff Envelope Paper, Inkstands, Slatep, Copy Broks and Schoo' Books, all of which we will sell low tor ruth. GRAY Sl BALLANTYNE, No 4VS Seventh Street. IjlOK kali: OK LBASIC* Lot 11, Square fronting on Pennsylvania avenue, the l sue on which the Apollo Hall formerly slood>. The lot has a front of 48 leet 4 inches, by an aver age depth of about b5 leet The terma of sale will be: One fourth in cash; the balance in one, two, and three years, with . interest, satisfactorily secured; or it will be leased lor a term, from one year up to twenty. There is no use in recapitulating the command ing appearance of the locality of the abovr lot, aa it generally conceded to be one of the best lots now vacant on Pennsylvania avenue. Inquire of Wm. Mikbow, 334 G street, or at tt. C. Uvea's. ? TRACIIKM WANTED aa Governess in a private family, one that ta competent to teach all the branches of English, French and tuusic. A<.dress P. M. Fauquier, White Sulphur V Springs, Virginia. .KKOWfi'h MAHIILE UOTEI . I'lNNKKLdKU AVZMJk| . WA*Hl/WroN CITY. How to Winter One iiuuilrtd ttUccjp uu >u Acrc and * Hal# of Land. The Maine Farmer tells how to winter one hundred bead of sbeep on two acres of land. But 1 have doue better than that. This is the way I do it, and uot on rich, highly-manured land: I take for the purpose nothing more than a common wheat soil; if rich, the growth it apt to be too large. I plow it deeply, barrow it well, and about the 20th of June how two and a half bushels of corn. 1 use the large variety; plow in with shovel, plow, or cultivator, and if weeds try to grow among it, they will get heartily tired of such a sickly life, and try to grow among something else the next time; leave standing until the leaves get seared, and the crop loses weight some; then cradle down when dry, and put up in loose shocks, tie at the top with rye straw, and leave standing until wauted for feedj it may be fed cut short, or as it is on clean ground. In this way 1 have wiutered one hundred head of sheep without grain, and in good order, on an acre and a half of Jand. I have not had a better clip of wool, nor lost fewer sheep, nor raised a better crop of lambs, for five years, than I have done this spring. Governor Johuion. Yesterday, Governor Johnson's official term expired; today,his successor will be installed. The retiring Governor will carry with him to his mountain home the beat wishes of his many warm personal and political friends iu Eastern Virginia. Governor Johnson's term of ser vice has been eventful and laborious, but he has never once flagged in the discharge of duty or flinched from just responsibility, no matter in what garb it was presented. The opposition press may attempt to cast ridicule and reproach upon his official acta, but their efforts will only endear him the more to his political friends, particularly when it is seen that all their specifications are of the flimsiest and most contemptible character. Abuse never sullies when unsustained by truth. The Go vernor will have the proud consolation of con scious rectitude of intention, and may look back upon his career with the confident assu rance that no interest of the Commonwealth has suffered by any neglect or want of atten tion, and that her rights, principles aud honor have been fully guarded aud sustained. His communications to the General Assembly and his public acts reflect upon his neadnud heart. They are worthy of commendation, and will compare favorably with the messages and acts ot his predecessors. We sincerely wish him every blesoing in his retirement, and hope his well spent hie may be happily be prolonged.? Richmond (Ka.) Enquirer. Stiarpe's Rill*. This recently invented weapon if it possesses one half of the power and capacity claimed for it by the proprietor, is destined soon to super sede every other weapon for warlike purposes now in existence. It is the m.st efficacious and terrible fire arm in existence. The small carbine now used by the United States mounted men throws a ball wiih deadly accurucy one quarter of a mile, and can be tired ten times per minute, -it is not complicated in structure, is easily cleaned, and suffers no injury from wet weather. Mr. Shurpe is now preparing models lor lour new species of his weapons, namely: A small pocket pistol, calculated to throw a Minie ball oue hundred yards ; a cav alry pistol, with a range of rive hundred yards; a ride suitable for footmen, wiih a range of one mile; and a large gun calculated to throw a two-ounce ball or a small shell one mile and a half, or as far as a man or a horse can be seen to advantage. With this latter weapon Mr. S. declares he can set on tire a house or a ship at a distance of nearly two miles, and prevent the use of field artilery by killing the horses before the guns are brought within good range. This rifle, in the hands ofa good marksman, is equal to ten muskets, bayonets and all; for place a man six rods distant with a musket and bayonet, and before he can bring the bay onet into use the rifle can be loaded and dis charged ten times. They carry balls with great precision and force. Mr. Sharpe intends these rifles to become a national weapon. [/Si. Louis Democrat. The Case ot Mr. Bates?His Petition to the * Queen. Mr. Bates, late of the firm of Strahan, Paul & Co., has at length separated his interests from that of his former partners, and from his cell has addressed a petition to her Majesty the Queen. The memorialist places his case in n new light, and discloses facts which, we lear, have their like iu loo many of our commercial firms. To attenuate his guilt iu connection with the frauds of Strahan and Paul, Mr. Bates alleges that he was not iniliated into its se crets, and had no authoritative voice in the conduct of i'-s affair*, but from the nature of his relation to Strahan and Paul had simply to do as he wax bid. When to these fact* he has added that he was absent from the hank before, at the time, and for some while after the conversion of Dr. Griffith's securities, he conceives that he has disengaged himself from the responsibility, or at least from the criminality, of that act. He tells us that he entered the banking-house in 1820 as a junior clerk, and obtained gradual promotion. At the close of 1841, Mr. Robert Snow, the representative of the original foun der of the bank, retired, and Mr. Bale* was offered a further promotion, which he thus de scribes : " Your petitioner was invited to become a partner in Mr. Snow's stead, but upon the dis tinct understanding that his promotion waanot to confer upon him any privilege beyond an in crease of his salary to ?800 per annum, and being announced to the world as a partner." Such was the bargain made between the several parties. The firm had just lost in Mr. Snow the preside and confidence of a time honored name; by the invitation offered to Mr. Bates it sought to re inforce itself with a reputation made bv industry, punctuality, ability, and every other business merit. On the other hand, Mr. Bates, in accepting the title of a partner, probably realized the dream of a life. He appears to have been a man of frugal habits and modest social expenditure, and with his ?800 a year, afterwards raised to ?1,000, and his apartments gratis in Norfolk street, appears to have considered himself a made man for life. The compact satisfied the parties to it, and who else was there to think of? Only the pub lic, to whom the association of Mr. Bates's skill, care, and rectitude, with Mr. Straban's wealth and Sir John Dean Paul's piety, seemed a pledge of the security of their deposits. We say that Mr. Bates, in permitting himself to be held out to the world as a partner upon the distinct understanding that his knowledge and experience were not to be permitted their share in the affairs of the bank, gave a pledge which he knew he had no right to give, since ne knew it was one he could not redeem. In his petition he relates to her Mojesty the process by which the bank was ruined, describes the repeated applications of the Oandells for accommodation, and how it was given against his earnest remonstrances, how he advised the closing of the bank in December, 1853, ere its misfortunes were complicated with guilt?ad vice which, as usual, was disregarded ; how, for eight months in 1854, and nve months in 1855, he was removed almost entirely from the bank, where his presence was more than ever necessary, and sent hither and thither like a submissive servant of Strahan and Paul, as he was. Th? Mrw Haven Tragedy?Singular K? ? elatlon by the Proph*t?ia-Verdict of the Cornntr'i Jury. We published yesterday the confession of Samuel Sly, in which he admitted having killed Jastes Matthews. The New Haven /mtrnal nd Courier gives the following additional evi ence taken before the Coroner's Jury: While giving the account of the whole affair, >ly, seemed desirous of telling the truth with iut hesitation. He kept the Bible in his hand ill the time, and frequently said during the confession, that he narrated the facts "in the ear of the Lord." He appeared extremely tervous, and any noise in the room seemed to listurb him very much. This nervousness ap jeared to be a constitutional difficulty. He laid he wus born iu 1803, aud is now neanly 62 ^ears of age. He said that when four years of ?ge he received a cut upon the head, which in jured his brain considerably. In consequence jf this be seemed unable to collect his ideas as readily as was oftentimes desired by the Jury. Sly had made a clean breast of the whole affair to Sheriff Parroelee in the morning, and manifested a desire to tell the whole to the jury. This declaration was made to the Sheriff volun tarily, and without being desired to do so. Mrs. lthoda Wakemau (the prophetess) call ed and sworn. This witness is the founder of the sect called the "Wiikemauites," and is a wonderful speci men of the human species. She came in closely veiled, and iB the very personification of the wonderful women that lived in Salem in the sixteenth century. I shall be 70 years old next November?have lived in New Haven 17 years?have had 17 children, nine of whom are now living; have been a widow 20 years. I formerly resided in Greenfield?then moved to New Haven; my brother has resided here; he is about 50 years of age. I have been a "messenger" from God abqut 30 years; experienced religion at that time aud walked with Jesus Christ ever since; first experienced religion because my husband abused me and I expected to die, and he finally killed me. After my husband killed roe I was dead seven hours and then raised; two angeU stood beside me when I went to Heaven, and touched me with their bright swords and I rose again; saw there all that was dead, and there they were under the cloud of death; when I was there this cloud parted; and my spirit went one way and theirs the other; they all then held up their little right hands, and I rejoiced. The two angels turned to me and then I went up to Heaven; there was a red light and many white clouds there; Christ came to me when I was in heaven, with his nails in his hands, and spoke peace to my soul. Because he spoke peace to my soul I raised up, and another spirit came to me and spoke, saying: "Make your peace with God." I then kept on praying: he ?oon took me to Paradise and told ine all about Adam and Eve, and all the other spirits. This light then came on me so that I had to look up, and the spirits said I was numbered as one of them ; was taken up to heaven from this place of light, and then saw Christ and all the holy angels; Christ had on the thorns and looked as he was when crucified; then saw God sitting npon his throne in all his glory. About the throne were all the angels in their white robes, and they were all happy spirits there. This spirit then came and took me back to earth, and when I got back to earth again I saw my dead body lying on the floor. I felt bad be cause I had come back to this wicked world to live again. I soon saw my wicked husband, who said, " By God, she's raised!" Soon after I saw two angels who came to me and spoke to me kindly, and then Christ ap peared to me and I fell down before him. And oh! how happily I felt! and how happy I then was! I went to God with my case last night, and had a revelation from Hiin. That man was in league with the devil.. He (meaning Mat thews) got his evil spirit from Amos Hunt. Hunt attempted to poison me. (She went on and gave a long, rambling account of Amos Hunt's poisoning her.) The first thing 1 knew of the murder, was when they came up stairs searching for a hatchet. I knew that my brother had a stick of witch-h?!tel in the house. He sells the bark and lives by so doing. I was sick that night and expected to die, and asked them to take Matthews out of the house. He had such a bad spirit that he was taking away my divine spirit, and killing me by-it. Amos Hunt was the man of sin, and he let his spirit on Matthews. If I should die the judgment would come 1 This man of sin cursed God, and when he died there was a black spot on the throne of God ! In my revelations from God, last night, He said, if I was condemned m this case, the world would be immediately ' destroyed! In this revelation I was told by God that my brother did kill Matthews, and that he did it to save the world ! This singular revelation here closed, aud the ! "messenger from God'' (as she calls herst-lf) ; wa-i taken back Jo jail. The jury then rendered the following verdict: We, undersigned jurors, being empanneled and sworn to inquire of the cause and manner of the death of Justice W. Matthews, late of Hamden, found dead at the town of New Haven, on the 24th of December, A. D. 1855, at the house of Rhoda Wakeman, and whose death was by violence?having viewed the body of the deceased, and duly and carefully considered the evidence presented to us, do on | our oaths say that the said Justice W. MatthewB I came to his death at the aforesaid house, on Sunday night last, December 22d or 24th,^ 1855, between the hours of twelve and four o'clock, from wounds received by him, on his neck, head and breast, which were inflicted upon him then and there by a stick, a knife, and a fork, in the hands of Samuel Sly, of said town ; and the jury also find Thankful S. Hursey, of said town, accessory before and after the death. Tli* Tear HIS. The year just commenced is the latter part of the eightieth and beginning of the eighty first year of the Independence of the United States ; the 6569th year of the Julian period ; j the latter part of the 5616th and beginning of the 5617th year since the creation of the world according to the Jews; the 2609th year since the foundation of Rome according to Varro; the 2632d year of the Olympiads: the latter part of the 1272d and beginning of the 1273d year of the twelve lunations since the Hegira or flight of Mahomet, which took place on the 16th of July, A. D. 622. The Alphonsine tables make this year the 7089th from the creation; the Greek church the 6362d, and some eastern churches date it sixteen years later than the Greek church. The Chinese adopt the Sexagenary cycle, of which sixty cycles have now elapsed, their era commencing 2700 B. C., so they now deem themselves in the year 4555. The Talmud makes this year 7200 ; the Septuagent 7757 ; and the Samarian Pentateuch 6565. Amid all the abstruse and painful calcula tions which have been made relative to the chronological progress of the world, the Christ ian era is undoubtedly the most correct and authentic. According to that the world was created 5859 years ago; the deluge swept the earth 3511 years ago, and 2348 years before Christ; and we are now living in the year 1856, dating from the Christian era. [Albany Argu*. Ttrribl. Railroad A??ld?nt. A terrible Railroad accident occurred at Pittsburgh, January 1, near Darlington, in Beaver country, on the Ohio and Pennsylvania railroad. The three o'clock train going west came in collosion with the fast train coming east at Darlington Summit. The accident was quite disastrous in its effects. Four persons were killed?Mr. Stokes, the agent of the New castle and Erie^ Stage Company, a man named Johnston, and two other men whose names are not mentioned. About sixteen were wounded, among them the engineer of the ex press train and the fireman, the latter having one arm shattered. The locomotives and cars were badly shattered, both trains being uader full headway. The accident was causea by the watch of the conductor of the fast train being three-quartan of ao hour slow.