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IllUttA AMD UJMAI.
SPEECH OP HON. EDWARD WAJ)E, OF Oil 10, In I he House of Reyrfjmtatiws, May 17, 1864. [CONCLUDBD.] [Tfae render will see that a part of Mr. Ware's speech which was printed in the Era of Saturday is reprinted to-day. It is done in consequence of a transposition in the latter portion of that which appeared in Saturday's paper.] But, let us probe the gentlemen's statesmanship a little deeper, and see what will come of it. The power to prohibit Slavery is a "germ of despot ism;" so the power to prohibit piracy, murder, robbery, arson, rape, burglary, larcency, and so on through the criminal codb, are also " germs of despotism." Alas ! Mr. Chairman, if this be sound, logic, ami it must be since it comes from " states men," then there must be "germs of despotism " enough in the free States to seed with oppression all the nations of the earth. The gentleman's reasoning produces another result equally as tounding ; that is, that the only States truly free are those where Slavery exists, and where the constitutions are purged of so " despotic a germ " as the power to abolish it. In this wise, sir, a " statesman," with a logical handspike, turns hu man institutions topsy-turvy. But, seriously, never until I listened to this de bate, could I realize how profound the obscura tion, how total the eclii>se of the moral and intel lectual vision on this great truth, of the sacred ness of human liberty, caused by j>erpctual con tact with the gigantic wrong and wickedness of Slavery. Sir, the slaveholders denounce, with merciless severity, despotic (iovernments, seem horrified at the bare idea that Congress should ex- \ erase a power in which may lurk the minutest " germ of despotism," and nevertheless seem ut terly'unconscious that the system of Slavery, to whicri thej' cling with a desperation bordering on madness, is the most odious, insulting, and cruel " despotism " which now curses God's footstool ; or that this inconsistency and mental blindness (to characterize them by no harsher epithets) ex hibit the slaveholders of the United States as a laughing-stock to the civilised world. Nay, sir, such is the obliquity of moral and intellectual vis ion, produced umong Southern statesmen, (so they style themselves,) that civil society and gov ernment are only seen by them up-side down, like the reHection of a landscape from the calm surface ol the lake ; and hence, on perceiving in the or ganization of a Government a power to prohibit slavery, the fellest of all the forms of despotism, this feature of it is presented to them as tlie very perfection of despotic power?one to which the gentleman from Kentucky declares the South " never will submit," wheii applied to the organ ization of the Territories. That I may not be suspected of caricature, I give the gentleman's own language: " But again : cannot the North, with her over ' whelming numbers, compete with us on these 4 uew theatres in the race of settlement and civ ' ilization?and must she not only violate the ' Constitution by shutting out half the States, ' common property-holders with her?but in the 4 name of liberty outrage liberty by erecting a ' despotism over the TerritoriesSir, we never ' will submit to it?we will resist it to the last." Yes, sir, such is the threat of insubordination and disloyalty to the Union, and such the cause of it. This abidgment of the liberty of the op pressed slaveholder, and the dealers in human flesh and blood, this oppressive tariff on the busi ness of huckstering in husbands and wives, moth ers and their children, will never be submitted to. Well, sir, in reply to all this kind of bluster, I would respectfully ask, what kind of tituiubmuswt nttt, in the premises, do the slaveholders intend to manifest ? Is the old cry of wolf to be raised to frighten the doughfaces, which has, on so many occasions, and so successfully, been resort ed to by Southern politicians?the cry of dissolu tion of the Union ? Let me say to the gentleman from Kentncky," that we ol' the free States have grown too familiar with this hysterical ill humor of the South. It has ceased to carry with it any terrors, but, on the coutrary, there are multitudes now at the North, and their number is rapidly in creasing, who speak in no smothered tones of a separation as necessary, not only to the honor, but the interests of the free Stales. And, sir, the mark of Cain, the brand of traitor, is in store for that son of the North, either in this House or wherever else, by whom or whose aid or counsel, this deed of shame may be consummated. Sir, morally, and ultimately politically, it will have been " better for that man that be had never been born." The gentleman from Kentucky, it seems, would set off against the popular outbreak on Boston Common, and the multitudinous other demonstra tions at the North of intense hostility to this atro cious bill, the approving resolutions of. a minori ty of the I/egislature of Illinois, and so thankful is he for so small a favor, that be breaks out in a hitter taunt against the Kast and North, aud |mt |tetrules a towering compliment to, and a glowing prediction of, the growing |>ower of the West. This is his language. 44 Did you hear of th? infuriated mob that ' basely hung the author of this bill in effigy, on 4 Boston Common? But did you note soon after ' the cheering tones of approval the west wind 1 brought from his prairie State ? Remember ' gentlemen, in the midst of your exultation, that 4 the political power of this country is now climb 4 ing the summits of the Alleghany mountains, and before this decade closes, will have pursued ' its unreturning cpurse far into the valley of the 4 Mississippi?that vast region richer than the 4 delta of the Nile, and whose millions, and ever 4 increasing millions, are destined to a political ' unity as lasting as civilization and commerce. ' bound forever together by the double tie of in ' teres! and affection.". It is all so, Mr. Chairman; but, alas, for poor old Kentucky, unless she devise some means by t'hich to cast from her bending shoulders this " Mid Man of the Sea," this eating cancer, this consuming curse of Slavery, she dooms herself U? a prein?ture old age, and in her youth and young manhood, to fall the lowest, and become the least, iibthe bright galaxy of States which is to form this stupendous central power. Yes, sir, the political |tower of this nation is pursuing its unobstructed way to its resting place in the great valley of the Mississippi ; but let the gentleman from Kentucky rememl?er, let every slaveholder on this floor mark my words?I utter them in all kindiless, but with a solemn conviction of their truth?the pathway of this march of power will not tte moistened by . a single tear of the coflled slave. Onward, sir, lyid still onward, is the remorseless tread of em pire to her rightful home; but no crack of the over seer's bloody lash, no shriek of the lacerated slave, no groan of the despairing mother, torn from the child she has borne in sorrow, is mingled with, or mars the shouts and anthems of, the free. No, sir; not The plow, the anvil, and the loom, the ax, the scythe, and the reaper, the chisel, the saw, and the trowel, with all the multitudinous equipments of civil liberty?these, sir, with songs of praise and thanksgiving to the Great Kmancipator for the priceless gem of personal freedom?these, these I are the accompaniments, the music of that march of empire, the majestic tread of whose goings forth, is destined to "cfnshout" human bondage, giving deliverance to both master and slave. But the question is tauntingly asked by the gen tleman from Kentucky, [Mr. Brbckinrimir,] " Cannot you of the Tree States, on this theory of 4 popular sovereignty,' compete successfully with us of the slave States for supremacy in the Terri tories?you who have some fifteen millions of free population, while we ol the slave States have less than one half that number? If you cannot, then what becomes of your boasted superiority of free, over slave institutions?" To this boastful inter rogation my answer is, No! We cannot trans plant our higher order of civilisation, from the old free Stales into the ne%*Territories, with the celer ity which jot of the ilave States, can transfer your rude and slipshod institutions from the old. worn out, and dilapidated slave States, to those Territo ries. And this yon know very well; and hence, and henee only, your ready appropriation of the cant phrase of " popular sovereignty." This, however, it the result of no superiority of slave over free institutions, but the reverse?from their actual inferiority. At in the animal economy, tbe fecuiulity is.inversely a* tlie lownesa of organiza tion, bo iusocial and political organizations, their powers of reproduction are exactly in the same inverse ratio ; that ia, the lower the organization, the more rapidly may they be multiplied. A mo ment's examination of the nature of free and slave institutions, will confirm this theory, The slaveholder, from a doulde necessity, is a propa gandist of liis system. Continued slave cultiva tion smites the soil with the curse of barrenness ; Slavery must therefore, expand or perish. The multiplication of sluve States clothes the slaveholder with political honors, coufers 011 him political power, " puts money in his purse," and opens up for him, new and virgin soil in exchange tor that which had become worthless from slave cultivation. Hence the slaveholder's rauipaut propaganditmi. Slavery also impoverishes and debases the non-slaveholder. It makes labor dis honorable, and thus deprives the laborer of eveu moderate wealth, without which, he can neither he respected, nor worthy of respect, in a slave holding community. lie forms 110 local attach ments, and the poor " saud-hiller " may, at u mo ment's notice, pack his few traps, and his wife and baby, on his old horse or mule, while he and the children, squalid, ignorant, and reckless, fol low behind on foot, to any place where the slave holder may have pointed or led the way. Having but little to dispose of, aud less to carry with him, comparatively destitute of mental, moral, and so cial cultivation, his local attachments are few und feeble?constituting the connecting link be tween the slave and slaveholder?inheriting the pride of race of the one, und the ignorance and poverty of the other, he is u necessary instrument aud accompaniment of the slaveholder's iffigra tions. Governed hy the tmiU, as implicitly as the slave by the frown of the slaveholder, the " poor white folks," the slave and the master, constitute, as it were, a military force of the Slavery propa gandists, moving to the new Territories with a celerity which cannot be approached by emigrants from the free States. On the principle of the popular Baying, that "falsehood will travel a hundred miles, while truth is pulling on its boots," the slaveholders will have entered and taken pos session of the new 'Territories; and from the natural and necessary repulsion between the two systems, will expel the tree State emigrant from the territories, thus preoccupied by the natural enemies of free labor. A glance at the motives and the process of free State emigration, will illustrate this argument. The spirit of propagandism does not enter into free State emigration at all. This proceeds on a calculation of the chances of increasing the pros pective blessings of domestic comfort and civil society in the far-otf home, by enduiing the pri vations necessarily incident to removal to a wild and unsettledxountry. And what are these pri vatious ? The school-house for the children, the meeting-house for himself and young family ; the old homestead, clustered around with the memo ries of many generations, and still genial with the untold comforts and conveniences of a freeman's home. There, also, are the fathers, sepulchres, enclosing the consecrated dust of many genera tions ; and there are the intertwined atfections of the aged and the young ; the hoary grandsire tot tering on hiB stall', now living only to recount the bright memories of childhood and youth?he can not go, nor can he be left behind. There the fair haired youth and bright-eyed maiden?the strong affections of their young hearts must be rudely torn asunder ; the " new country " must be ex plored by some strong man, of nerve to endure, and judgment to choose wisely. The " old home stead," with its surplus and untransportable im plements, must be disposed of; neighbors and friends summoned in counsel, that on arrival in the " new country," the tine qua non of free State civilization, the school-house and " meeting house," may. appear" simultaneously with the humble dwelling. Every screw must be tightened, that " no step backward " in the progress of soci ety be taken by this exodus from the sacred asso ciations of " home." This business is the work of time; but when the migration of the free State emigrant is completed, he will have planted the germ of the highest order of civilization known to the human race. Hut while he is making the preliminary arrangements, nay, while revolving the question of " removal " in his mind, the slave State emigrant will have impruvittd (if I may so say) the caricature he calls a State?a thing of lean and half-famished "sand-hillers*' and "poor white folks"?slaves and slaveholders; but still a craft of State, something to be officered and manned by two Senators, one Representative, and majors, colonels, and generals " too numer ous to be mentioned." This superior speed of the slaveholders in " getting up" a new State they know full well, and hence their joyful acceptance of such " popular sovereignty," oner the lefl, at is given the people of these Territories by this bill; and this fact, our free- State office-seekers, nick-named statesmen, might know, if great learning or blind ambition Had not emasculated them of all practical knowledge of things they ought to know, as well as of all common sense. The gentleman from Vermont, [Mr. Mkacham,] and ttie gentleman from Pennsylvania, [Mr. Chaki>i.kk,J indeed, every gentleman who has opposed this bill here or elsewhere, have appealed to the Missouri compromise as a compact, exclu ding Slavery from these Territories?as a settle ment of the Slavery controversy of that day, assented to by the slaveholding States as the con sideration for the like assent of the free States, to the permission of Slavery south of the compro mise line. Gentlemen of the free States, insist that this was an agreement between the two sections, fairly made, and consequently, binding in honor; though, from the condition of the parties to it, not irrepealable by act of Congress. This statement of the case, it seems to me, with those who recog nise the obligation of these Slavery compacts, (which I do not, for reasons stated hereafter,) is rather a " tight fit," and a number of Southern gentlemen, have stepped manfully forward, ac knowledged the obligation and their willingness to abide by it in spirit and letter. To those gen tlemen?hopelessly, irreconcilably separated as I am from them, by the distance of the |Kiles apart on every point of the Slavery controversy?I can not deny myself the pleasure of frankly stating my sincere appreciation of a manly and courageous act, honorable alike to their heads and hearts. But this class of moderate Southern politicians, constitutes the most dangerous enemy of the Anti Slavery movement. These are the fatal opiate which lulls the Northern mind to a dreamless slumber, while the Slavery propagandists are hatching thipir plots of mischief. Sir, as an eter nal opponent of Slavery ; as one who loathes it with a strength of abhorrence, which has no lan guage for expression, I most sincerely regret, if this iniquitous measure is doomed to pass this House, that the South does not present an un broken column against the Missouri compromise, in order that every intervening obstacle to a fair contest between Liberty and Slavery, may he taken out of the way. Hut sir, this contest, which is a moral aud political contest, can never be conducted to advantage by the friends of Lib erty, while these amiable Southern gentlemen stand between the opponents of Slavery and the Slavery propagandist*. Sir, as a friend of Lib erty, 1 rejoice that Southern opposition to this bill is waning into an insignificant handful, now numbering less than a baker's dozen, and that it must soon be utterly annihilated by the " com pact-breakers" and Slavery propagandists. When that time shall have arrived, the North will lie a unit, and a.donghface as rare a bird as the black swan. Then sir, let Slavery stand from rfnder, for its hour will have come. That the acts of Congress by which Missouri was admitted as a slave State into the Union, Arkansas organized as a Territory without re striction of Slavery, and Slavery excluded from the territory called in this bill Kansas and Ne braska, constituted in substance and intention, a compact between the Slavery extensionists of that day on the one part, and the Slavery restriction ists on the other, admits pf no rational doubt. When I say that these acts of Congress constitu ted a compart, between these parties, \ do not of course, mean a contract for breach of which a suit may be maintained in a court of law, or a bill for specific performance in a court of equity. All 1 mean by this languagr is, that these arts constituted such an arrangement of the slave controversy, as was considered binding in honor and good faith, upon those who were parties to it; and upon those who should succeed tbeoj in the Federal Congress. That snchls the under standing of perhaps every advocate of this peri lous bill on this floor, in evident by the attempt of Mth to extenuate ili is breach of faith on lm part, by accusing its op|touents of a like breach of faith in subsequent organizations of newly ac quired territory. It is not my purjtose to follow gentlemen in their pettifogging objections to the above arrange ment as a compact. It will suffice to sav, that if they could convict their opponents of the perfidy laid to their charge (which they cannot,) stiil their convictioii would uot acquit the advocates of this bill, of a deliberate violation of the faith of their fathers. Kut sir, on this question of the force and efficacy of these Slavery compacts and adjustments, strange ad the avowal may seem, iny judgment and my sympathy are with "the Woutli. Those compacts and adjustments, by the Consti tution of the United States, are utterly null uud void, for lack of the semblance or shadow of power conferred on Congress to establish, recog nise, or guaranty Slavery under any circum stances whatever. Hut by the moral constitution of the universe, all compacts to plunder, or to connive at the plunder ami spoil of our fellow men, our equals before our Common Father of the great patrimony of life, liberty, anil happiness, which he has given in common to all his chil dren, are doubly void, being both impious and immoral. As a simple act of Congress, the re striction of Slavery in these Territories was both constitutional and just; and the Representative from the free States, who shall, by any act of omission or commission, impair in one iota, the strength or vigor of that act, will deserve to be coHied with a gang of imbruted slaves, driven to the far South, and taught under plantation dis cipline, not to huckster and jockey with other men's liberties, until he shall have learned by u Slave's experience, the value of his own. But, further, by the purchase of the Louisiana Territory, and its consequent passing under the exclusive jurisdiction of the Federal (lovcriimcnt, the Slavery then existing in that Territory, was <P*o facto abolished. For the Slavery rcstrictiou ists therefore, to agree to the continuance of the system in Missouri* Arkansas, and what is now the State of Louisiana, in consideration of its re striction in what are now called Kansas and Ne braska, was an attempt to purchase the freedom of what was already free, by the enslavement of those who were alsq equally free. As a com pact, therefore, the Missouri compromise was im moral, unconstitutional, and utterly void; and the wonder to me is, that gentlemen from the free States, should now seek to avail themselves of this currupt and humiliating concession aa the foundation of their opposition to this iniquitous bill. For myself sir, (and I speak for myself alone,) I would as soon bring a suit before a court of justice against a thief for a dividend of stolen goods, as insist 011 anything granted to me in consideration of a concession on my part, at once cowardly, inhumane, and unjust. No, sir, I would ask nothing on the ground of that igno minious Missouri compromise?that first and fatal surrender of the principles and honor of the free States, to the insatiable covetings of the fell spirit of Slavery propagandism?that pioneer to this last infamous project, but only the la.it, because Congress cannot at the same time, sin both in the present and in the future. I desire, Mr. Chairman, to be distinctly under stood, iu what I say on the validity of this Mis souri compromise, and I therefore w ill endeavor to restate my position. It is this. The restric tion of Slavery above the line of 36? 30' north lat itude, by the eighth section of the act of Congress of March ti. 1820, was and is constitutional, and therefore, as an act of Congress, obligatory until repealed; but it acquired 110 additional force or efficacy, by reason of apy congressional assent, expressed or implied, to the existence of Slavery below that line. Again, suppose Congress should organize two Territories within the present limits of Utah, and in one should prohibit polygamy ; and as a consideration, compact, or compromise for this, should not disallow it in the other; the prohibition would be ralid ; but would acquire no additional sanctity by reason of such compromise. One further illustration on this point. Suppose Southern gentlemen, unable to procure from Mary laud and Virginia, slaves to supply the New Or leans market, should demand a repeal of the acts of Congress prohibiting the African slave trade; and should propose to extend the Missouri slave restriction to New Mexico; and Congress should thert>u|)ou, re-open the foreign slave trade, and at the same time, exclude Slavery from New Mexi co; this would be a compromise, identical in principle with the Missouri compromise; and j'et, sir, the exclusion of Slavery from New Mexico, would be valid; but I trust there is no Represent ative on this floor from the free Slates, who would demand its observance on the ground of a concession so infamous and atrocious, as the re opening of the piratical slave trade. It will be obvious from these illustrations, that the principle of these compromises, is w holly indefensible, ut terly rotten; and that sooner of Inter, they must all perish in their own corruption. No con tract between private persons in any civilized community, based upon such considerations, would be tolerated for one moment in a court of justice; and inter-State or intersectional com pacts, thus condemned by the moral sense of mankind, cannot in the nature of things be obli gatory. Hut, Mr. Chairman, have we of the free Slides, any reason to exi>eet that the slaveholder* will recognise the obligation of those compromises, whenever the interest* of .Slavery may, in their judgment, demand their violation ? Jumticr sir, or the notion that some things may of kiuiit he long to individuals; and that things which he long to the individual cannot be rightfully taken from him without his council!, U of itself alone, the sole ground of the inviolability of " compacts and compromises"?a man's rlfkt to him*rlfy is of course the highest and most sacred of all his rights??consequently, to deprive a human being of self-ownership, and to subject him against his will, to the property ownership of another, is the highest act of injustice, short of wilful murder, that man can perpetrate upon his fellow. Kvery human being of mature years, is under the high est and most solemn compromise or compact with every other, that hr will noI invade this tucred rt'gA/ of trlf-ovmrrtfitp. The slaveholder ia, therefore, the violator of this deepest seated foundation of human rights. He breaks the great "compact" on which hangs the very existence of distributive justice and social order. T How then can the slaveholder be expected to abide by " compacts and compromises," when such obedience comes in conflict with his slave holding usurpation; that great "nullification" of God's supremacy, and man subjection to the moral law? With the slaveholder, power and right in all things conducing to mastery over his slave, are convertible terms; and he applies in exorably, this odious definition to all "compro mise^ and compacts," with whomsoever made, the purpose of which is, to exclude Slavery from any Stnte or Territory of the Union. This im mutable pur|H?se of the slaveholders, developed from the earliest history of the Government under the Federal Constitution, and now made so plain that " he who rant may read," it is to be hoped will ultimately no impress itself on the minds of statesmen of the free States, (if indeed, the race, like the maiumoth, has not been long extinct,) as to teach them the inherent wickedness of that odious monopoly of human souls and bodies, that they may cease to splint and blindage it as a na tional interest, with " con?|?acts mid compro mises but on the contrary, induced to treat it as it is, a curse and crime ?the odium and the enemy of civilization, of national honor and pros|K>rity. How long shall it tw Mr. Chairman, ere we learn what Slavery is??that it is but the perfect subjugation of the victims of war- war matured, ripened, and embalmed; as it were, the black ened and desiccated mummy of war?a fossilized mob. In-the slave States, are to be found thus preserved through generations, the wars, and murders, and rapine of the petty African chiefs Who kidnapped and sold ea< h other to the Dutch and English and Colonial slave traders. Here in Christian America, under the pretended sanction of the African Constitution, may be found, a Amtrrrr of tbeap wars and butcheries and kjdnap piilgs, with the horrors of t|ie middle passage su udded. This is Slavery?American Slavery? transferred from barbarous Africa by American, Did-British, and Dutch barbarians, to become the chief corner-stone in the temple of American | Utterly, and the expeciitl pet of American pro IsIhven IknuKTiuty uud Christianity. t To tbi* description of .Slavery, tin- itleu of com pat (, of agreement, it) alien utterly. Ii has n? place iu ihe slave cod#, and I fearlessly assert that we of the free .States, cannot without dis honor, w ithout uui.t, claim to ourselves any kind ol profit or ail vantage, as the consideration of an agreement on our part, J/jat the people of the slave .Slates, may either make or hohl slaves a certain designated portion of the national terri tory; whether thai profit of advantage consist the moral,social,anil economical beuelitsderiv Irom the exclusion of Slavery from a certain ot/u designated portion*of the national territory whether we receive from the slaveholders', compensation in money, in lieu of such moral social, ami economical advantages. In ciihei case, if slaveholdiug he a chime, then we of tin tree States, by such a compact, liecoine futrlicina lors in the ckimk. If any gentleman is starth by the inevitable result of this argument, but still doubts, then let hiiu substitute piracy, or any other universally admitted crime, for Slavery and he will see at a glance, that he must eitlic cease to declaim against tdaveholdiug as wrong, or else must relinquish his demand for the obser vance of compact* taxed on concession* to the right of slareholding. Hy the slave code, the master can make noagrei incut with his slave; and for gentlemen of the free States, who haggle about the sacrcdness of this compromise, to make Agreements with their horses, would be no more ridiculous, as a legal bargain, in the eyes of Southern geutlemen 1'liis was different even under the ancient com mon law, during the midnight of the dark ages when Slavery was allowed iu Knglaml. Even in that dark night of superstition and violence, if master made a contract with his slave, no matter how trilling the subject, the contract was valid beyond its own provisions. It amounted to au absolute emancipation of the slave. Rven iu that age, every presumption of law was iu favor ot liberty. Hut not so with the guilty, sneaking contemptible slave codes of our own times and country. By these, not only the presumptions of law are against liberty, but, in a majority of the slave States, perhaps all of them, emancipation of slaves is absolutely forbidden, excepting on condition of removal from the State. This con trast shows the difference between our own times and those of ancient days. It shows that ancient common law Slavery was the offspring of igno ranee and barbarism, but that, as the light ot Christianity, with its gentle, humanizing influ ences, dawned upon that darkness, it set the na tions iu motion forward, progressing towards emancipation and civilization. It shows, too that modern Slavery is the whelp of avarice and that its continuance is impossible, except by reversing the onward movements of civilization and turning us buck to the barbarism of Africa with the beauties ol which, modern sham Democ racy seems absolutely enamored; aud determined to force that barbarism as a dowry, uuder the catching title, of " popular sovereignty," on the people of Kansas and Nebraska. Rut I would say to gentlemen from the free States, that those who make agreements and compromises with others, that those others may enslave their fel low-men, anywhere or for any purpose but for punishment of crime, have no just reason to ex pect such compromises will be observed, when either the interests or the power of the ensla vers come in conflict with the terms or the ob jects ol such compromise. Such compacts on both sides, are violations of faith with mankind; our complaints therefore, that the slaveholders do not keep within the bounds limited by the Missouri compromise, but endeavor to break over them without our consent, are not well founded. True, we of the free States took the "thirty pieces of silver," and in consideration thereof, consented to the limits within which all the cruelties and loathsome abominations of Slavery might be practiced; aud did not perhaps, anticipate that the slaveholders would treat their concessions to treedoin as an " Indian gift," (a gift to be re sumed when desired by the donor.) So neither did Iscauiot probably, when he bargained tnereli/ to show the chief priests and Pharisees, where the Saviour might be found, anticipate so dread a consequence of the mercenary act, as the cruci fixion ; the verdict of mankind lias nevertheless ctftisigncd the uktiiaykh to an immortality of in famy. Let us therefore profit by this example; and bargain no more for the transfer of the riuhts and lirerties of othkr men. Sir, when the people of the free States sell the black man's freedom to the slaveholder, it is not strange that the latter insist on guaranty of title; and when this guarantee is most easily effected by a breach of the contract of guaranty, this in fraction becomes the natural and characteristic remedy; and herein gentlemen of the free States have a practical illustration of the proverb, " What is got over the Devil's back goes under his l?elly.' And sir, this naming of the Prince oe Knaves ami ra sea lit/ compromisers, vividly re calls to mind, that celebrated comport of his, so closely analogous in principle, with these "truck and dicker-' compromises by free State poli ticians, of the black man's inalienable right to liberty, whereby the Arch Oppkessor, for an im pion* consideration, offered to transfer "all the kingdoms of the earth," of which, he owned not a foot, to the Great Emancipator. Sir, will Northern statesmen never learn, even by experience, that Slavery is an incurable ulcer on Ihe body-politic, weariug out the very life of Ireedom ?that it is a ceaseless aggression upon justice, and, from its very nature, eternally op posed to law and order??that it and Freedom never, never can be so fraternized as to dwell together in unity??that, in its nature, il is the repudiation of justice, which Is the foundation of law t \V hy not look this mere surface truth iu the face, aud cease these vain attempts at tinker ing up alliances and compacts between interests in their deepest nature, eternally and irrecon cilably hostile ! Why talk of "compacts," when we know that Slavery lives and has its being in breach of faith ; that its fell and hateful spirit is aggression, violence, and the gratification of its own unbridled will? Heuce the seizure of Tex as, the dismemberment of Mexico, the eager cov eting of Cuba, and now, lastly, this attempt to thrust its execrable self u|kiii Kansas and Ne braska. Sir, the spirit of Slavery is the deadly enemy of human rights, the enemy of the human race. Compromises with it, are as impious as they are foolish and vain. The spread of this spirit, like the march of the pestilence "that walketli in darkness," is the terror ol mankind. The spirit of Liberty and the spirit of Slavery cannot co-exist in harmony. Attempts to unite angels of light with "goblins damned," would be no more audaciously impi ous., Sow as many pillows under the armholcs of oppression and injustice, daub them with the untenipcrcd inortar of " compacts and compro mises," as much as you will, still your attempts to join together what God Almighty has put asunder, ought and must ami will, fall to pieces as a miserable botch of pseudo statesmanship, fit only for the scorn ami derision of mankind. Why sir, is there a man on this floor, so unre flecting as not to feel assured, that in our political machinery of Slavery and Freedom, the friction of its working, as each increases in strength nnd extent of Surface, will increase also in severity, and l>ecome mon- and still more remediless, until the harder and stronger will have ground the weaker to powder? " Compacts and adjust ments" have lieen "weighed in the balance and found wanting," and the issue between Liberty and Slavery, so long "staved oil" hy self-glori fying statesmen, aspiring politicians, and " lower law" divines, must now be joined, thanks to the restless little, and would-be great men who com menced cluhbing the apple id' the Presidency so longltefore it was ripe, ami while themselves also, were equally green. The political crimes and follies of every strug gle for the Presidency, the distribution of the spoils when that struggle is over, to incompetent nnd worthless political fortune hunters, as a re ward for the frauds and falseh?M>ds, the tricks and cheats, successfully practiced on the masses of the |H>ople of the free States, to decoy them iqto ihe sqpport of some impotent tool of the Slavery propagandists, are just beginning to open their eyes to the palpable fact, that our partisan I politicians are neither patriots nor statesmen, but rather a gang of political privateers and free booters, who have navigated the ship of State on to the outer oircults of the great whirlpool of ! tlliiv. i Sl.it cn and, that. unless thid piratical j crvw are'ca ,t overboard, and the ship's helm put HAUI) nt ku willi a stern uud defiant Itund, her cargo 14' Freedom is lout forever. j " Liberty lor the slat e, or Slavery for the free laborer," i now I lie dilemma into which the Union is forced by tbe cupidity of the slavehold ers uud the corruption of free State political adventurers ; and as non-hi.a vkiioldkus, there is no choice left to us, but to submit to the iron despotism of the Slavery propagandists, or Buffer the North and the South, like Abraham and Lot of old, to part as friends, rather than to live togeth er as rival enemies, iu a hopeless and embittered Struggle to harmonize systems so utterly, fatally irreconcilable, as Libkkty and Slavkry. The gentleman from Georgia, [Mr. Htsphkns,] the oilier day, seemed to imagine himself lighting over again the great compromise battle of I860; ami inasmuch as Northern gentlemen at that time either were, or affected to be alarmed for the safety of the Union, the gentleman is under the delusion that the like blunter now, will produce the like effect upon the present Congress. That gentleman, (and he is by no in ans the only one in the same darkness,) evidently'did not then understand the causes which led to that ruinous and disgraceful surrender of Northern principles and Northern honor; and be must have been dreaming from that time to this. That compro mise may be said to have been the last will and Vstament of certain very distinguished, but aged and inliriu, candidates for the Presidency, wherein they gave and bequeathed to the South, all the rights and benefits guarantied in that compromise, iu consideration of the anticipated support of Southern politicians for that high office; and the usual testamentary form running in this wise: " We, A. 11., Ac., being weak iu body, but of sound and disposing mind and memory, iu view of the uncertainty of political life, and the certainty of political death, and heing fully persuaded that this is our last and only remaining chance for realizing the high object of our ambition, do give and bequeath," Sic.., would have been no inapt preamble to those measures. Hut sir, that compromise was, and ever has been, odious to the people of the free Stales, of all parties. Out of compassion to the eminent gentlemen, to further whose chances for the Presidency it was made; and to quiet the nerves of certain timid and conservative gentlemen who were doubtless, really alarmed at the " ravings, and hissings, and bowlings," (to use the amiable language of the gentleman from Georgia,) of Southern gentlemen on this lloor, that compro mise was reluctantly acquiesced in by the Whigs and Democrats of the North. But it never re ceived more than a reluctant, a loathsome acqui escence ; and in this lurks the great and fatal delusion of the projectors and advocates of this most iniquitous measure. Neither the intellect, the heart, nor the conscience of the people of the free States, was with, or for that compromise. On the contrary, the intellect, the heart, and the conscience of that people, (those of them, I mean, who were eudowed with these attributes,) con-.| demned, repudiated, abhorred that dishonorable, that humiliating act. But sir, the gentleman from Georgia, and those who are co-workers with him, are laboring under the strange delusion, that the compromise of 1850, has now become popular in the free Stutes, and that this Nebraska and Kansas bill, being only another cub of the same litter, will also speedily become as great a favorite with the people of the free States. From hence sir, comes to the advocates of this bill, the pleasant fancy, that all the opposition to the guilty project of cursing with the mildew of Slavery the heart of the North American continent, and turn ing it into a kennel for the breeding of slaves for the shambles of the South, are but the "ra vings, and bowlings, and hissings, of the beaten and routed ranks of the factionists and malcon tents," as the gentleman from Georgia has it. Why sir, we " fuctionists and mal-contents" predicted just such *a Jinalt, to that weak and tricked bargain, sale, and surrender of humanity and justice, and the honor and interests of the free States ; and we take this new rascality very coolly ; but your treacherous arrow has touched the crural nerve of the drowsy and slumbering old fogies who were suooziug comfortably under the shadow of Southern chivalry and Southern honor; but now, the great deep of the Northern heart is heaving with the indignation of those betrayed, but thoroughly roused leviathans; and my advice to the chivalry and doughfaces is, to "stand from under;" "for if thou hast run with the footuien, and they have wearied thee, then how canst thou contend with horses?" Yes sir, if the few obscure, despised, and hated Abo litionists, as you contemptuously call them, have been an over-match for you, what are you to do when the united hosts of the lietrayed and in dignant free States enter the course against von ? Oh, says the gentleman from Georgia, to the Representatives of the free States, betray your constituents, commit treason against hu manity; and make your names but other words for hypocrisy, knavery, and cowardice. "Go back to your constituents and tell them you are right, and they are wrong." Yes sir, the gentle man from Georgia recommends that we return to our constituents with this flagitious "lie iu our right bands," and try to palm it off on the read ing, reflecting, moral, religious, and intelligent people of the free States; and he seems to think they will take nil such stuff for Gospel, as readily as a congregation of illiterate, half-drunken, pot house loafers would, the oracular crudities, cant, and humbuggerj*, of a lavorite political leader, from whom they expected to receive gratis, both (tolitics and whiskey. But in this business, this sublime, heroic busi ness, of liearding constituents by throwing their cherished printiiples in their faces, is a game that two may play at; and I say to the gentleman from Georgia, " physician, heal thyself. Sup pose the gentleman returns to his own constitu ents, and tells them that "they are wrong, and he is right;" that slavery is a great moral wrong, a curse to master and slave, ami a double curse to those wjio are neither masters nor slaves; and, that it ought not to exist at all, much less be ex tended over those Territories now free. I flatter my self that I shall be able to convince the gentle man from Georgia, that my proposition is reason able in comparison witTi bis te? us of tin- free States. Looking through the returns of the seventh Census, I find all?la es of the gentleman's constituents, number MO.tiOl. Ol these, 6.1,4.15 are slaves, and 8H? free colored. Now, the gen tleman would not need to expend much breath in Komi faith, to conquer the prejudices against lib erty, of this, the largest portion of his constitu ents. The residue of them, numbering 4il,:t20, free white |iersons, ol whom 10,935 an* males, above the age of twenty years. About one-tenth, or 1,100, are slaveholders, the balance, 9,800, are "poor white folks;" (I Mieve they lire so termed at the South.) Now sir, I am persuaded that a gentleman so full of the red-hot lava of eloquence as the gen tleman from<leorgia?one so richly endowed with the gift of making the btltrr ,ip/>rtir ihr fxltrr reamm, would have but little trouble in demonstrating to those constituents of his, that the enslave ment of the negro, by degrading labor, hail been the cause of the poor white man's poverty and degradation, and would be forever a "dead lock on the moral ami social elevation of themselves and their jwsterity. By these, and other argu ments which the gentleman's talents and genius would at once suggest, it seems to lue he might, without very serious trouble, persuade (Am c/?u of his constituents, to "conquer their prejudices' iu favor of an institution, at once the poor man s curse and the rich man's crime. But by what arguments the gentleman nii>;lit succeed in per suading the eleven hundred -slaveholders iu his district to "conquer their prejudices in favor of "faring sumptuously every day" on the fruits ol labor, extorted from their bondmen by the cruel appliances of the slave system, I do not know. It might, 1 think would l?e an ugly job; but by so much would its accomplishment be the more worthy the gentleman's prowess. But tough and nglv as the job mav be for the gentleman, it will not compare in difficulty with that which he com mends to some of us of the free States. The "pre judices" of my constituents, for instance, in favor of the ' golden rule," and the Declaration of In dependence, added lo the universal mittucts of humanity?the teachings of reason?the voice of conscience, as well as the invincible biases of -a Christian education, all would constitute a Gib raltar of difficulties, which 1 coftfess would be sufficient even, to dampen the chivalry of the veriest of the Quixote* among the Slavery propa guuiliaU. Beaidea, iu uiy case, with the excep tion of soiue two or three hundred Government officials wlioee "prejudices" ou these subject*, are not vincible, hut vendible, 1 have or nuUe constituents of twenty years old and upward, over twenty thousand capable of reading aud writing, together with u like number ol women, equally well instructed, intelligent, and if pos sible, of atill more unoouquerabl? love ot justice, liberty, and Christ iauity, and ti corresponding, abhorrence of Slavery. All these, Mr. Chairman, constitute a phalanx of emancipationists whose " prejudices" iu favor of universal liberty under just and humane laws, I have neither the incli nation nor the audacity, even to ask them to ' "conquer." Nil sir, no! I confess it, I have no stomach for such a fight. My choice would be most decidedly, to " let out the job to the gen tleman from Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I would I say here to thai gentleman, or any other Soutli | eru gentleman, in all good faith, that it his chiv | airy move him to the conquest ol the prejudices^ I of this formidable aruiy of" fanatics" iu favor ot liberty, I will, on their part, guarantee to him a courteous and cordial reception among them, and a patient and candid hearing of all he may have to say upon the whole merits of this great con troversy between Liberty and Slavery, or between those he denounces?us "fanatics, serpents, ami adders," and the slaveholders. I will go further. 1 will guaranty that the gentleman will not find among that twenty thou sand of my constituents, live hundred who do not utterly loathe and execrate domestic Slavery as a gross moral wroiqr, a physical, political, ami social curse; but nevertheless, lie may advocate Slavery aud denounce Liberty, with all the vehe mence of his most exciting declamation , and yet he shall be received with hospitality, lieajd with candor, and treated with courtesy and kindness; not a hair of his head injured, or a threat of per sonal violence uttered against him. The gentle man may talk to them of the " ravings, howliugs, and hissings of vipers aud adders,' with the unc tion of one fresh from a dance in the snake apart ment of Noah's ark, and yet I am sure my'con stituents will be moved to merriment only, at such extravagant language, not to insult or vio lence. Yes sir, though I would hold myself re sponsible for all 1 have undertaken in behalf of the gentleman's safety, and the decorum ol my constituents, still 1 would not stand surety, that the graduates of the numberless schoolhouses the gentleman would see there, might not oppose to him, arguments more destructive to his reason-' ing, than the brickbats from our Pro-Slavery op ponents were wont to prove, to our limbs and heads. Finally sir, 1 am fully persuaded that the gentleman would return from his campaign among ray constituents, fully satisfied that they constitute as moral, intelligent, industrious, and happy a people, dwelling in the delightful ami happy homes conquered lroui an unbroken and repubive wilderness, and transformed by the re sistless energy of free labor, into green pastures aud teeming fields ; and on the whole, exhibiting as fair and desirable a spectacle of the physical, social, and moral blessings of liberty as can be found on the footstool of the benevolent Creator. Hut to return to the gentleman's favorite theme, the "conquest" of what he is pleased to term " prejudices" against Slavery?or in other words, our instinctive love of Human Liberty. This is the conquest to which we are so fervently invited. To do this, involves the self-perversion of human nature from its loftiest, holiest instincts, to its lowest, fellest depths of utter, hopeless degradn* tion. This is the " hlbi.imk ^hpkctaclk," for th?t repetition of which the gentlemau entertains such fervent yearning. Sir, one having a taste for the sublimity of that spectacle, where SILF is sacri ficed to ot.'TV, cannot appreciate the one so rav ishing to the gentleman's perverted vision. There may be sublimity in audacious wickedness, such as was exhibited w hen the Prince of Hell solicit ed adoration from the Prince of Life. One whose nature is ravished by this kind ol sublimity, may well enjoy the sublimity of that scene depicted by the gentleman from Georgia, with so much apparent, aud I doubt not, real satisfaction. But sir, the gentleman's wish is father to the thought that the people of Boston, on the occa sion to which he alludes, overcame their hatred of Slavery aud the insolence of the slave power. Sir, I ask, and I hope some son of Massachusetts will answer on this floor, whether, at the com mand of an apostate son of New England, the de scendants of the Pilgrims and Puritans, quench ed the fires of liberty lighted by their fathers, when they first set foot on the sands of the glo rious old'Hay State? Whether they did or not "crush out" and conquer their hate of oppres sion, their devotion to the principles, for the pres ervation of which, their fathers' blood moistened the first battle-fields of the Revolution? Sir, us one of the humblest of all the children of the old Bay State, 1 give the degrading intimation of the gentleman from Georgia, an indignant deuial ! No air, never! In a moment of weak coininis st-rat ion for that " archangel ruined," the |ko ple of Boston, Massachusetts, reluctantly smoth ered their convictions of duty to themselves and country, but did not conquer their love ol Liberty, nor obliterate from their hearts their reverence for the principles and deeds of their glorious fathers. Sir, they did not forget the Revolution; they did not forget Lexington and Bunker Hill. Their fault was, that in a moment of great excitement and strong temptation, they declined from the " straight aud narrow path of right by "doing the evil" of yielding to the de mands of the slave power, "thai the supposed good," of even a chance that Daniel Webster might be President of the United States, might come of it. But sir, I trust that Massachusetts, by that kind of financiering, has by this time, learned that the slave power, like its great pro genitor, leads its followers into trouble, but leaves them to extricate themselves as they best may. But if the cheat iu that Preputial game of poker w as not enough to _il| Millie delusion, this last foul play of the slave power, by the aid of free State political poachers, to steal from Freedom tins I great Territory, and consign it forever, to the doom aud curse of Slavery, ha* uncap|>ed the volcano; and these " smothered convictions, not "conquered prejudices, are bla/.ing over New Kngland, and all the free States, with an intensity, threatening the existence of Slavery itself. And this, Mr. Chairman, is but the " be ginning of the end.' This new outbreak of the fires of Freedom is but the natural reaction of man's moral nature, from that state of collapse into which it fell, on yielding to the senseles* and infamous "compromise measure- ?that " finality'' of fools, without which, the gentleman from North Carolina, [Mr. Clixoma*,] gravely told us " we should have no Government now ; to which I reply, if the Federal Government wis ; unshipped from the Constitution, ami placed on j the frail trap-sticks, called the compromise of j 1850 that hateful and wicked conglomerate ot treason and folly?the sooner we have "no Gov ernment" the better. Let it perish; for when this Government shall cease l?eyond reclamation, j to act as the guardian of l.iberty under the ( on- , stitution, and shall permanently fall into Un hands ot Slaverv propagandists, as it now is. and for many years lias been, by the treason to Lib erty, of the party called in derision. Democratic, j it will not Ite worth preserving. I am willing, air (and I speak the sentiments of an overwhelm- | ing majority of my constituents,) to abide by the Constitution of the United States, when admmis- j tcred according to its spirit and letter. But, as : one of the humblest of the people of the free ; Slates, I am not willing to see the < onstitution perverted from the beneficent ends for which it was framed; and the Government under it, trans formed into a felon's league for the oppression of the black man, the impoverishment and degrada tion of the white laborer; and rendered service able only to promote the inordinate ambition and cupidity of some two hundred and fifty or three j hundred thousand slaveholders, ami the few thou sand of free-State renegades, purchased by kxec utive patronage. The Constitution, thu> distortei and perverted, is the'slaveholders' Constitution and Government. It exists for their >vne i , '> gratify their cupidity, to satiate their ambition to protect their exclusive interests, to extend their system of labor and social order, to promote their execrable anti-freedom and anti-civ illation pol icv ? and it is theirs to enable them to work all this mischief, at any cost of public morality, pe cuniary ex|>en?e, or national honor. To this re i inorieltis lust of Slavery propagandist!!, every | other seutiiueut, every other interest, ami every i other principle, are ottered iu cheap ami iittiu^ j sacrifice*. To appease thia "never-gorged levi. - ? thitii, the whole immense patronage of the Fed eral < Sov eminent is made to minister. Befoie I this rfeforuied and tmiet'ul monster, everv olticer j ol the hxecutive and judicial departments is made tu bow and swear allegiance, from the I'resident down, through ull that counties* uh artn, uuui l>ered by hundreds of thou*aud*. all trained to the lowest and meekest servility of passive obe dience, ami distributed over and through the whole laud, numerous us frogs iu the plagues of Kgypt?each and all of these, civil, military, aud naval, de|K*udeiH on this omnipresent power of evil. The iude|>emleiit man who seeks employ ment under the Federal Administration, no mat ter wlmt hid qualifications or fituess -no matter if he were Washington or Franklin, Jay or Adam. . Lafayette or Kosciunkw?if he were to re~ap|iear with his old-fashioned devotion to hitman liberty, and ask for a petty clerkship under some braying ass, whom the slaveholders and their liuukies had wrapped round with the lion's skin of authority, lie would be rudely thrust aside, to give place to any worthless puppy, mean enough to fawn at the footstool of power for crumbs of patronage Sir, the children of those whose blood soaked the battle-fields of the Revolution, unless degraded enough to play the sycophant to this atrocious slave power, so far as protection, or patronage under the Government, purchased with their fathers' blood is concerned, are as much alien*, as if they had been born and reared cannibals of New Zealand or the Kejee Islands, hi their own coun try. in (lie homes nf their fathers and their fathers' fathers, they are aliens and outlaws?made such by this guilty combination of slaveholders and renegade politicians of the free .States, No sir, the Governuieut lia ceased to be the Govern ment of the people of the United States, or for the people of the I'nited States. It is tlie slave holders' Government?a hase and villanous oli garchy, the only intent and purpose of which is, to multiply offices to be tilled by the Government hangers-on, ami pauper*,-gcuerated. by the slave system; to collect tile taxes needful to fill the mouths aud pockets of this famished brood of cormorants; and to extend, strengthen, and per petuate the accursed system, ho utterly ruinous to the moral, political, and social interests of the free laborer, it is the slaveholders' Government; and for one, 1 am for reform or separation; 1 am for justice, aud for liberty?without which there can be no justice; and air, if thin Government will not secure to us of the Tree States, the Territory which is now free, and has been made aud kept free by act of Congress, now for more than an entire generation, then sir, it is not the Government in which the non-slaveholders of the United States have au interest to the value of the President's salary. For such a Government, so administered, i have neither respect uor affection ; it is fit only for reform or revolution. On this subject it is best for us of the North aud South that we un derstand each other. Hither the Federal Consti tution does or does not recognise slaves as prop erly, and guaranty to the master, property in his slaves If the Constitution does this, then it is a hypocrisy, a delusion, a rhetil; but if it does uot then the Government, under the joint misrule of the slave and dough-face powers, lias been ami is, a usurpation and a fraud, which will not only justify, but absolutely demands, either an Ad ministration based on the frke spirit of the Con stitution, or a dissolution of the Union. Sir, I 40c;ik very plainly, and I disdain to resort to the usual cant about devotion to the Union, and till that. 1 think 1 know my constituents well, and am well kuowu by them. 1 know that they are'will ing to abide in the Union, under the Constitution our fathers framed; ami iu that Union, and un der that Constitution, they have borne much, and for the preservation of those in their purity, will do, endure, and dare as much as men may do, endure, or dure, iu any form in which pa triotism may demand the exercise of those high qualities; and yet sir, I feel warranted in saying to you in their names, and in their behalf: that whenever the slaveholders and doughfaces-shall have satisfied them that the Federal Constitution is in reality the bulwark and guaranty of chattel slavery; and they are called uj?on to choose be tween Slavery and the Union on the one hand, and Liberty and dissolution on the other; with out au instant's delay or hesitation, they will choose Liberty for themselve*s and their children, at any cost and every hazard. Hut sir, neither I nor my constituents entertain any such view of the Federal Constitution. We believe its |>crversi< n to the base use of extending and perpetuating Slavery, has been a violation of its letter ami spirit; aud we are for dethroning the usurper-., and placing iu their stead, those Mho will so ex ercise the powers of the Government as thereby to*"form a more perfect Union, establish justice insure domestic tranquillity, pro\ ide for the com mon defence, promote the general welfare, ami secure the blessings of libei'tv to ourselveo and our posterity." To these beneficent ends, we be lieve the powers of the Constitution are ample ; and that the exercise of these |?owee?> for the ex tension or |>erpetnation of human Slavery, i- a usurpation which, if persisted in, will make a dis solution ot the Union not only a ri</Mt, hut a ihify. To bring the Federal Government "actively and la-rpetually on the side of Liberty," and to dena tionalize Slavery, and eoaine it strictly to (in states m here it now exists, are the ends we con template, and for these we .--hail labor, through sunshine and storm, through good rejiort and evil report?beaten, we hall renew the fight?suc cessful, we shall push on the victory?replying to all testy gentlemen who op|<ose to this tesolution of ours, (as was so suceesfolly done in In50,) threats to secede from the I'nion, w hat the t?enev olent Uncle Toby said to the tty, "the world i? wide enough for thee and me." simply reminding gentlemen that? " The fight of Freedom once l?eguu, Bequeathed from (deeding fire to sua; Though baffled oft, is ever won"? And that, as it has been heretofore, so it will be again. Liberty must triumph, and Slavery perish. RE A I) ' THINK ! ! ACT ! ! / ND jour Money shall he returned, if you feci . 1 thai you don't get your dollar'* worth. 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You may think thi* I* all humbug, yet, bating all exaggeration, I will do a* I *aid at the atari Bo'h mxm, and all capacities and uapeaially student* and young men, cannot fail to select, ont .of tbo whol<?, *<<me ple**ant and profitable employ men I, while the simple information alone i* worth more than its prico to every family. Beside*. I prepay poatage. CL7~ Two copiaa, gratis. to tbo*e who will securs, in any weekly pafer, one dollir* woith of ioaoitiona of the above and thi* notice, together with a com mandatory editorial mention thereof The paper in aerting tha advertisement mart be rent to me May 31 M Srt Mowr\ >ru Book of Truvrlx in Kornpr Phillips, sampson, a company, hava in preparation SUNNY MKMORIKSOF FOREIGN LANDS, HV MRS. HARRIET BEKCHER STOWt, Author of Uncle Tom * Cabin, 2 vol*, duodecimo, with illu*tration* from original design* by " Billing* " The above i* in active preparation, and will be ?? #ued in May. March .1?lOw l)r. Nnlhunlrl ThurMon's lift in, ROOM No 20, In Hitman 8 Tvmperai re House, on Davis street. No*. 80 rind 8J, Fan Francisco, California May 8 SJOLD1KB8 who aerved in tha various wars, and ) sailors, or their widow* or heirs, to whom ar rears of pay, extra pay, honnty land, pension*, Ae may he due, may find it to their advantage to hav* their claims investigated, Address A M flANflKH'KK Attorney xnd Agent, Washington D Gil Bounty land warrants bonght and void AfT MTIO* I