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EDITED BY WM- fl. OVERTON, CH MAUKICE SMITH, AND BhVEKLEY TUCKEK TUE8DAY MOHNIKG, JAW. JM, IW&U. to.\(;iii?ssi??AL. The Senate, yesterday, transacted but little business of public importance, aud adjourned till Thursday next. I he House of Representatives voted the hundred and eighteenth time, viva voce for a Speaker, but as heretofore without a decisive result. Mr. Carlile offered a resolution de daring the Hon. William Smith, of Virginia, Speaker. J'his received forty-seven votes in the atlirm&tive, and one hundred aud thirty one in the negative. And the House ad journed as far off, apparently, as ever from organizing that body. t-i/" A e publish to day a special message of Governor Wise to the Legislature of Virginia in relation to certain resolutions of the Ver mont Legislature on the subject of slavery. I he remarks of Governor Wise will challenge the approbation of all right thinking men. THE "AVAL. RKTIR1NU BOARD. We have heretofore refrained from an elabo rate discussion of the proceedings of this Board. We have done so with a sincere desire that upon a full and careful examination into its proceedings, as fkr as they were accessible to us, we might be brought to change our first impressions of the result of its action. There was another reason which inclined us to this dela) . we placed so high an estimate upon the sterling integrity and official capacity of the distinguished head of the Navy Department, that we were unwilling to stem even to be in antagonism to any act of his administration. Our opinion of him is unchanged, and our confidence in him unabated. To err, however, is human, and we are forced to believe in this instance the honorable Secretary has made a most unfortunate mistake. As public journa lists, ever sincerely in quest of truth, and anxi ous to do justice to all, upon every matter of public interest which demands our criticism, we consider that we are no longer at liberty to withhold the result of our investigation of the proceedings of this Board, and the reasons which have governed us in our arrival at this result. In doing this, we shall seek to "extenu ate nothing, nor aught set down in malice.'' We propose to ourselves to present to-day morfe par ticularly^ legal view of this subject, reserving for future comments a more elaborate and gen eral treatment of it. To this end, therefore, we invite the careful and critical perusal of our readers to what we now present as the basis of our future articles. It may not be improper to say that we have been prompted to this duty by n6 captious or even unamiable feeling towards any member of the Board or to the Secretary and Execu tive. who have seen proper to confirm ita ac tion. Having made these prefatory remarks, we now propose to consider the execution by the Executive of the United States of the act of the last Congress, entitled " An act to promote the efBciei.vy of the Navy," in a strict lv legal point of view, and to show that the plainest and most cherished principles of popu lar liberty and free government ha?e been dis regarded and violated in its execution. Laws under the republican form of govern ment affecting the right* and interest* of the citizen, should define clearly what is proposed to be done, and the manner of doing it, limi ting as much as practicable the discretion of those entrusted with their execution. This principle, utterly disregarded in the act of Con gress in question, has ever been held to lie at the very foundation of popular liberty. The act in question confers an unlimited discretion upon the Executive, but no practical evil or injustice would have resulted, if prin ciples, time honored as the shield of individual rights, had governed the Executive action under The portions of the art of Congress under consideration, material to be noted, are found in the first and second sections, as follows, to wit: "Which board, under such regulations as the Secretary of the Navy may prescribe, thall make a cartful examination into the ef ficiency of the officers of the grades herein after mentioned, and shall report to the Secre tary of the Navy the names and rank of all officers of the said grades who, in the judg ment of said board, nhall be incapable of per forming promptly and efficiently all their auty both ashore and afloat; and whenever said board shall believe that said incompetency has arisen from any cause implying sufficient blame on the psrt of the officer to justify it, they shall recommend that his name be stricken altogether from the rolls. Vacancies occur ring in said board shall be filled by the Secre tary of the Navy, who shall preserve the num ber and grades of its officers, as aforesaid: Provided, That no officers upon said board shall examine into or report upon, the effi ciency of. officers of a grade above them." "Sec. 2. And fte it further enacted, That all officers who shall be found by the said board incapable of performing the duties of their re spective offices, ranks, or grades, shall, if such finding be approved by the President, be dropped from the rolls or placed, in the order of their rank and seniority at the time, upon a list in the Navy Register, to be entitlea the reserved list; and those so placed on there served list shall receive the leave of absence pay or the ..furlough pay to which they may be entitled, when so placed according to the report of the lx>ard and npproval of the Presi dent, and shall be ineligible to further promo tion, but shall 1k? subject to the orders of the Navy Department at all times for duty; and vacancies created in the active service list, by placing officers on the reserved list, shall be filled by regular promotion in the order of rank or seniority." The act declares of what number of officers, to be selected by the President the board shall consist, their gra<Je? respectively, limits their action to the extent of prohibiting an officer of inferior grade from examiniug into, or reporting, upon the efficiency of officers above them, and. provides for vacancies occur ring in the board to be filled by the Secretary of the Navy. Congress, we are warranted in presuming, believed that during the time it would ntcttxarily take to make the "cartful examination" into the case of every individual officer, expressly provided for by the act, va cancies would probably occur in the board. The act further empowers and directs the Secretary of the Navy to prescribe regulations for th? government of the action of the hoard in making the cartful examination and arri ving at the jut/i/menf &nd relief which they are required, by the act, to report to the Secretary of the Navy, for tfie approval or disapproval of the President. This power conferred upon I lie Secretary was a very large one, it must be admitted, not the less, but rather the more, for that reason to be directed and controlled in its exercise by principles of law and justice. The discretion with which the act of Congress invested the Secretary, was a legal discretion and not an arbitrary and irresponsible one. The Hon. Mr. Mallory, the chairman of the Committee ou Naval Affairs in the Senate, when he reported the bill, seemed to have been aware that objection might be taken, that the powers to be exercised by the board were dis cretionary and undefined, and, by way of ob viating the objection, held the following lan guage: "In determining, &c." It will thus be ueeu that, at the time of the enactment of the law, it was supposed that the board, notwith standing they were to be selected from a "corps of high-toned men," from a " corp9 of honor," might yet do injustice to some officers, and the assurance wus given to the country that the action of the board, conducted under the su pervision of the Secretary, was still to be "sub ject to the approval or disapproval of the Pres ident, and, to a certain extent, of the Senate of the United States." Under this assurance, and with the belief that these securities against in justice would be faithfully enforced, the bill be came a law, when, if it had been conceived that the purpose was to execute it in the mau ner it has been executed, it could not have commanded the votes of a tithe of the mem bers of either House of Congress. The letter of instructions of the Secretary to the board of the 20th June, 1855, intended to be a performance ou his part of the duty de volved upon him by the act, to prescribe regu lations for the government of their actioo, so far from guarding the officers of the navy against injustice by retaining a supervisory control over such action, and taking care that the sume should be subject to the "approval or disapproval of the President, or, to any extent, of the Senate of the United States, expressly by its terms invests said board with full and uncontrolled discretion over the whole subject. He tells them that the incapacity contemplated by the act is three fold, "physical, mental, and moral;1' "for although," says the Secretary, "an officer may possess a strong mind and ro bust frame, yet, if his moral perception of right and wrong be so blunted and debased as to render him unreliable, he could hardly be ranked as the capable officer, to be entrusted with the lives of his countrymen and the pro perty and honor of his country."# He suggests to them farther, that an officer is to "blame if he has become incompetent from neglect of duty and inattention and indifference to his profession as well as from dissipation or im moral indulgences." He beseeches the board not to allow the cases of officers that he, or his predecessors, may have ordered on duty, if they be deemed incompetent, by the board, to cause them (the members of the board) the slightest embarrassment. The Secretary says in his letter of instructions: "I fear a misapprehen sion may exist in the minds of Borne in regard to the position before the country of officers placed on the reserved list with full leave of absence pay. It is no degradation ; it i< rather a high compliment." By consequence, those who were dropped from the rolls of the navy and those retained upon furlough pay were de graded. Every officer of the navy or army has a vested right in his commission, of which he connot be rightfully deprived except for cause. It is troe that the President of the United States, of necessity, has the power to dismiss an officer at will, but he dismisses him under re sponsibility for the act, and if the dismissal be wanton, arbitrary, and corrupt, the President may be impeached for it. This is the theory of the Government, however impossible it may be in practice to execute the power of impeach ment. But this power of dismissal is inherent in the Presidential office, belongs to no other functionary or authority, and cannot be dele gated. Could it have been in the contemplation of Congress when the act in question became a law, and the shield against injustice mentioned by Mr. Mallory in his report was supposed to be thrown around the officers who were to be subjected to action under it, that the fact* of each case upon which the Board based their recommendations were not to be reported to the Secretary for the consideration of the President, that he might decide whether or not he approved or disapproved of the recommendations of the Board ? and was it not the doty of the Secretary to prescribe such regulations for the action of the Board as would accomplish this result ? When citizens of the Government were to be tried for immo rality and crime, and subjected to degradation and deprivation of vested rights, should not the Secretary, unless the law prohibited it, in deference to the character of our free institu tions, have caused the parties sought to be affected to he notified of the charges against them?to be informed of the proofs, and allowed an opportunity to be heard. Is not this the guarantied right of the citizen in all cases? Could it have been in the contempla plation of Congress that the officers of the Navy were to be tried opon their morals, for there may be a very wide difference of opinion as to what constitutes morality or immorality? And the question would, perhaps, be better suited to the investigation of an ecclesiaitical jurisdiction, a board of casuists, or a bench of bishops, than to a board of old and young naval officers. Crime and dishonor have al ways been subject tcrthe jurisdiction of courts martial; and the law, if faithfully executed, I has always afforded a full remedy for them. The general understanding at the time of the passage of the act was, that it was designed to reach such cases only as those of courts martial could not take cognizance. The incapacity con templated by the act cannot fairly or legally be understood to embrace failure from neglect or want of inclination on the part of the officer to perform duties for the government, has always had the power to compel those who were capable to the performance of their duties, or to forfeit their commissions. The incapacity contemplated was, therefore, an actual existing inability on the part of the officer, the result of the accidents of age, diseaae, Ac., which rendered it impossible tor him to perform all his duties ashore and afloat efficiently, however willing and desirous he might be to perform them. It is difficult to perceive how a mere failure to perform duties proves the existence of incapacity to perform them. Under this letter of instructions of the Se cretary, the board convened on the 20th June, 1855, and finished their labors on the 26th of J uly following ; they sat in profound secrecy, and whilst it is said they had access to the re cords of the Navy Department, they called no witnesses to testify before them. If they had testimony before them, it was gathered by the individual members of the board, exparte and unofficially. They reported no testimony to ths Secretary for the consideration of the President. If they did their duty they ex amined carefully into the question of the capa city or incapacity of every officer in the Navy, aud report, as the result of their labors, a re commendation that a number of officers be stricken from the rolls of the Navy, and a much larger number placed upon the reserved list, some with leave pay, and some upon furlough pay. Of those dropped from the rolls, some were nt the time in the active and ef ficient discharge of their duties on foreign stations. In many instances those dropped or retired, on furlough, are men of mature years with dependent families, left destitute of the means ofsupport, and against whom the records of the department will be searched in vain for charges, either of neglect or iuefficiency. If they are immoral their immorality has uot been seen by those most intimate with them. They have been reported to the President as fit subjects, in the belief of the board, for dis missal, or its equivalent, to be furloughed, but for what reason believed to be thus fit, their report is profoundly silent. Yet the President says, in his letter of approval, that he '"has carefully examined and deliberately considered the report of the board," a report giving only the-names of the officers recommended to be retired and dismissed without reasons of any sort for the recommendation. It is true, the Secretary writes to the President, that in his judgment the recommendation of the board is uot altogether correct, but looking to the high character of the officers composing it, he advises him for that reason, and the only one given, to approve and confirm the report. Some of the officers who have applied to know why they have been stricken down, have been informed that the board gave no reasons, and were re quired to give none, and that the President and Secretary approved without reasons. From all the facts of the case, we are led to infer, and I think we are warranted in assum ing it to be true, that the Secretary of the Navy, with the approval of the President, empowered the board to select in their (the board's) discre tion and caprice, such officers as they, from their previous knowledge or opinion or upon hearsay information, or for any reason satisfac tory to themselves, thought ought to be re tired or dismissed, and fo give no reasons for such belief. It is not a little strange, too, that the oldest and most distinguished officers of the navy, such as Morris, Stewart, Jones, &c., were excluded from the board. We have*no doubt but the members of the board are honor able men, but they are but men, and were di rectly interested in the Removal of those who stood in the way of their promotion. The charge is made, but how the facts stand we are not informed, that they found a greater propor tion of those above them than below them fit subjects for retirement and dismissal. "Mankind it unco weak And little to be trusted, If *elf the wavering balance vhake, lie rarely right adjusted." Is not this whole proceeding a plain viola tion of the act of Congress itself, both in letter and in spirit. Is it not a plain violation of the fundamental principles of the common law as declared in M Magna Carta" and the Bill of Rights in England, ami as the same have been embodied in the Constitution of the United States and in the constitutions of every State of this Union, forming as they do the foundation stone of Republican government, viz: that no man shall be deprived of his goods, chattels, estates^ rights, privileges, A'c., unless in due course of law, and with opportu nity to be heard and then cause against it. The officers in this case have, in point of fact, been subjected to a criminal prosecution, and, so far from being confronted by the witnesses against them, and having an opportunity to be heard in their defence, they have been stricken down by a proceeding wholly ex parte and in quisitorial. The Secretary of the Navy had no right to invest said board with any such irresponsible authority as he seems to have conferred upon them. The great principle of free government is, "that all power is vested in and consequent ly derived from the people; that magistrates are their trustees and servants, and at all times amenable to them." There is no such thing in this country as an official discretion unregu lated and uncontrolled by law, for the simple reason, that the officer is himself only the agent and servant of the law, the law being an expression of the sovereign will of the peo pie or nation. The very instant any officer of this Government is endowed with a discretion unlimited and uncontrolled by law, then the Government is at an end, and the officer is no longer the servant and trustee of the people, but their master. What has been done in the case under consideration, has professedly been done in the name and by the authority of the sovereign will, the fountain of all rightful laws. The trust confided has been abused. The sovereign will has been perverted, or rather, the will of the servant has been substituted for that of the master; and the deed done is not, therefore, an act of law to which all must bow, but an act of aggression and wrong, and invalid and nugatory. WKBSTKK BANQUET?ORATION OP HOW. EDWARI) KVRHETT. W e have rarely read a more eloquent and interesting oration than that recently delivered by Mr. Everett at the banquet given in Boston on the occason of the anniversay of the birth day of Daniel Webster. Mr. Everett portrays the personal, not the political, character of the great New England orator and statesman. He presents the most fascinating pictures of Daniel Webster as a man, in hit private and social life. For natu ralness, simplicity, and grapliic' power, few such portraitures can be found in English lite rature. OUUAN1ZATION. From the first day of the meeting of Con | gress up to this time there has been a syste matic effort to injure the Democratic party of the House by holdiug it up before the country as responsible for the long continued failure to organize. All of the opponents of the De mocracy, however opposed in other things, perfectly harmonize in this: they all join in the effort to saddle the blame on our party. In the last few days new life and vigor have been tbruwn iuto this effort. The longer or ganization is postponed, the greater is the compluint against Congress, and the greater the complaint, the stronger and the more earnest is the endeavor to charge the whole blame upon the Democrats. When the country remembers that the De moratic party is a minority party in the House?when it remembers that it has pre sented for the Speakership an unexceptionable candidate?when it remembers that it is the only political organization of respectable num bers in that body which stands upon the Con stitution and State Rights, it must be acknow ledged that not one iota of blame attaches to that party. If all the scattered conservative elements in the House would manfully unite with the Democracy, Black Republicanism and Abolitionism would at once be defeated. No reasonable man can expect a large, compact numerical force like the Democracy, to seek out and surrender to, such scattered elements as have been referred to. ntar it is hardly necessary, we presume, to inform our readers that we were visited during Saturday night by another snow storm, which, no doubt, if it continues snowing, will present more serious impediments to travel, inter com munication, and business, than any that has fallen for some years. This second storm took every one by surprise. The morning of Sat urday was bright and beautiful. The weather became warmer as the day advanced, and a general thaw took place. It was anxiously hoped that in a short time all the remains of the first snow would disappear, but the vast, unbroken continuity of snow which met the eye on Sunday morning dissipated all such hopes. We may now expect bad streets, bad roads, interruptions to travel, and detentions of mails for weeks to come. The sleighs which were given up on Satur day have again made their appearance, and hundreds of such vehicles may be seen dashing along our streets. What will become of the poor in this in clement season? This is a question which should be pondered by all who have a penny, a morsel of bread, or a stick of wood to spare. A Dinner Party given by the President. The President gave a dinner party on Tues day, January 17, at which the Justices of the United States Supreme Court, the Judges of the Court of Claims and its Solicitor, the United States Attorney and Marshal for the District of Columbia, Attorney-General Cushing, and others, together with the ladies of their respec tive families, were present. , * B?3uThe Hon. R. H. Stanton, a member of the last House, of Representatives from Ken tucky, fell a few days since, on the ice, in Mays ville, and fractured his arm badly. A BATTLE IN KANSAS. A dispatch dated St. Louis, January 19th, states that the Kickapoo (Kansas) Pioneer of the 18th says: "A battle took place lost night at Easton between a party of abolitionists and some pro slavery men?the former making the attack. One pro-slavery man was killed and several wounded. Several abolitionists were killed and >ome wounded. A company from Lawrence, he&ded by Captain Brown, commenced the fight with the Kickapoo Rangers. A large number of persons have left for Easton. The disturbance is supposed to have originated out of the late freesoil election of the 15th. It is said that the Mexican Governmen' has made a formal demand on us for indem nity, for the destruction of the town of Piedras Negras, by Texan Rangers, last autumn, and ask protection from similar invasions, and from devastation by armed bands. Rotts and the K. N's?by ji.m. "D'ye Ihink," quoth Ned, "that botts will (dense The Northern Hindoo irat^e*? ' "I think," quoth Jim, ,4a horse disease I* good enough for asses.n \ Boston roU. ttsb" The following railroad companies do not run any trains on Sunday: Galena and Chicago Union, Illinois and Central, Air Line from Chicago to St. Louis, New Albany and Salem, Chicago and Rock Island, Chicago and Mil waukee, Michigan Central, and the Great Western of Canada. An Intereztixo People.?The Red Rivet hunters number two thousand men. Their women and children number three thousand souls. They have 1,800 carts, and range with them from the Moose river valley to the Red river north, and each year, in June and July, and again in October and November, carry off to the settlements at Pembina and in the Eng lish territory, at least 2,500,000 pounds of Buffalo meat, dried, or in the form of pemiean. These people are simple-hearted, honest and industrious. A Windfall.?A young man, named Harrv ; Grey, who is now engaged as watchman at the ; Kentucky Locomotive Works, has recently had ; left him, conditionally, by a deceased uncle in England, $200,000. Mr. Grey is only 25 years of age?already having inherited $45,000 from his father, which he spent for the benefit of | himself and "mankind in general." His pru dent old uncle, knowing his fast habits, in his youth, and not knowing his industrious habits, now inserted as a condition of inheritance, that if the said Harry was in debt at the age of 30 five hundred dollars he should forfeit the in heritance. Here is a stronger incentive to ! keep ahead of one's debts than we have ever ' seen before.?Ijouiscille Democrat. Death of Jcdge W a LEER.?The Cincinnati 1 papers announce that the Hon. Timothy Walker died in that city on Tuesday, the 14th instant. The deceased was one of the most distinguished lawyers at the Western bar. He had been on.the l>ench, and was for some time the leading professor in the Cincinnati law school. His lectures in that school were pub lished many years ago as an "Introduction to American Law," a treatise which is much esteemed and has passed through three editions. 1 Improvkd Plane Iron.?An improved plane iron has recently been invented and promises well. In this improvement the cutting iron is placed inside of a thin piece of metallic case, open at both end). This case, with its cutter, is wedged into the plane in the common man ner. The cutter is moved np and down within the case by means of a set screw. The thick ness of the shaving is adjusted with the utmost facility by simply turning a screw. ltKPOKT OK TI1IC GENEKAli-lSi-t II IKK OF TIIK ARMY. Headquarters ok the Armt, New York, Nov. 27, 1855. The undersigned, the immediate corauiau der of the army,being charged bv "General Regulations" with all " that regards discipline ana military control," deems it his duty, ac cording to long continued usage, to submit an_ I nually, through the War Department, such I views and suggestions us may seem likely to I increase, without extravagance 111 cost, (having regard to numbers,) the national worth, the prowess, and efficiency of our military estab lishment. .. , In respect to the condition of our enlisted men, (or the rank and file of the army,) recent acts of Congress enlarging their mouthy pay, and giving them, through the grade of sergeant, eligibility to commissions, leave, perhaps, no want bui time to work ont every expected and almost every desirable amelioration. And the addition <of the four new regiments will, it is hoped, give us adequate numbers to subdue the Indians in actual hostility, and afford reasona ble protection to every frontier agaiust their future depredations. An increase of general officers is a want very sensibly felt throughout the army, and 1 beg to suggest one additional major general and two additional brigadier generals, to make, with the two brigadiers of the line already in commission, five commanders for the geogra phical departments of the army, with six other brigadier generals for chiefs of the Adjutant General's Department, the corps of engiueers, the corps of topographical engineers, the Ord nance Department, the Commissariat of Sub sistence, and the pay department, respectively. Justice, symmetry, and the good q1 the service, appear equally to demand these additions.. Several recent attempts have been made in Congress to improve the efficiency of the body of commissioned officers generally by a retired list, as well as by augmented compensation. In the opinion of the undersigned both are measures of demonstrable necessity. Some forty or fifty "Officers, mostly in the higher commissions, rendered non-effective by the infirmities of age, by wounds or chronic diseases, now press downwards into lethargy and then despair; thrice the number of juniors are sighing for the increased rank, which would Tbefore they are too old, increase the field of distinguished usefulness. How soon the undersigned may himself be. considered one of the superannuated he knows not; but, while any vigor remains, he will not cease to ur"e a remedy for the great evil in question. The other amelioration, affecting the missioned officers of the army, so much needed from the enhanced cost of all the necessaries and comforts of life, .is a corresponding in crease of compensation, such as has already been accorded to our rank and file. As this general proposition will hardly be disputed anywhere, the mode and scale of increase alone remains to be suggested. Fixed salaries, according to rank, would generally, by persons in civil life, be applied to military officers; but the experience of all armies, including our own, has made the sys tem of emoluments or allowances, (rations, lor a(re &c.,) graduated according to rank and cir cumstances, in addition to fixed pay for each grade, universal, and to tamper with such ex perience would seem uuwise. Leaving for the moment the scale of pay proper and every allowance, except one, as established, the un dersigned will first seek to find what approach to a reasonable increase of compensation may be made under the head of rations alone, by making the number cumulative, according to the length of each officer's service, and putting up the commutation to what has always been allowed to naval officers?twenty five cents a ration. _ , , The cumulative principle was first adopted in the act of June 30, 1834, section 3, in behalt of medical officers only, and next in the act ot July 5, 1838, sectiou 15, in these words: " Every commissioned officer of the line or staff, exclusive of general officers, shall be en titled to receive one additional ration per diem for every five years he may have served or shall serve in the army of the United States: Pro vided, That, in certain cases, where officers are entitled to receive double rations, the audi tional one allowed in this section shall not be included in the number to be doubled.' The undersigned cannot resist the temptation to say, in this place, that he wrote the two sections in question, and followed up each be fore Congress, in person and by letter, to tina success; and that the exclusion of "general officers" in the second act was, in the way of compromise, offered by him after he had fully discussed the subject before the Military Com mittee of the House. He now respectfully suggests the change of a single word in the section just quoted, so that " every five years may, for the future, be made to read " every three years." # To illustrate the proposed increase ot com pensation, taking the four middle classes of commissioned officers?say of the artillery and infantry?this table is submitted : t??r ?i j'tt' *rr ?lo*. . Lt. Col ?n?r *4 jr'm' f?r tlc?. .. Maj. tA rn 1?? jr'r*' ??r *tr?.. . C?pt. "f tar 12 y'r?' *er |T5 e 10 $120 $24 $42 $261 60 6 8 87^ 24 42 223| 50 4 ?| ?? U 42101 40 4 4* 60 ?' 21'121 $3,132 $'2,520 $612 2,682 7,792 2,124 56$ 1,860 432 1.452, 1,144. 316 Of course lieutenants would be proportion ally benefited in the commutation value of their rations from the beginning of service, and after three years, in the number also. In the case of general officer* their only benefit would be in the change from twenty to twenty five cents a ration. The principal design in the foregoing plan is to throw an accumulated increase of com pensation on experienced officers?at a time of life, too, when most needed, and when in gene ral it would be most merited?stopping at the rank of colonel. And here another remark for the good of thi; country, and not the special l>enefit of the service, may. at some hazard, be added, via: the increased compen sation would not attach to tHe new officers of new corps, of whatever name, that might in tiraesofpublic danger be temporarily called into service; and, in another war like that we waged in 1812-'15, we should probably always have on the rools at least 150,000 troops for short periods of service. But the increase of compensation only to the point suggested would, in the opinion of the undesigned, fall considerably below the de mands of both justice and expediency; and he does not think the principle of qumulativc ra tions can be extended beyond what he has pro posed. He therefore, to make up the defici ency, begs further to sugget a slight addition to the monthly pay proper of all officers, save the lieutenant general, (who now receives under this head fifty dollars more than the grade next below him,) as follows: To a major general, (we have more than one in command by brevet,) forty dollars; to a brigadier general, thirty dollars; to a colonel, twenty five dollars; to a lieutenant colonel, twenty dollars; to a major, fifteen dollars ; to a captain, ten dollars; and to lieutenants, whether first or second, five dollars each. To recur to the foregoing table, this would further increase the annual compen sation of the middle classes in commission as follows: A colonel's from ff>12 to 1912; a lien tenant colonel's, from $558 to $798 ; a major's, I from $432 to $512; and a captain's, from $316 ' to $436. The undersigned respectfully remarks that officers should be compensated approxima tive!)^ according to some regular scale, main taining a sensible progression between every two successive grades; for if, in the way of example, the scale were raised from second lieutenant to captain, and the increase stopped there, it might make the pay of a captain equal to, if not higher than that of a major in the same corps. This would be both unjust and absurd. There are other topics connectcd with the good of the service which the undersigned has I heretofore called up in his annual reports, and to which he hopes attention may be attracted: 1. The revision of thq "rules and articles for the government of the armies of the United States"?articles of war; 2. Revision of the pension laws of the army, placing them on the same footing with those of the navy, and, 3, change in the system of recruiting. Should his views on those subjects be desired, they may be found at large in his former re ports. All of which isrespectfullysubmitted through the Secretary of War. WINFIELD SCOTT. Hon. Jefkkrson Davis, Secretary of War, Washington. Anecdot* of th? Rev. Dr. Plumer. The Pittsburg Herald tells the following anecdote of the Rev. Dr. Plumer: During a visit to the Hot Springs, on a cer tain occasion, he was invited by the company gathered there to preach for them on the Sab bath. He consented. The ball room of the hotel was prepared for religious worship, and the audience assembled. The speaker an nounced his text, and began his discourse; but was mortified to find that by some of the younger and more frivilous of his hearers of both sexes, the whole performance was looked upon as a good joke, aRd to be treated accord ingly. Some were smiling, some were whis pering, and unseemly levity prevailed through out the congregation. For a few minutes he endeavoured to withstand it by a simple pre sentation of the text; but to no purpose. Stop ping short in his discourse, he ut once arrested their attention by the question : "My friends do you know how these Hot Springs are said to have been discovered? 1 will tell you. Many years since, an old Dutchman and his son were passing along down the valley, where the road now runs that you see out there"? pointing to it through the window?"when, observing the Spring, they stopped their team to water the horses. The old man took up the bucket, went to the spring, and' dipped it In, when some of the water dashed up on his hand and scalded him. Instantly dropping the bucket he started for the wagon, running and calling to his son, in the greatest consterna tion. 'Trive on, Hans; trive on; Hell ish not far from dish place!1" At this, his audience burst out laughing?when, immediately assum ing a look of deepest solemnity, and dropping his voice to .the low tones that in him are like muttered thunders, he made the application: "I tell ytiu, my friends, Hell is not far from this place." There were no more smiles in that congregation that day. Some who heard it, said it seemed to them as if the terrors of the Day of Judgement had come. Message of the Governor of New Jersey. Governor Price, iu bis message just delivered, vigorously opposes the restoration of the Mis souri Compromise and justifies its repeal; and Massachusetts, Connecticut and Maine are censured for renewing the agitation of the slavery question. He says : I herewith transmit communications of public interest received from the States of Massa chussetts, Connecticut, and Maine, is accord ance with the request contained in the resolu tions of those States. They refer to the Missouri compromise, and the slavery question. It is to be regretted, that any of the States of the Union should deem it necessary to agitate at this or any other time, subjects like these, in a spirit so imperative and unconciliatory. It must be admitted by all, that the questions referred to are of a character to enlist in their consideration, all the prudence, moderation and forbearance which the people of every section of the confede eration have a right to expect and demand, from those of other sections. In this spirit do I desire to direct the attention of the Legislature to the points involved in these resolutions. That the so-called Missouri Compromise was, in itself, an expedient devised to accommodate for the time being the conflicting opinions which existed in regard to the admission of the State of Missouri, with a constitution recognizing the existence of slavery, no one will deny. The act was in its nature, so far as the future exclusion of slavery, from the terri tory acquired from France, in the cession of Louisiana, a restriction upon the rights of the alaveholding States?since in the normal con dition of that territory slavery was recognized. And although tacitly submitted to for a while, there was nothing in its provisions to cast around it the halo of "good faith," which its advocates pretend should have guarded it from repeal. But it is repealed ; and I submit, can it now be restored with any advantage? In restoring it, were it possible to do so, we bring back the free citizens who now inhabit, or may in future inhabit those territories to that condi tion of quasi colonial dependence which theyare now freed from, and which is at variance with the principles of free government. We as Jerseymen, contend that we have the capacity, and are endowed by nature, in common with all our countrymen, to the right of self govern ment We enjoy it to the fullest extent in our own State. Bat should inclination or necessity take us to a territory, the common property of us all, shall we thereby forfeit that right, and become more subservient to the will of the federal government than we now are? Shall we part with the right of having a voice in the establishment of institutions, on which our future may depend? I think not. and therefore, I believe that.the restoration of the Miisoori compromise is not to be desired any more by us of the North, than by our bretheren The Recent Death by Chloroform Dr. Emery has furnished to tho Boston Journal the following particulars of the recent death of Miss Morgan from the inhalation of chloroform : "Between the hours of one and two o'clock, on the 5th inat., I commenced to administer chloroform to Miss P. A. Morgan, at request, for the purpose of removing some U'eth. I commenced with a small quantity, should think from two to three drachms on a sponge. She inhaled it without difficulty for a minute or two. Her poise was not strong but uniform. She then commenced to be excited, and said that I was going to extract her teeth, and she should know all about it. She said that Mrs. Paige (the lady who accompanied her) was getting the forceps to extract them with. I think about one minute had passed during this conversation and excitement. I then removed the sponge from her mouth, and in a few mo ments she became satisfied that there had been no attempt made to remove her teeth. In a few momenta I commenced the operation agnin with *he same amount of chloroform. She inhaled it without difficulty about as long aa ahe did before, and became ao much excited that ahe rot up out of the chair and inaisted that I had extracted her teeth. She apit on the floor and looked to see if it was blood, and she inaiated that some one was com ing into the room whom she did not want to seo I sat her down in the chair again, and she then went into a spasm, closed her teeth, and breathed with difficulty. I aprinkled water on her face, and the muscles relaxed, and I aaked her to get up and we would place her on the lounge. She made an effort to rise, and with my assistance stood on her feet and then instantly sank to the floor. With the assistance of Mrs. Paige, I placed her on a lounge, and then there was a rush of blood to the brain. I sprinkled water in her face again, but she snowed no signs of beiug conscious. Mrs. Paige went for assistance, and I immediately commenced artificial respiration by insufflation, and kept it up until Dr. Stedman came in, which was but a few minutes." Special lUtiKftgc of Governor Wine. Tlie following special message of the Gover nor of Virginia, was communicated to the Le gislature on the lGth instant: To the Senate and House of Delegates of the General Assembly oj' the Commonwealth of I irginia : Gknti.emkn : 1 hesitate-to decide upou com plying with the request of the Governor and Legislature of Vermont, to lay before you the accompanying resolutions of that State, "on so much of the Governors message as relates to Kansas." These resolutions are in every sense offensive to us, and unbecoming the intercourse and cor respondence which should obtain between sov ereign States, in the same Confederacy. They are designed to irritate public feeling upon a topic, concerning which it is naturally and ha bitually sen.sitive and excited, and are calcu lated to impair the affection which should bind the people of the States together in national union. Extremely erroneous and false, in fact and in principle, they are not worthy o! discus sion. The time for discussing such unwelcome missives from State to State is passed. VVe cannot reason with the heads of fanatics, nor touch hearts fatally bent upon treason. From time to time, for many years, the au thors of such mischief have been remonstrated with in vain, and have been induced but to re peat outrages, to renew insults, and at last to organize opposition to the Constitution and laws, and to seize upon State and Federal au thority for further aggression. In the present posture of relations, we can but wait in calm, dignified, and patient compo sure, eiiher for the worst to come to jhe worst, or for a returning sense of patriotism, a rever ence for the past, a sacred regard to law and order, a love of justice and of peace, to be re awakened aud to restore a sisterhood of States, its affection, its harmony, its glory and strength. I, therefore, recommend that no action be had or taken upou these resolutions by you. It is propef, perhaps, that they should be pre served only as State archives, in proof of the wrong offered us and of our lorbearancn; and and this, and respect for State sovereignty alone, determine me to notice them as I now do. They are but minor results of the same cause of apprehension and danger which has assumed a much more formidable phase, and now arrests the gravest attention of our coun try. The federal government is arrested in its operation, the representative branch of Con gress is disorganized, and the representative principle itself is brought into disrepute by it at this very moment; and, in such a crisis as this, we can hardly descend to look to its re sults upou a Vermont Legislature and Execu tive. Our attention is called to Washington city, not to Montpelier. Parties, affiliated with those of Vermont who have sent to us these resolutions, have grown so strong as to succeed in electing to Congress more than one hundred representatives to oppose a mere mi nority who are now defending the Constitution, and in withholding from that minority the sup port of thirty representatives, chiefly of the Southern States; and the effect is, that the House of Representatives cannot be organized, except upon terms subversive of the Constitu tion and Union; and the South is distracted and divided against itself. Is the design of the plurality disunion t Is the purpose of the faction division among ourselves ? If so, it is time that all people and all interests in our country should be aroused to a sense of the fact, that the easiest step to disunion is a with drawal of representation, and that the most potent cause to compel a withdrawal of repre sentation is to disorganize, distract and degrade representation. How long Virginia shall be kept waiting for organization on constitutional terms ? how long she shall be kept waiting on disorganization, to avoid being put upon terms of dishonor or being exposed to danger f are questions for her people and her Legislature to determine. For my part, I repeat the re commendation, of calm, collected dignity, and of patient and forbearing patriotism. Wait! but be not wanting to ourselves and our pos terity, I earnestly implore yon. With the highest respect, your obedient ser vaut, HENRY A. WISE. Richmond, Va., Jan. 15,1856. INFORMATION WANTED.?In the year of 1824, Martha A. Wells (n daughte r of Alex ander Wells, who thei^lived in Amelia County, Virginia, and who subsequently removed to the city of Petersburg and died therein in August, lbfif),) went with a Mr. Spender Irom the county of Greensville to one of the Western States. She was then almui sixteen years old and has never been heard from by her family in Virginia from that day to this. By the will of her father she is entitled to a portion of his estate.or, if she b* dead, her children, if she or they be heard from within one year from the date of his death. Any infur mation in respect to ihe soid Martha A. Wells or her children, if she has any, would be beneficial to them and t>e thankfully received by the family. Address GEO. W. EASTWOOD. Nov. 27?w4w. Petersburg, V* The: peasant boy philosopher ky Henry Mayhew, price 7Srtuti. The Essence of Christianity, by Ludwig Fener bach, translated front the second German edition by Marion Evans, translator of Straus's Life of Jesus, price $1 25. Travels in Europe and the East, by Samuel Ireneus Prime, two volumes, price two dollars. Just published and for sale ut TAYLOR & MAURY'S PLATED TEA SETS.?I have Just re ceived some new styles Albata and Silver Plated Ware that I offer at manufacturer's prices ; also, a large assortment of Spectacles, of every description ; together with a good assortment of nure Silver Ware, of my own manufacture, which I will retail at wholesale prices H. O. HOOD, 418 Penn. avenue, bet. 4$ and 6t!i sts., Sign of the Large Spread Eagle. Feb 25?dlwif O TRAY EI) OH STOLEN frutn the P*MI val. at Rladenshtirg, on the night ol Tuesday last, n DARK BROWN MARE, with her fore feet bare,a white star in the forehead,arid marked on the back with saddle pinch; the said mate hud a saddle on. Whoever will return said mare, or give information where she < an be found, Will receive many thanks, and Five Dollars as a re ward. JOSEPH JONES, Manager for CHARLES B. CALVERT. Rossburg. Prince Georges Co., Maryland. EVERETT IIOUftE. North Side of Union Square, New Yorlt. rpHIS establishment, erected on the most 1 prominent and delightful Park New York affords, is approaching a finish, and, when com pleted, will combine all that skill can devise and money supply to render it the most desirable hotel yet constructed. The proprietors of this establishment respect fully announce that the house will be open on the tir?t ot October next for the accomodation of the public Applications will now be received from parties wishing to make arrangements for the winter months. The public patronage is respectfully solicited CLAPP & JOSLIN. Hawlky D. Clapp, A. C. Joslin. Sept. 20?g M.~W. K. PURCHASE, EXCELSIOR CARD WRITER, AMD MANUFACTURER OF METALLIC GRAVERS, AT WILLARD'S. Dec 22?