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OF Oil 10,
In I he House of Reyrfjmtatiws, May 17, 1864.
[Tfae render will see that a part of Mr. Ware's
speech which was printed in the Era of Saturday
is reprinted to-day. It is done in consequence
of a transposition in the latter portion of that
which appeared in Saturday's paper.]
But, let us probe the gentlemen's statesmanship
a little deeper, and see what will come of it. The
power to prohibit Slavery is a "germ of despot
ism;" so the power to prohibit piracy, murder,
robbery, arson, rape, burglary, larcency, and so
on through the criminal codb, are also " germs of
despotism." Alas ! Mr. Chairman, if this be sound,
logic, ami it must be since it comes from " states
men," then there must be "germs of despotism "
enough in the free States to seed with oppression
all the nations of the earth. The gentleman's
reasoning produces another result equally as
tounding ; that is, that the only States truly free
are those where Slavery exists, and where the
constitutions are purged of so " despotic a germ "
as the power to abolish it. In this wise, sir, a
" statesman," with a logical handspike, turns hu
man institutions topsy-turvy.
But, seriously, never until I listened to this de
bate, could I realize how profound the obscura
tion, how total the eclii>se of the moral and intel
lectual vision on this great truth, of the sacred
ness of human liberty, caused by j>erpctual con
tact with the gigantic wrong and wickedness of
Slavery. Sir, the slaveholders denounce, with
merciless severity, despotic (iovernments, seem
horrified at the bare idea that Congress should ex- \
erase a power in which may lurk the minutest
" germ of despotism," and nevertheless seem ut
terly'unconscious that the system of Slavery, to
whicri thej' cling with a desperation bordering on
madness, is the most odious, insulting, and cruel
" despotism " which now curses God's footstool ;
or that this inconsistency and mental blindness
(to characterize them by no harsher epithets) ex
hibit the slaveholders of the United States as a
laughing-stock to the civilised world. Nay, sir,
such is the obliquity of moral and intellectual vis
ion, produced umong Southern statesmen, (so
they style themselves,) that civil society and gov
ernment are only seen by them up-side down, like
the reHection of a landscape from the calm surface
ol the lake ; and hence, on perceiving in the or
ganization of a Government a power to prohibit
slavery, the fellest of all the forms of despotism,
this feature of it is presented to them as tlie very
perfection of despotic power?one to which the
gentleman from Kentucky declares the South
" never will submit," wheii applied to the organ
ization of the Territories. That I may not be
suspected of caricature, I give the gentleman's
own language:
" But again : cannot the North, with her over
' whelming numbers, compete with us on these
4 uew theatres in the race of settlement and civ
' ilization?and must she not only violate the
' Constitution by shutting out half the States,
' common property-holders with her?but in the
4 name of liberty outrage liberty by erecting a
' despotism over the TerritoriesSir, we never
' will submit to it?we will resist it to the last."
Yes, sir, such is the threat of insubordination
and disloyalty to the Union, and such the cause
of it. This abidgment of the liberty of the op
pressed slaveholder, and the dealers in human
flesh and blood, this oppressive tariff on the busi
ness of huckstering in husbands and wives, moth
ers and their children, will never be submitted to.
Well, sir, in reply to all this kind of bluster, I
would respectfully ask, what kind of tituiubmuswt
nttt, in the premises, do the slaveholders intend
to manifest ? Is the old cry of wolf to be raised
to frighten the doughfaces, which has, on so
many occasions, and so successfully, been resort
ed to by Southern politicians?the cry of dissolu
tion of the Union ? Let me say to the gentleman
from Kentncky," that we ol' the free States have
grown too familiar with this hysterical ill humor
of the South. It has ceased to carry with it any
terrors, but, on the coutrary, there are multitudes
now at the North, and their number is rapidly in
creasing, who speak in no smothered tones of a
separation as necessary, not only to the honor,
but the interests of the free Stales. And, sir,
the mark of Cain, the brand of traitor, is in store
for that son of the North, either in this House or
wherever else, by whom or whose aid or counsel,
this deed of shame may be consummated. Sir,
morally, and ultimately politically, it will have
been " better for that man that be had never been
The gentleman from Kentucky, it seems, would
set off against the popular outbreak on Boston
Common, and the multitudinous other demonstra
tions at the North of intense hostility to this atro
cious bill, the approving resolutions of. a minori
ty of the I/egislature of Illinois, and so thankful
is he for so small a favor, that be breaks out in a
hitter taunt against the Kast and North, aud |mt
|tetrules a towering compliment to, and a glowing
prediction of, the growing |>ower of the West.
This is his language.
44 Did you hear of th? infuriated mob that
' basely hung the author of this bill in effigy, on
4 Boston Common? But did you note soon after
' the cheering tones of approval the west wind
1 brought from his prairie State ? Remember
' gentlemen, in the midst of your exultation, that
4 the political power of this country is now climb
4 ing the summits of the Alleghany mountains,
and before this decade closes, will have pursued
' its unreturning cpurse far into the valley of the
4 Mississippi?that vast region richer than the
4 delta of the Nile, and whose millions, and ever
4 increasing millions, are destined to a political
' unity as lasting as civilization and commerce.
' bound forever together by the double tie of in
' teres! and affection.".
It is all so, Mr. Chairman; but, alas, for poor
old Kentucky, unless she devise some means by
t'hich to cast from her bending shoulders this
" Mid Man of the Sea," this eating cancer, this
consuming curse of Slavery, she dooms herself U?
a prein?ture old age, and in her youth and young
manhood, to fall the lowest, and become the least,
iibthe bright galaxy of States which is to form this
stupendous central power. Yes, sir, the political
|tower of this nation is pursuing its unobstructed
way to its resting place in the great valley of the
Mississippi ; but let the gentleman from Kentucky
rememl?er, let every slaveholder on this floor mark
my words?I utter them in all kindiless, but with
a solemn conviction of their truth?the pathway
of this march of power will not tte moistened by
. a single tear of the coflled slave. Onward, sir,
lyid still onward, is the remorseless tread of em
pire to her rightful home; but no crack of the over
seer's bloody lash, no shriek of the lacerated slave,
no groan of the despairing mother, torn from the
child she has borne in sorrow, is mingled with, or
mars the shouts and anthems of, the free. No, sir;
not The plow, the anvil, and the loom, the ax,
the scythe, and the reaper, the chisel, the saw, and
the trowel, with all the multitudinous equipments
of civil liberty?these, sir, with songs of praise
and thanksgiving to the Great Kmancipator for
the priceless gem of personal freedom?these,
these I are the accompaniments, the music of that
march of empire, the majestic tread of whose
goings forth, is destined to "cfnshout" human
bondage, giving deliverance to both master
and slave.
But the question is tauntingly asked by the gen
tleman from Kentucky, [Mr. Brbckinrimir,]
" Cannot you of the Tree States, on this theory of
4 popular sovereignty,' compete successfully with
us of the slave States for supremacy in the Terri
tories?you who have some fifteen millions of free
population, while we ol the slave States have less
than one half that number? If you cannot, then
what becomes of your boasted superiority of free,
over slave institutions?" To this boastful inter
rogation my answer is, No! We cannot trans
plant our higher order of civilisation, from the old
free Stales into the ne%*Territories, with the celer
ity which jot of the ilave States, can transfer your
rude and slipshod institutions from the old. worn
out, and dilapidated slave States, to those Territo
ries. And this yon know very well; and hence,
and henee only, your ready appropriation of the
cant phrase of " popular sovereignty." This,
however, it the result of no superiority of slave
over free institutions, but the reverse?from their
actual inferiority. At in the animal economy, tbe
fecuiulity is.inversely a* tlie lownesa of organiza
tion, bo iusocial and political organizations, their
powers of reproduction are exactly in the same
inverse ratio ; that ia, the lower the organization,
the more rapidly may they be multiplied. A mo
ment's examination of the nature of free and
slave institutions, will confirm this theory, The
slaveholder, from a doulde necessity, is a propa
gandist of liis system. Continued slave cultiva
tion smites the soil with the curse of barrenness ;
Slavery must therefore, expand or perish.
The multiplication of sluve States clothes the
slaveholder with political honors, coufers 011 him
political power, " puts money in his purse," and
opens up for him, new and virgin soil in exchange
tor that which had become worthless from slave
cultivation. Hence the slaveholder's rauipaut
propaganditmi. Slavery also impoverishes and
debases the non-slaveholder. It makes labor dis
honorable, and thus deprives the laborer of eveu
moderate wealth, without which, he can neither
he respected, nor worthy of respect, in a slave
holding community. lie forms 110 local attach
ments, and the poor " saud-hiller " may, at u mo
ment's notice, pack his few traps, and his wife
and baby, on his old horse or mule, while he and
the children, squalid, ignorant, and reckless, fol
low behind on foot, to any place where the slave
holder may have pointed or led the way. Having
but little to dispose of, aud less to carry with him,
comparatively destitute of mental, moral, and so
cial cultivation, his local attachments are few
und feeble?constituting the connecting link be
tween the slave and slaveholder?inheriting the
pride of race of the one, und the ignorance and
poverty of the other, he is u necessary instrument
aud accompaniment of the slaveholder's iffigra
tions. Governed hy the tmiU, as implicitly as the
slave by the frown of the slaveholder, the " poor
white folks," the slave and the master, constitute,
as it were, a military force of the Slavery propa
gandists, moving to the new Territories with a
celerity which cannot be approached by emigrants
from the free States. On the principle of the
popular Baying, that "falsehood will travel a
hundred miles, while truth is pulling on its boots,"
the slaveholders will have entered and taken pos
session of the new 'Territories; and from the
natural and necessary repulsion between the two
systems, will expel the tree State emigrant from
the territories, thus preoccupied by the natural
enemies of free labor.
A glance at the motives and the process of free
State emigration, will illustrate this argument.
The spirit of propagandism does not enter into
free State emigration at all. This proceeds on a
calculation of the chances of increasing the pros
pective blessings of domestic comfort and civil
society in the far-otf home, by enduiing the pri
vations necessarily incident to removal to a wild
and unsettledxountry. And what are these pri
vatious ? The school-house for the children, the
meeting-house for himself and young family ; the
old homestead, clustered around with the memo
ries of many generations, and still genial with the
untold comforts and conveniences of a freeman's
home. There, also, are the fathers, sepulchres,
enclosing the consecrated dust of many genera
tions ; and there are the intertwined atfections of
the aged and the young ; the hoary grandsire tot
tering on hiB stall', now living only to recount the
bright memories of childhood and youth?he can
not go, nor can he be left behind. There the fair
haired youth and bright-eyed maiden?the strong
affections of their young hearts must be rudely
torn asunder ; the " new country " must be ex
plored by some strong man, of nerve to endure,
and judgment to choose wisely. The " old home
stead," with its surplus and untransportable im
plements, must be disposed of; neighbors and
friends summoned in counsel, that on arrival in
the " new country," the tine qua non of free State
civilization, the school-house and " meeting
house," may. appear" simultaneously with the
humble dwelling. Every screw must be tightened,
that " no step backward " in the progress of soci
ety be taken by this exodus from the sacred asso
ciations of " home." This business is the work
of time; but when the migration of the free State
emigrant is completed, he will have planted the
germ of the highest order of civilization known
to the human race. Hut while he is making the
preliminary arrangements, nay, while revolving
the question of " removal " in his mind, the slave
State emigrant will have impruvittd (if I may so
say) the caricature he calls a State?a thing of
lean and half-famished "sand-hillers*' and "poor
white folks"?slaves and slaveholders; but still
a craft of State, something to be officered and
manned by two Senators, one Representative,
and majors, colonels, and generals " too numer
ous to be mentioned." This superior speed of the
slaveholders in " getting up" a new State they
know full well, and hence their joyful acceptance
of such " popular sovereignty," oner the lefl, at
is given the people of these Territories by this
bill; and this fact, our free- State office-seekers,
nick-named statesmen, might know, if great
learning or blind ambition Had not emasculated
them of all practical knowledge of things they
ought to know, as well as of all common sense.
The gentleman from Vermont, [Mr. Mkacham,]
and ttie gentleman from Pennsylvania, [Mr.
Chaki>i.kk,J indeed, every gentleman who has
opposed this bill here or elsewhere, have appealed
to the Missouri compromise as a compact, exclu
ding Slavery from these Territories?as a settle
ment of the Slavery controversy of that day,
assented to by the slaveholding States as the con
sideration for the like assent of the free States, to
the permission of Slavery south of the compro
mise line. Gentlemen of the free States, insist that
this was an agreement between the two sections,
fairly made, and consequently, binding in honor;
though, from the condition of the parties to it, not
irrepealable by act of Congress. This statement
of the case, it seems to me, with those who recog
nise the obligation of these Slavery compacts,
(which I do not, for reasons stated hereafter,) is
rather a " tight fit," and a number of Southern
gentlemen, have stepped manfully forward, ac
knowledged the obligation and their willingness
to abide by it in spirit and letter. To those gen
tlemen?hopelessly, irreconcilably separated as I
am from them, by the distance of the |Kiles apart
on every point of the Slavery controversy?I can
not deny myself the pleasure of frankly stating
my sincere appreciation of a manly and courageous
act, honorable alike to their heads and hearts.
But this class of moderate Southern politicians,
constitutes the most dangerous enemy of the Anti
Slavery movement. These are the fatal opiate
which lulls the Northern mind to a dreamless
slumber, while the Slavery propagandists are
hatching thipir plots of mischief. Sir, as an eter
nal opponent of Slavery ; as one who loathes it
with a strength of abhorrence, which has no lan
guage for expression, I most sincerely regret, if
this iniquitous measure is doomed to pass this
House, that the South does not present an un
broken column against the Missouri compromise,
in order that every intervening obstacle to a fair
contest between Liberty and Slavery, may he
taken out of the way. Hut sir, this contest,
which is a moral aud political contest, can never
be conducted to advantage by the friends of Lib
erty, while these amiable Southern gentlemen
stand between the opponents of Slavery and the
Slavery propagandist*. Sir, as a friend of Lib
erty, 1 rejoice that Southern opposition to this
bill is waning into an insignificant handful, now
numbering less than a baker's dozen, and that it
must soon be utterly annihilated by the " com
pact-breakers" and Slavery propagandists. When
that time shall have arrived, the North will lie a
unit, and a.donghface as rare a bird as the black
swan. Then sir, let Slavery stand from rfnder,
for its hour will have come.
That the acts of Congress by which Missouri
was admitted as a slave State into the Union,
Arkansas organized as a Territory without re
striction of Slavery, and Slavery excluded from
the territory called in this bill Kansas and Ne
braska, constituted in substance and intention, a
compact between the Slavery extensionists of that
day on the one part, and the Slavery restriction
ists on the other, admits pf no rational doubt.
When I say that these acts of Congress constitu
ted a compart, between these parties, \ do not of
course, mean a contract for breach of which a
suit may be maintained in a court of law, or a
bill for specific performance in a court of equity.
All 1 mean by this languagr is, that these arts
constituted such an arrangement of the slave
controversy, as was considered binding in honor
and good faith, upon those who were parties to
it; and upon those who should succeed tbeoj in
the Federal Congress. That snchls the under
standing of perhaps every advocate of this peri
lous bill on this floor, in evident by the attempt
of Mth to extenuate ili is breach of faith on lm
part, by accusing its op|touents of a like breach
of faith in subsequent organizations of newly ac
quired territory.
It is not my purjtose to follow gentlemen in
their pettifogging objections to the above arrange
ment as a compact. It will suffice to sav, that if
they could convict their opponents of the perfidy
laid to their charge (which they cannot,) stiil
their convictioii would uot acquit the advocates
of this bill, of a deliberate violation of the faith
of their fathers. Kut sir, on this question of the
force and efficacy of these Slavery compacts and
adjustments, strange ad the avowal may seem, iny
judgment and my sympathy are with "the Woutli.
Those compacts and adjustments, by the Consti
tution of the United States, are utterly null uud
void, for lack of the semblance or shadow of
power conferred on Congress to establish, recog
nise, or guaranty Slavery under any circum
stances whatever. Hut by the moral constitution
of the universe, all compacts to plunder, or to
connive at the plunder ami spoil of our fellow
men, our equals before our Common Father of the
great patrimony of life, liberty, anil happiness,
which he has given in common to all his chil
dren, are doubly void, being both impious and
immoral. As a simple act of Congress, the re
striction of Slavery in these Territories was both
constitutional and just; and the Representative
from the free States, who shall, by any act of
omission or commission, impair in one iota, the
strength or vigor of that act, will deserve to be
coHied with a gang of imbruted slaves, driven to
the far South, and taught under plantation dis
cipline, not to huckster and jockey with other
men's liberties, until he shall have learned by u
Slave's experience, the value of his own.
But, further, by the purchase of the Louisiana
Territory, and its consequent passing under the
exclusive jurisdiction of the Federal (lovcriimcnt,
the Slavery then existing in that Territory, was
<P*o facto abolished. For the Slavery rcstrictiou
ists therefore, to agree to the continuance of the
system in Missouri* Arkansas, and what is now
the State of Louisiana, in consideration of its re
striction in what are now called Kansas and Ne
braska, was an attempt to purchase the freedom
of what was already free, by the enslavement of
those who were alsq equally free. As a com
pact, therefore, the Missouri compromise was im
moral, unconstitutional, and utterly void; and
the wonder to me is, that gentlemen from the free
States, should now seek to avail themselves of
this currupt and humiliating concession aa the
foundation of their opposition to this iniquitous
bill. For myself sir, (and I speak for myself
alone,) I would as soon bring a suit before a
court of justice against a thief for a dividend of
stolen goods, as insist 011 anything granted to me
in consideration of a concession on my part, at
once cowardly, inhumane, and unjust. No, sir,
I would ask nothing on the ground of that igno
minious Missouri compromise?that first and fatal
surrender of the principles and honor of the free
States, to the insatiable covetings of the fell spirit
of Slavery propagandism?that pioneer to this
last infamous project, but only the la.it, because
Congress cannot at the same time, sin both in the
present and in the future.
I desire, Mr. Chairman, to be distinctly under
stood, iu what I say on the validity of this Mis
souri compromise, and I therefore w ill endeavor
to restate my position. It is this. The restric
tion of Slavery above the line of 36? 30' north lat
itude, by the eighth section of the act of Congress
of March ti. 1820, was and is constitutional, and
therefore, as an act of Congress, obligatory until
repealed; but it acquired 110 additional force or
efficacy, by reason of apy congressional assent,
expressed or implied, to the existence of Slavery
below that line. Again, suppose Congress should
organize two Territories within the present limits
of Utah, and in one should prohibit polygamy ;
and as a consideration, compact, or compromise
for this, should not disallow it in the other; the
prohibition would be ralid ; but would acquire no
additional sanctity by reason of such compromise.
One further illustration on this point. Suppose
Southern gentlemen, unable to procure from Mary
laud and Virginia, slaves to supply the New Or
leans market, should demand a repeal of the acts
of Congress prohibiting the African slave trade;
and should propose to extend the Missouri slave
restriction to New Mexico; and Congress should
thert>u|)ou, re-open the foreign slave trade, and at
the same time, exclude Slavery from New Mexi
co; this would be a compromise, identical in
principle with the Missouri compromise; and j'et,
sir, the exclusion of Slavery from New Mexico,
would be valid; but I trust there is no Represent
ative on this floor from the free Slates, who
would demand its observance on the ground of a
concession so infamous and atrocious, as the re
opening of the piratical slave trade. It will be
obvious from these illustrations, that the principle
of these compromises, is w holly indefensible, ut
terly rotten; and that sooner of Inter, they must
all perish in their own corruption. No con
tract between private persons in any civilized
community, based upon such considerations,
would be tolerated for one moment in a court of
justice; and inter-State or intersectional com
pacts, thus condemned by the moral sense of
mankind, cannot in the nature of things be obli
Hut, Mr. Chairman, have we of the free Slides,
any reason to exi>eet that the slaveholder* will
recognise the obligation of those compromises,
whenever the interest* of .Slavery may, in their
judgment, demand their violation ? Jumticr sir,
or the notion that some things may of kiuiit he
long to individuals; and that things which he
long to the individual cannot be rightfully taken
from him without his council!, U of itself alone,
the sole ground of the inviolability of " compacts
and compromises"?a man's rlfkt to him*rlfy is of
course the highest and most sacred of all his
rights??consequently, to deprive a human being
of self-ownership, and to subject him against his
will, to the property ownership of another, is the
highest act of injustice, short of wilful murder,
that man can perpetrate upon his fellow. Kvery
human being of mature years, is under the high
est and most solemn compromise or compact with
every other, that hr will noI invade this tucred rt'gA/
of trlf-ovmrrtfitp. The slaveholder ia, therefore,
the violator of this deepest seated foundation of
human rights. He breaks the great "compact"
on which hangs the very existence of distributive
justice and social order. T
How then can the slaveholder be expected to
abide by " compacts and compromises," when
such obedience comes in conflict with his slave
holding usurpation; that great "nullification" of
God's supremacy, and man subjection to the
moral law? With the slaveholder, power and
right in all things conducing to mastery over his
slave, are convertible terms; and he applies in
exorably, this odious definition to all "compro
mise^ and compacts," with whomsoever made,
the purpose of which is, to exclude Slavery from
any Stnte or Territory of the Union. This im
mutable pur|H?se of the slaveholders, developed
from the earliest history of the Government under
the Federal Constitution, and now made so plain
that " he who rant may read," it is to be hoped
will ultimately no impress itself on the minds of
statesmen of the free States, (if indeed, the race,
like the maiumoth, has not been long extinct,) as
to teach them the inherent wickedness of that
odious monopoly of human souls and bodies, that
they may cease to splint and blindage it as a na
tional interest, with " con?|?acts mid compro
mises but on the contrary, induced to treat it
as it is, a curse and crime ?the odium and the
enemy of civilization, of national honor and
How long shall it tw Mr. Chairman, ere we
learn what Slavery is??that it is but the perfect
subjugation of the victims of war- war matured,
ripened, and embalmed; as it were, the black
ened and desiccated mummy of war?a fossilized
mob. In-the slave States, are to be found thus
preserved through generations, the wars, and
murders, and rapine of the petty African chiefs
Who kidnapped and sold ea< h other to the Dutch
and English and Colonial slave traders. Here in
Christian America, under the pretended sanction
of the African Constitution, may be found, a
Amtrrrr of tbeap wars and butcheries and kjdnap
piilgs, with the horrors of t|ie middle passage su
udded. This is Slavery?American Slavery?
transferred from barbarous Africa by American,
Did-British, and Dutch barbarians, to become
the chief corner-stone in the temple of American
| Utterly, and the expeciitl pet of American pro
IsIhven IknuKTiuty uud Christianity.
t To tbi* description of .Slavery, tin- itleu of com
pat (, of agreement, it) alien utterly. Ii has n?
place iu ihe slave cod#, and I fearlessly assert
that we of the free .States, cannot without dis
honor, w ithout uui.t, claim to ourselves any kind
ol profit or ail vantage, as the consideration of an
agreement on our part, J/jat the people of the
slave .Slates, may either make or hohl slaves
a certain designated portion of the national terri
tory; whether thai profit of advantage consist
the moral,social,anil economical beuelitsderiv
Irom the exclusion of Slavery from a certain ot/u
designated portion*of the national territory
whether we receive from the slaveholders',
compensation in money, in lieu of such moral
social, ami economical advantages. In ciihei
case, if slaveholdiug he a chime, then we of tin
tree States, by such a compact, liecoine futrlicina
lors in the ckimk. If any gentleman is starth
by the inevitable result of this argument, but
still doubts, then let hiiu substitute piracy, or
any other universally admitted crime, for Slavery
and he will see at a glance, that he must eitlic
cease to declaim against tdaveholdiug as wrong,
or else must relinquish his demand for the obser
vance of compact* taxed on concession* to the right
of slareholding.
Hy the slave code, the master can make noagrei
incut with his slave; and for gentlemen of the
free States, who haggle about the sacrcdness of
this compromise, to make Agreements with their
horses, would be no more ridiculous, as a legal
bargain, in the eyes of Southern geutlemen
1'liis was different even under the ancient com
mon law, during the midnight of the dark ages
when Slavery was allowed iu Knglaml. Even in
that dark night of superstition and violence, if
master made a contract with his slave, no matter
how trilling the subject, the contract was valid
beyond its own provisions. It amounted to au
absolute emancipation of the slave. Rven iu
that age, every presumption of law was iu favor
ot liberty. Hut not so with the guilty, sneaking
contemptible slave codes of our own times and
country. By these, not only the presumptions of
law are against liberty, but, in a majority of the
slave States, perhaps all of them, emancipation
of slaves is absolutely forbidden, excepting on
condition of removal from the State. This con
trast shows the difference between our own times
and those of ancient days. It shows that ancient
common law Slavery was the offspring of igno
ranee and barbarism, but that, as the light ot
Christianity, with its gentle, humanizing influ
ences, dawned upon that darkness, it set the na
tions iu motion forward, progressing towards
emancipation and civilization. It shows, too
that modern Slavery is the whelp of avarice
and that its continuance is impossible, except by
reversing the onward movements of civilization
and turning us buck to the barbarism of Africa
with the beauties ol which, modern sham Democ
racy seems absolutely enamored; aud determined
to force that barbarism as a dowry, uuder the
catching title, of " popular sovereignty," on the
people of Kansas and Nebraska. Rut I would
say to gentlemen from the free States, that those
who make agreements and compromises with
others, that those others may enslave their fel
low-men, anywhere or for any purpose but for
punishment of crime, have no just reason to ex
pect such compromises will be observed, when
either the interests or the power of the ensla
vers come in conflict with the terms or the ob
jects ol such compromise. Such compacts on
both sides, are violations of faith with mankind;
our complaints therefore, that the slaveholders
do not keep within the bounds limited by the
Missouri compromise, but endeavor to break over
them without our consent, are not well founded.
True, we of the free States took the "thirty pieces
of silver," and in consideration thereof, consented
to the limits within which all the cruelties and
loathsome abominations of Slavery might be
practiced; aud did not perhaps, anticipate that
the slaveholders would treat their concessions
to treedoin as an " Indian gift," (a gift to be re
sumed when desired by the donor.) So neither
did Iscauiot probably, when he bargained tnereli/
to show the chief priests and Pharisees, where the
Saviour might be found, anticipate so dread a
consequence of the mercenary act, as the cruci
fixion ; the verdict of mankind lias nevertheless
ctftisigncd the uktiiaykh to an immortality of in
famy. Let us therefore profit by this example;
and bargain no more for the transfer of the
riuhts and lirerties of othkr men.
Sir, when the people of the free States sell the
black man's freedom to the slaveholder, it is not
strange that the latter insist on guaranty of title;
and when this guarantee is most easily effected
by a breach of the contract of guaranty, this in
fraction becomes the natural and characteristic
remedy; and herein gentlemen of the free States
have a practical illustration of the proverb,
" What is got over the Devil's back goes under
his l?elly.' And sir, this naming of the Prince
oe Knaves ami ra sea lit/ compromisers, vividly re
calls to mind, that celebrated comport of his, so
closely analogous in principle, with these "truck
and dicker-' compromises by free State poli
ticians, of the black man's inalienable right to
liberty, whereby the Arch Oppkessor, for an im
pion* consideration, offered to transfer "all the
kingdoms of the earth," of which, he owned not a
foot, to the Great Emancipator.
Sir, will Northern statesmen never learn, even
by experience, that Slavery is an incurable ulcer
on Ihe body-politic, weariug out the very life of
Ireedom ?that it is a ceaseless aggression upon
justice, and, from its very nature, eternally op
posed to law and order??that it and Freedom
never, never can be so fraternized as to dwell
together in unity??that, in its nature, il is the
repudiation of justice, which Is the foundation of
law t \V hy not look this mere surface truth iu
the face, aud cease these vain attempts at tinker
ing up alliances and compacts between interests
in their deepest nature, eternally and irrecon
cilably hostile ! Why talk of "compacts," when
we know that Slavery lives and has its being in
breach of faith ; that its fell and hateful spirit is
aggression, violence, and the gratification of its
own unbridled will? Heuce the seizure of Tex
as, the dismemberment of Mexico, the eager cov
eting of Cuba, and now, lastly, this attempt to
thrust its execrable self u|kiii Kansas and Ne
braska. Sir, the spirit of Slavery is the deadly
enemy of human rights, the enemy of the human
race. Compromises with it, are as impious as
they are foolish and vain.
The spread of this spirit, like the march of the
pestilence "that walketli in darkness," is the
terror ol mankind. The spirit of Liberty and
the spirit of Slavery cannot co-exist in harmony.
Attempts to unite angels of light with "goblins
damned," would be no more audaciously impi
ous., Sow as many pillows under the armholcs
of oppression and injustice, daub them with the
untenipcrcd inortar of " compacts and compro
mises," as much as you will, still your attempts
to join together what God Almighty has put
asunder, ought and must ami will, fall to pieces
as a miserable botch of pseudo statesmanship,
fit only for the scorn ami derision of mankind.
Why sir, is there a man on this floor, so unre
flecting as not to feel assured, that in our political
machinery of Slavery and Freedom, the friction
of its working, as each increases in strength nnd
extent of Surface, will increase also in severity,
and l>ecome mon- and still more remediless, until
the harder and stronger will have ground the
weaker to powder? " Compacts and adjust
ments" have lieen "weighed in the balance and
found wanting," and the issue between Liberty
and Slavery, so long "staved oil" hy self-glori
fying statesmen, aspiring politicians, and " lower
law" divines, must now be joined, thanks to the
restless little, and would-be great men who com
menced cluhbing the apple id' the Presidency so
longltefore it was ripe, ami while themselves also,
were equally green.
The political crimes and follies of every strug
gle for the Presidency, the distribution of the
spoils when that struggle is over, to incompetent
nnd worthless political fortune hunters, as a re
ward for the frauds and falseh?M>ds, the tricks
and cheats, successfully practiced on the masses
of the |H>ople of the free States, to decoy them
iqto ihe sqpport of some impotent tool of the
Slavery propagandists, are just beginning to open
their eyes to the palpable fact, that our partisan I
politicians are neither patriots nor statesmen, but
rather a gang of political privateers and free
booters, who have navigated the ship of State on
to the outer oircults of the great whirlpool of !
tlliiv. i Sl.it cn and, that. unless thid piratical
j crvw are'ca ,t overboard, and the ship's helm put
HAUI) nt ku willi a stern uud defiant Itund, her
cargo 14' Freedom is lout forever.
j " Liberty lor the slat e, or Slavery for the free
laborer," i now I lie dilemma into which the
Union is forced by tbe cupidity of the slavehold
ers uud the corruption of free State political
adventurers ; and as non-hi.a vkiioldkus, there is
no choice left to us, but to submit to the iron
despotism of the Slavery propagandists, or Buffer
the North and the South, like Abraham and Lot of
old, to part as friends, rather than to live togeth
er as rival enemies, iu a hopeless and embittered
Struggle to harmonize systems so utterly, fatally
irreconcilable, as Libkkty and Slavkry.
The gentleman from Georgia, [Mr. Htsphkns,]
the oilier day, seemed to imagine himself lighting
over again the great compromise battle of I860;
ami inasmuch as Northern gentlemen at that time
either were, or affected to be alarmed for the
safety of the Union, the gentleman is under the
delusion that the like blunter now, will produce
the like effect upon the present Congress. That
gentleman, (and he is by no in ans the only one
in the same darkness,) evidently'did not then
understand the causes which led to that ruinous
and disgraceful surrender of Northern principles
and Northern honor; and be must have been
dreaming from that time to this. That compro
mise may be said to have been the last will and
Vstament of certain very distinguished, but aged
and inliriu, candidates for the Presidency, wherein
they gave and bequeathed to the South, all the
rights and benefits guarantied in that compromise,
iu consideration of the anticipated support of
Southern politicians for that high office; and the
usual testamentary form running in this wise:
" We, A. 11., Ac., being weak iu body, but of sound
and disposing mind and memory, iu view of the
uncertainty of political life, and the certainty of
political death, and heing fully persuaded that
this is our last and only remaining chance for
realizing the high object of our ambition, do give
and bequeath," Sic.., would have been no inapt
preamble to those measures.
Hut sir, that compromise was, and ever has
been, odious to the people of the free Stales, of
all parties. Out of compassion to the eminent
gentlemen, to further whose chances for the
Presidency it was made; and to quiet the nerves
of certain timid and conservative gentlemen who
were doubtless, really alarmed at the " ravings,
and hissings, and bowlings," (to use the amiable
language of the gentleman from Georgia,) of
Southern gentlemen on this lloor, that compro
mise was reluctantly acquiesced in by the Whigs
and Democrats of the North. But it never re
ceived more than a reluctant, a loathsome acqui
escence ; and in this lurks the great and fatal
delusion of the projectors and advocates of this
most iniquitous measure. Neither the intellect,
the heart, nor the conscience of the people of the
free States, was with, or for that compromise.
On the contrary, the intellect, the heart, and the
conscience of that people, (those of them, I mean,
who were eudowed with these attributes,) con-.|
demned, repudiated, abhorred that dishonorable,
that humiliating act. But sir, the gentleman
from Georgia, and those who are co-workers
with him, are laboring under the strange delusion,
that the compromise of 1850, has now become
popular in the free Stutes, and that this Nebraska
and Kansas bill, being only another cub of the
same litter, will also speedily become as great a
favorite with the people of the free States. From
hence sir, comes to the advocates of this bill, the
pleasant fancy, that all the opposition to the guilty
project of cursing with the mildew of Slavery the
heart of the North American continent, and turn
ing it into a kennel for the breeding of slaves
for the shambles of the South, are but the "ra
vings, and bowlings, and hissings, of the beaten
and routed ranks of the factionists and malcon
tents," as the gentleman from Georgia has it.
Why sir, we " fuctionists and mal-contents"
predicted just such *a Jinalt, to that weak and
tricked bargain, sale, and surrender of humanity
and justice, and the honor and interests of the
free States ; and we take this new rascality very
coolly ; but your treacherous arrow has touched
the crural nerve of the drowsy and slumbering
old fogies who were suooziug comfortably under
the shadow of Southern chivalry and Southern
honor; but now, the great deep of the Northern
heart is heaving with the indignation of those
betrayed, but thoroughly roused leviathans; and
my advice to the chivalry and doughfaces is,
to "stand from under;" "for if thou hast run
with the footuien, and they have wearied thee,
then how canst thou contend with horses?" Yes
sir, if the few obscure, despised, and hated Abo
litionists, as you contemptuously call them, have
been an over-match for you, what are you to do
when the united hosts of the lietrayed and in
dignant free States enter the course against
von ? Oh, says the gentleman from Georgia, to
the Representatives of the free States, betray
your constituents, commit treason against hu
manity; and make your names but other words
for hypocrisy, knavery, and cowardice. "Go
back to your constituents and tell them you are
right, and they are wrong." Yes sir, the gentle
man from Georgia recommends that we return to
our constituents with this flagitious "lie iu our
right bands," and try to palm it off on the read
ing, reflecting, moral, religious, and intelligent
people of the free States; and he seems to think
they will take nil such stuff for Gospel, as readily
as a congregation of illiterate, half-drunken, pot
house loafers would, the oracular crudities, cant,
and humbuggerj*, of a lavorite political leader,
from whom they expected to receive gratis, both
(tolitics and whiskey.
But in this business, this sublime, heroic busi
ness, of liearding constituents by throwing their
cherished printiiples in their faces, is a game that
two may play at; and I say to the gentleman
from Georgia, " physician, heal thyself. Sup
pose the gentleman returns to his own constitu
ents, and tells them that "they are wrong, and
he is right;" that slavery is a great moral wrong,
a curse to master and slave, ami a double curse
to those wjio are neither masters nor slaves; and,
that it ought not to exist at all, much less be ex
tended over those Territories now free. I flatter
my self that I shall be able to convince the gentle
man from Georgia, that my proposition is reason
able in comparison witTi bis te? us of tin- free
States. Looking through the returns of the
seventh Census, I find all?la es of the gentleman's
constituents, number MO.tiOl. Ol these, 6.1,4.15
are slaves, and 8H? free colored. Now, the gen
tleman would not need to expend much breath in
Komi faith, to conquer the prejudices against lib
erty, of this, the largest portion of his constitu
ents. The residue of them, numbering 4il,:t20,
free white |iersons, ol whom 10,935 an* males,
above the age of twenty years. About one-tenth,
or 1,100, are slaveholders, the balance, 9,800, are
"poor white folks;" (I Mieve they lire so termed
at the South.)
Now sir, I am persuaded that a gentleman so
full of the red-hot lava of eloquence as the gen
tleman from<leorgia?one so richly endowed with
the gift of making the btltrr ,ip/>rtir ihr fxltrr reamm,
would have but little trouble in demonstrating to
those constituents of his, that the enslave
ment of the negro, by degrading labor, hail been
the cause of the poor white man's poverty and
degradation, and would be forever a "dead lock
on the moral ami social elevation of themselves
and their jwsterity. By these, and other argu
ments which the gentleman's talents and genius
would at once suggest, it seems to lue he might,
without very serious trouble, persuade (Am c/?u
of his constituents, to "conquer their prejudices'
iu favor of an institution, at once the poor man s
curse and the rich man's crime. But by what
arguments the gentleman nii>;lit succeed in per
suading the eleven hundred -slaveholders iu his
district to "conquer their prejudices in favor of
"faring sumptuously every day" on the fruits ol
labor, extorted from their bondmen by the cruel
appliances of the slave system, I do not know.
It might, 1 think would l?e an ugly job; but by
so much would its accomplishment be the more
worthy the gentleman's prowess. But tough and
nglv as the job mav be for the gentleman, it will
not compare in difficulty with that which he com
mends to some of us of the free States. The "pre
judices" of my constituents, for instance, in favor
of the ' golden rule," and the Declaration of In
dependence, added lo the universal mittucts of
humanity?the teachings of reason?the voice of
conscience, as well as the invincible biases of -a
Christian education, all would constitute a Gib
raltar of difficulties, which 1 coftfess would be
sufficient even, to dampen the chivalry of the
veriest of the Quixote* among the Slavery propa
guuiliaU. Beaidea, iu uiy case, with the excep
tion of soiue two or three hundred Government
officials wlioee "prejudices" ou these subject*,
are not vincible, hut vendible, 1 have or nuUe
constituents of twenty years old and upward,
over twenty thousand capable of reading aud
writing, together with u like number ol women,
equally well instructed, intelligent, and if pos
sible, of atill more unoouquerabl? love ot justice,
liberty, and Christ iauity, and ti corresponding,
abhorrence of Slavery. All these, Mr. Chairman,
constitute a phalanx of emancipationists whose
" prejudices" iu favor of universal liberty under
just and humane laws, I have neither the incli
nation nor the audacity, even to ask them to
' "conquer." Nil sir, no! I confess it, I have no
stomach for such a fight. My choice would be
most decidedly, to " let out the job to the gen
tleman from Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I would
I say here to thai gentleman, or any other Soutli
| eru gentleman, in all good faith, that it his chiv
| airy move him to the conquest ol the prejudices^
I of this formidable aruiy of" fanatics" iu favor ot
liberty, I will, on their part, guarantee to him a
courteous and cordial reception among them, and
a patient and candid hearing of all he may have
to say upon the whole merits of this great con
troversy between Liberty and Slavery, or between
those he denounces?us "fanatics, serpents, ami
adders," and the slaveholders.
I will go further. 1 will guaranty that the
gentleman will not find among that twenty thou
sand of my constituents, live hundred who do
not utterly loathe and execrate domestic Slavery
as a gross moral wroiqr, a physical, political, ami
social curse; but nevertheless, lie may advocate
Slavery aud denounce Liberty, with all the vehe
mence of his most exciting declamation , and yet
he shall be received with hospitality, lieajd with
candor, and treated with courtesy and kindness;
not a hair of his head injured, or a threat of per
sonal violence uttered against him. The gentle
man may talk to them of the " ravings, howliugs,
and hissings of vipers aud adders,' with the unc
tion of one fresh from a dance in the snake apart
ment of Noah's ark, and yet I am sure my'con
stituents will be moved to merriment only, at
such extravagant language, not to insult or vio
lence. Yes sir, though I would hold myself re
sponsible for all 1 have undertaken in behalf of
the gentleman's safety, and the decorum ol my
constituents, still 1 would not stand surety, that
the graduates of the numberless schoolhouses the
gentleman would see there, might not oppose to
him, arguments more destructive to his reason-'
ing, than the brickbats from our Pro-Slavery op
ponents were wont to prove, to our limbs and
heads. Finally sir, 1 am fully persuaded that
the gentleman would return from his campaign
among ray constituents, fully satisfied that they
constitute as moral, intelligent, industrious, and
happy a people, dwelling in the delightful ami
happy homes conquered lroui an unbroken and
repubive wilderness, and transformed by the re
sistless energy of free labor, into green pastures
aud teeming fields ; and on the whole, exhibiting
as fair and desirable a spectacle of the physical,
social, and moral blessings of liberty as can be
found on the footstool of the benevolent Creator.
Hut to return to the gentleman's favorite theme,
the "conquest" of what he is pleased to term
" prejudices" against Slavery?or in other words,
our instinctive love of Human Liberty. This is
the conquest to which we are so fervently invited.
To do this, involves the self-perversion of human
nature from its loftiest, holiest instincts, to its
lowest, fellest depths of utter, hopeless degradn*
tion. This is the " hlbi.imk ^hpkctaclk," for th?t
repetition of which the gentlemau entertains such
fervent yearning. Sir, one having a taste for the
sublimity of that spectacle, where SILF is sacri
ficed to ot.'TV, cannot appreciate the one so rav
ishing to the gentleman's perverted vision. There
may be sublimity in audacious wickedness, such
as was exhibited w hen the Prince of Hell solicit
ed adoration from the Prince of Life. One whose
nature is ravished by this kind ol sublimity, may
well enjoy the sublimity of that scene depicted
by the gentleman from Georgia, with so much
apparent, aud I doubt not, real satisfaction.
But sir, the gentleman's wish is father to the
thought that the people of Boston, on the occa
sion to which he alludes, overcame their hatred
of Slavery aud the insolence of the slave power.
Sir, I ask, and I hope some son of Massachusetts
will answer on this floor, whether, at the com
mand of an apostate son of New England, the de
scendants of the Pilgrims and Puritans, quench
ed the fires of liberty lighted by their fathers,
when they first set foot on the sands of the glo
rious old'Hay State? Whether they did or not
"crush out" and conquer their hate of oppres
sion, their devotion to the principles, for the pres
ervation of which, their fathers' blood moistened
the first battle-fields of the Revolution? Sir, us
one of the humblest of all the children of the old
Bay State, 1 give the degrading intimation of the
gentleman from Georgia, an indignant deuial !
No air, never! In a moment of weak coininis
st-rat ion for that " archangel ruined," the |ko
ple of Boston, Massachusetts, reluctantly smoth
ered their convictions of duty to themselves
and country, but did not conquer their love ol
Liberty, nor obliterate from their hearts their
reverence for the principles and deeds of their
glorious fathers. Sir, they did not forget the
Revolution; they did not forget Lexington and
Bunker Hill. Their fault was, that in a moment
of great excitement and strong temptation, they
declined from the " straight aud narrow path of
right by "doing the evil" of yielding to the de
mands of the slave power, "thai the supposed
good," of even a chance that Daniel Webster
might be President of the United States, might
come of it. But sir, I trust that Massachusetts,
by that kind of financiering, has by this time,
learned that the slave power, like its great pro
genitor, leads its followers into trouble, but leaves
them to extricate themselves as they best may. But
if the cheat iu that Preputial game of poker w as
not enough to _il| Millie delusion, this last foul
play of the slave power, by the aid of free State
political poachers, to steal from Freedom tins I
great Territory, and consign it forever, to the
doom aud curse of Slavery, ha* uncap|>ed the
volcano; and these " smothered convictions,
not "conquered prejudices, are bla/.ing over
New Kngland, and all the free States, with an
intensity, threatening the existence of Slavery
itself. And this, Mr. Chairman, is but the " be
ginning of the end.' This new outbreak of the
fires of Freedom is but the natural reaction of
man's moral nature, from that state of collapse
into which it fell, on yielding to the senseles*
and infamous "compromise measure- ?that
" finality'' of fools, without which, the gentleman
from North Carolina, [Mr. Clixoma*,] gravely
told us " we should have no Government now ;
to which I reply, if the Federal Government wis ;
unshipped from the Constitution, ami placed on j
the frail trap-sticks, called the compromise of j
1850 that hateful and wicked conglomerate ot
treason and folly?the sooner we have "no Gov
ernment" the better. Let it perish; for when
this Government shall cease l?eyond reclamation, j
to act as the guardian of l.iberty under the ( on- ,
stitution, and shall permanently fall into Un
hands ot Slaverv propagandists, as it now is. and
for many years lias been, by the treason to Lib
erty, of the party called in derision. Democratic, j
it will not Ite worth preserving. I am willing,
air (and I speak the sentiments of an overwhelm- |
ing majority of my constituents,) to abide by the
Constitution of the United States, when admmis- j
tcred according to its spirit and letter. But, as :
one of the humblest of the people of the free ;
Slates, I am not willing to see the < onstitution
perverted from the beneficent ends for which it
was framed; and the Government under it, trans
formed into a felon's league for the oppression of
the black man, the impoverishment and degrada
tion of the white laborer; and rendered service
able only to promote the inordinate ambition and
cupidity of some two hundred and fifty or three j
hundred thousand slaveholders, ami the few thou
sand of free-State renegades, purchased by kxec
utive patronage. The Constitution, thu> distortei
and perverted, is the'slaveholders' Constitution
and Government. It exists for their >vne i , '>
gratify their cupidity, to satiate their ambition
to protect their exclusive interests, to extend their
system of labor and social order, to promote their
execrable anti-freedom and anti-civ illation pol
icv ? and it is theirs to enable them to work all
this mischief, at any cost of public morality, pe
cuniary ex|>en?e, or national honor. To this re
i inorieltis lust of Slavery propagandist!!, every
| other seutiiueut, every other interest, ami every
i other principle, are ottered iu cheap ami iittiu^
j sacrifice*. To appease thia "never-gorged levi. -
? thitii, the whole immense patronage of the Fed
eral < Sov eminent is made to minister. Befoie
I this rfeforuied and tmiet'ul monster, everv olticer
j ol the hxecutive and judicial departments is made
tu bow and swear allegiance, from the I'resident
down, through ull that counties* uh artn, uuui
l>ered by hundreds of thou*aud*. all trained to
the lowest and meekest servility of passive obe
dience, ami distributed over and through the
whole laud, numerous us frogs iu the plagues of
Kgypt?each and all of these, civil, military, aud
naval, de|K*udeiH on this omnipresent power of
evil. The iude|>emleiit man who seeks employ
ment under the Federal Administration, no mat
ter wlmt hid qualifications or fituess -no matter
if he were Washington or Franklin, Jay or Adam. .
Lafayette or Kosciunkw?if he were to re~ap|iear
with his old-fashioned devotion to hitman liberty,
and ask for a petty clerkship under some braying
ass, whom the slaveholders and their liuukies had
wrapped round with the lion's skin of authority,
lie would be rudely thrust aside, to give place to
any worthless puppy, mean enough to fawn at
the footstool of power for crumbs of patronage
Sir, the children of those whose blood soaked the
battle-fields of the Revolution, unless degraded
enough to play the sycophant to this atrocious
slave power, so far as protection, or patronage
under the Government, purchased with their
fathers' blood is concerned, are as much alien*, as
if they had been born and reared cannibals of New
Zealand or the Kejee Islands, hi their own coun
try. in (lie homes nf their fathers and their fathers'
fathers, they are aliens and outlaws?made such
by this guilty combination of slaveholders and
renegade politicians of the free .States, No sir,
the Governuieut lia ceased to be the Govern
ment of the people of the United States, or for
the people of the I'nited States. It is tlie slave
holders' Government?a hase and villanous oli
garchy, the only intent and purpose of which is,
to multiply offices to be tilled by the Government
hangers-on, ami pauper*,-gcuerated. by the slave
system; to collect tile taxes needful to fill the
mouths aud pockets of this famished brood of
cormorants; and to extend, strengthen, and per
petuate the accursed system, ho utterly ruinous
to the moral, political, and social interests of the
free laborer, it is the slaveholders' Government;
and for one, 1 am for reform or separation; 1 am for
justice, aud for liberty?without which there can
be no justice; and air, if thin Government will
not secure to us of the Tree States, the Territory
which is now free, and has been made aud kept free
by act of Congress, now for more than an entire
generation, then sir, it is not the Government in
which the non-slaveholders of the United States
have au interest to the value of the President's
salary. For such a Government, so administered,
i have neither respect uor affection ; it is fit only
for reform or revolution. On this subject it is
best for us of the North aud South that we un
derstand each other. Hither the Federal Consti
tution does or does not recognise slaves as prop
erly, and guaranty to the master, property in his
slaves If the Constitution does this, then it is a
hypocrisy, a delusion, a rhetil; but if it does uot
then the Government, under the joint misrule of
the slave and dough-face powers, lias been ami
is, a usurpation and a fraud, which will not only
justify, but absolutely demands, either an Ad
ministration based on the frke spirit of the Con
stitution, or a dissolution of the Union. Sir, I
40c;ik very plainly, and I disdain to resort to the
usual cant about devotion to the Union, and till
that. 1 think 1 know my constituents well, and am
well kuowu by them. 1 know that they are'will
ing to abide in the Union, under the Constitution
our fathers framed; ami iu that Union, and un
der that Constitution, they have borne much, and
for the preservation of those in their purity, will
do, endure, and dare as much as men may
do, endure, or dure, iu any form in which pa
triotism may demand the exercise of those high
qualities; and yet sir, I feel warranted in saying
to you in their names, and in their behalf: that
whenever the slaveholders and doughfaces-shall
have satisfied them that the Federal Constitution
is in reality the bulwark and guaranty of chattel
slavery; and they are called uj?on to choose be
tween Slavery and the Union on the one hand,
and Liberty and dissolution on the other; with
out au instant's delay or hesitation, they will
choose Liberty for themselve*s and their children,
at any cost and every hazard. Hut sir, neither I
nor my constituents entertain any such view of the
Federal Constitution. We believe its |>crversi< n
to the base use of extending and perpetuating
Slavery, has been a violation of its letter ami
spirit; aud we are for dethroning the usurper-.,
and placing iu their stead, those Mho will so ex
ercise the powers of the Government as thereby
to*"form a more perfect Union, establish justice
insure domestic tranquillity, pro\ ide for the com
mon defence, promote the general welfare, ami
secure the blessings of libei'tv to ourselveo and
our posterity." To these beneficent ends, we be
lieve the powers of the Constitution are ample ;
and that the exercise of these |?owee?> for the ex
tension or |>erpetnation of human Slavery, i- a
usurpation which, if persisted in, will make a dis
solution ot the Union not only a ri</Mt, hut a ihify.
To bring the Federal Government "actively and
la-rpetually on the side of Liberty," and to dena
tionalize Slavery, and eoaine it strictly to (in
states m here it now exists, are the ends we con
template, and for these we .--hail labor, through
sunshine and storm, through good rejiort and evil
report?beaten, we hall renew the fight?suc
cessful, we shall push on the victory?replying to
all testy gentlemen who op|<ose to this tesolution
of ours, (as was so suceesfolly done in In50,)
threats to secede from the I'nion, w hat the t?enev
olent Uncle Toby said to the tty, "the world i?
wide enough for thee and me." simply reminding
gentlemen that?
" The fight of Freedom once l?eguu,
Bequeathed from (deeding fire to sua;
Though baffled oft, is ever won"?
And that, as it has been heretofore, so it will
be again. Liberty must triumph, and Slavery
RE A I) ' THINK ! ! ACT ! ! /
ND jour Money shall he returned, if you feci
. 1 thai you don't get your dollar'* worth. Aire,
the be?t reference* gn mi, if required.
Oni.y our dollar, poat paid, to M J COOK,
Crawfordaville, Indiana, Vuyt my new copyright edi
tion, containing the following "Way* to Makk
Mokry '? Recipe* Plan*, Discoveries A.- L. M
Cook'*, Dow'*, Bowman*, Long A Co.'*, Biglow *,
W?*ton's, Shott A Co.'*, 8tev?B*'s, Duval's, floe it
Co '*, Ac , Ac
Also, a riNB rMAMcR?Instruction* in a n?w bad
ness of unparalleled profits Several of there art- ad
\ erti.-ed to soil Itoui $ ;> to $7 i ea< It and to yield from
$.'> to $10, froui $5 to $12, and from $<? to $12, per
day ; and from 200 to 600, ami even from f?0U t<> 1,000
per cent., and can be carried on wilh ease, but little
capital, and the strictest honesty.
You may think thi* I* all humbug, yet, bating all
exaggeration, I will do a* I *aid at the atari Bo'h
mxm, and all capacities and uapeaially student* and
young men, cannot fail to select, ont .of tbo whol<?,
*<<me ple**ant and profitable employ men I, while the
simple information alone i* worth more than its prico
to every family. Beside*. I prepay poatage.
CL7~ Two copiaa, gratis. to tbo*e who will securs,
in any weekly pafer, one dollir* woith of ioaoitiona
of the above and thi* notice, together with a com
mandatory editorial mention thereof The paper in
aerting tha advertisement mart be rent to me
May 31 M
Srt Mowr\ >ru Book of Truvrlx in Kornpr
Phillips, sampson, a company, hava in
Author of Uncle Tom * Cabin, 2 vol*, duodecimo,
with illu*tration* from original design* by " Billing* "
The above i* in active preparation, and will be ??
#ued in May. March .1?lOw
l)r. Nnlhunlrl ThurMon's lift in,
ROOM No 20, In Hitman 8 Tvmperai re House,
on Davis street. No*. 80 rind 8J, Fan Francisco,
California May 8
SJOLD1KB8 who aerved in tha various wars, and
) sailors, or their widow* or heirs, to whom ar
rears of pay, extra pay, honnty land, pension*, Ae
may he due, may find it to their advantage to hav*
their claims investigated, Address
Attorney xnd Agent, Washington D Gil
Bounty land warrants bonght and void

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