Newspaper Page Text
NEBRASKA AMD KAHBAS.
SPEECH OF HON. EMER80N ETHEK1DGE, OF TENNESSEE, In tiu House of RtyreseiUatives, May 17, 1854. [OOVCIUDBD.] Among those who signed this pledge, are the eutire Whig delegation, at that tiiue, in the House of Representatives, from Teunessee? William*, Gentry, Wat kins, and Andtrton. With three of them 1 am personally acquainted, and the fourth enjoys too high a character for talents and pa triotism not to be known by reputation to every Tennessean?and without htowitn/ the sentiments of these gentlemen, I doifbt not they and each of them still remember and recognise the billing obligations of that pledge. This declaration, at the time, might have seem ed but a feeble effort towards quieting agitation, but, sir, Time has demonstrated that it was a suitable forerunner of the events which were to follow. Very soon, similar sentiments began to be expressed in primary assemblies of the people, in county aud State conventions, in the Legisla tures of different States, aud in Congressional caucuses. Aud when, in 1852, the Whig and Democratic parties met at Baltimore to make their Presidential nominations, so powerful and overwhelming was the public sentiment of the country in favor of those measures, that each Convention incorporated the sentiments of the pledge 1 have read into their platform of princi ples, and proclaimed to the world that acquies cence therein should be regarded as a test of po litical orthodoxy. Among the resolutions adopted by the Demo cratic party is the following: " 5. Resolved, That the Democratic party will re gist all attempts at renewing, in Congress or out of it, the agitation of tho Slavery question, under whatever shapo or color the attempt may be made." Here, sir, we have the deliberate pledge of tlif Democratic party, made by the Convention which nominated Mr. Piejce, that they would " hkhiht ALLATTKMPT8 AT UKNEWi.NO, IN CoKMRKSS OU OUT OF IT, TilK AGITATION OF TUB SLAVKHY QUBHTION," and that resistance is promised us " undkji wiiatkvkh 8HAFE OE COLOR THK ATTKMPT MAY BK MAHK." True, sir, 1 never attached very much importance to this resolution, although 1 then and now think it asserted a proper and necessary line of policy for any party to have pursued, which preferred the peace of the country to the ravings of fanati cism ; but I have said elsewhere that which I will avow here, that I had no confidence in the ability or sincerity of the various factions who composed that Convention, to discourage or dis countenance the agitation of Slavery, whenever* that agitation might be thought necessary to their retaining or securing power. I still think so, aud subsequentgevents have confirmed me in that opinion. The Whig Convention met a few days after the nomination of Mr. Pierce. Before the Southern Whigs would consent to make a nomination for President, they demanded that the Convention should assert the principles upon which the can vass was to be conducted, and, especially, that a guarantee should be given, by which the country should be assured of repose from the dangerous Slavery controversies, which had caused so much apprehension during the administration of Mr. Fillmore. That guarantee waa given by the Con vention, in the adoption of the following resolu tion : " Resolved, That the series of acts of tho Thirty-first Congress, commonly known as the Compromise Ad justment, (the act for the recovery of fugitives from labor included,) are received ana acquiesced in by the Whigs of tho United States as a final settlement, in principle and substance, of the subjects to which they relate ; and, so far as these acts arc concerned, we will maintain them, and insist on their strict en forcement, until time and experience shall demon strate the necessity of further legislation to guard against the evasion of the laws on the one hand, and the abuse of their present efficiency to oarry out tho requirements of the Constitution ; and we deprecate all further agitation of the questions thus settled, as dangerous to our peace, and will discountenance >11 efforts to continue or renew such agitation, whenever, wherever, or however made; and we will maintain this settlement as essenMal to the nationality of the Whig party and the Integrity of the Union.'' The meeting of these Conventions gave satis faction, in one respect, at least, to the largest portion of the American people; for while many Whigs and Democrats disapproved of the nomi nations, still, they could perceive, in the resolu tions adopted by the Conventions, an assurance that the triumph of either candidate would bring us four years of domestic tranquillity. The result of the election disclosed the fact, that about three millions of freemen had recorded their votes in favor of Scott and Pierce, while not over three huudred thousand had expressed a preference for little, the candidate of the Abolitionists, and less than ten thousand had voted for Troup, the can didate of tint extreme men of the South. Thus, sir, the compromise measures of 1850 were rati fied and endorsed at the polls, by the great body of the people. Mr. Pierce was inaugurated on the 4th of March, At that time, he pledged himself, in the presence of assembled thousunds, to a faithful support of these measures, which he then declar ed to be eminently just and constitutional. That pledge elicited the applause of his friends, nnd wrung from his enemies the tribute of praise. At the meeting of Congress, in December last, great anxiety was manifested for the reception of his first message, which, it Was supposed, would define bis administrative |>olicy. That message was true to the conservative sentiment of the country in this respect, and to the platform upon which be had Iteen elected; and he announced that during his administration the repose of the country should suffer no shock, if he had tho power to avert it. I can commend, with confidence, to all those who are now engaged in this new crusade aguinst the public repose, the following from the message of the President, at the opening of Congress : " It is no part of my purpose to give prominence to any subject which may properly be regarded as set at reet by the deliberate judgment of the people. But while the present is bright with promise, and the future fall of demand and inducement for the exercise of active intelligence, the past can never be without useful lessons of admonition and instruction. If its dangers serve not as beacons, they will evidently fail to fulfil the object of a wise design When the grave shall have closed over all who are now endeav oring to meet the obligations of duty, lite year 1850 will be recurred to as a |>eriod filled with anxious apprehension. A successful war had jast terminated Peace brought with it a vast augmentation of terri tory. Disturbing questions aroso, bearing upon the domestic institutions of one poitlon of the Confedera cy, and involving tho constitutional rights of the State*. Rut, notwithstanding differences of opinion and sentiment, which then existed in relation to de tails, and specific provisions, tho acquiescence of dis tinguished citisens, whose devotion to the Union can nover bo doubted, had given renewed vigor to our in stitutions, and restored a sense ?>f renoseand security to the public mind throughout tne Coafedetscy. That this repose Is to suffer no shock during my offi cial term, ir I have power to avert it, thoae who placed me here may be assured." I ask gentlemen if the signs of the times do not already indicate that the redone which we were promised at the commencement of this Congress, is not now disturbed ? Sir, is it not in a fair way to Imj destroyed ? If we attach any importance to the demonstra tions which *re being made throughout the coun try, find the occurrences which have so recently transpired here, or credit the predictions of Some of our colleagues, we are now on the verge of imminent danger. Hut a few days ago, the geu tleman from South Carolina, [Mr. Brookh,] in a speech which indicated grent sincerity and abil ity, used this language : " Mr Chairman, the cry that the Union is in dan gar has heon so often raised, that ma* have ceased to regard it. Hat. sir, disunion may come while we are sleeping in security. Hefore God. I believe that if this Idll * * * fails to pass this Hou?e, we will be in greater danger of disunion than at any timo sinee the formation of this Government. '? I make no threat of disunion. The failure of the passage of this hill may not so result. But, sir, our young men are becoming familiar with the sound of it word which was breathed hy their sires only in seeresy, or forced from their lips hy the agony of ac cumulated wrong.1' If this be true, air, where is the repose which we were assured would result from the election of Mr. Pierce, and which he promised us, at the upening of Congress, should suffer no shock ? The truth Is, we are launching once more upon the turbulent i?ea of exi>eriment. We are to for get every le?sou of tbe and tjw admonition* of the purest and wisest men who have ever been in our National Council*. The struggle* which patriotism has had with faction and hmaticism arc to be regarded as ho many exhibit ions of weakness, folly, and timidity, uud we arc to go back and explore those paths which a Clay, a King, ami a Lowndes, have refused to tread?for, sir, it lias been but a very few days since tin- gen tleman from Virginia [Mr. Faulkner] announced to this House, that after ? " A struggle, longer in duration than the celebrated religious wart of Kurope. we find ourselves, in tbo pro Kress of the political cycle, at the very point at which this unwise and unwarrantable agitation commenced." If this be so, of what value was that "final het T1.KMK.NT," that "KNII OK Till AGITATION,'' of wliicll the gentleman's party boasted in 1852, and upon which Mr. Fierce was elected? If tliis J?e so, to what little purpose did the great statesman of the West return in his old age to the theatre of his earliest achievements, there to offer up his life as a willing sacrifice, on the altar of the Federal Union? ' I, sir, will not believe the past has been all a delusion and a cheat, and I doubt not the people of this country will yet attest, in a manner which cannot be mistaken, their devotion to the settle ment of 1850, their conviction that it was intruded to be Jinal, and their determination that it shall be so. Sir, while all men are to a greater or less ex tent the creatures of education, most of them are inclined to adopt certain peculiarities, and to imi tnte those qualities and aim at thoso achievements in others, which have been pronounced most rare and remarkable. This disposition to imitation, while it is quite general, seems of late years to have had unusual sway over the legal profession, and many have displayed, no mean ambition in attempting to play a part as miraculous, in some respects, as that which marked the life of one of the greatest law yers of antiquity. 1 allude, sir, to that great Apostle, who was brought up "at the feet of Ga maliel," and whose sudden and miraculous con version, while on the road to Damascus, was but another evidence of the Divine power of the Christian religion. I do not. think, however, that the sudden con version of St. Faul, while travelling from Jerusa lem to -Damascus, justifies the fantastic tricks and political summersets which we so often wit ness among those political lawyers, who earn their daily bread by persecuting the Whigs. Faul was suddenly changed from a sinner to a saint. Senators, politicians, and newspaper edit ors, are changed just as quickly in the l!?th cen tury, but the parallel holds good no further; for those who exclaimed, four months ago, "let well enough alone," touch not the "solemn covenant," it will " INVOLVE TIIK SAME GRAVE 1H8UK8 WHICH PRODUCEDTHE AGITATION, Til K SECTIONAL HTHIFE, A NO tiik kkakkul stuuoole, ok 1850," will not be re garded by the country, in their attempts to repeal the Missouri Compromise, as more sincere than when, a short time ago, they maintained its in violability ; and as the days of miracles have ceased, the country will be anxious to know what "gubat light" shone so suddenly as to cause this wonderful change. Why, sir, but yesterday, the Missouri Compro mise might have "stood against the worldnow it is reviled and spurned by those who, at the opening of this Congress, were prepared to do it reverence.' On the 4tl? of January, 1854, a Senator from Illinois, [Mr. Doiiglab,] and chairman of the Committee on Territories, made a report to the Senate upon the Nebraska bill. The Senate's committee, after examining the whole subject, found nothing worthy of especial notice, and did nothing but make a written aryument and re|H?rt again*) repealing the Missouri Compromise. Here is an extract from that rej>?rt. After alluding to the existence of the Missouri Compromise, and noticing its effect upon the Nebraska Territory, Mr. Douglas goes on to say : " Yonr committee do not feel themselves called upon to enter into the discussion of these controverted questions They involve tho same grave issues which produced the agitation, tho sectional strife, and the fearful struggle, of 1850. As Congress deemed it wise and prudent to refrain from deciding the matter in controversy then, either by affirming or repealing the Mexican laws, or by an act declaratory of the true intent of (he Constitution, and the extent of the pro tection afforded by it to tbe slave property in the Territories, so yonr committee are not prepared now to recommend a departure from the course pursued on that memorable occasion, either by affirming or repealing the 8th section of the Missouri act, or by any act declaratory of the meaning of the Constitu tion in respect to the legal points in dispute. " Yoor commitiee deem it fortunate for tbo peace of the country and the security of the Union, that the controversy then resulted in the adoption of the Com promise Measures, wl?'ch the two great political par ties, with singular unanimity, have affirmed a* a car dinal article of their faith, and proclaimed to the world as a final set tlement of tbe controversy and an ond of the agitation A due rospaot, therefore, for the avowed opinion* of Stnators, as well as a proper sense of patriotic duty, enjoin upon your committee the propriety and necessity of a strict adherence to the principles and evon a literal adontion of the en actments, of that adjustment, in all their Territorial hills, so far as the same are not locally inspplioablo.'' Mere, sir, we have the deliberate statement of Mr. Doi glah, as late as the Ith of January, 1854, that y> repeal the Missouri Compromise, or to disturb it in any way, would "involve the same IIEAVR ISSUES WHICH PROl>0CEI> THE AGITATION, THE SECTIONAL STRIKE, AN1> the KEAKITL STRUGGLE, OK 1850.'' I still think so, and I know nothing in the condition of the country nineteen days after wards, which, in my judgment, rendered it more necessary or safe to tam|>er thus with the public peace. As soon as this report hail been made to the Senate, Mr. Dixon, a Whig Senator from Kentuc ky, (whose successor has long since l>een elected,) suhmittc*) n proposition to repeal the Missouri Compromise. Thcrcujton the Washington I'nion. edited by Mr. Nicholson, a Teunesscan, rallied the friends of the Aministration to its protectiou from this covert assault of a Whig, by urging all good Democrats to adhere to the Fierce platform of 1852, and " to hesitate and retire! maturely upon any proposition" which a Democrat could object to as an interpidatioii of that platform. Mr. Nicholson said, ami said wisely, "Let well enough alone." So said the people, North and South, and such had been the sentiment of the country for more than a generation. The following extracts from Mr. Nicholson's paper, of the 20th January last, I cheerfully commend to his numerous friends throughout the country, l?oth on account of the sensible conclusions at which he arrivet}, and of the high character he maintains with the Frcsi dent and his pHrtv. "Tit* Mishocki Co*ipromi*k ? We have express ed oar cordial approval of the bill introduced hj Mr. Douglaa, providing a Territorial (lovei .im?-nt for Ne hrnaka. It will he rtmembered that the hill, aa pro posed to be amended by Mr. Douglas. re enact i anil applies to Nehraaka tho clause on Slavery adopted in the coinprnraifte of I860. That clause ia iilent aa to the question of Slavery daring the Territorial condi tion of the inhabitant*, bat expressly recogaiae* and asacrta their right to come into the Hnion aa a State, either with or without the institution of Slavery, aa they may determine in their Conatitution. Two proportion* have been made in the Senate- one by Senator Dixon, a Whig, and the other by Senator Snmner, an Abolltioniat?which indicate that tho bill, a* propoaed by Mr. I>ouglaa, ia to be vigorously awaited. Mr. Dixon nroposea to amend it hv a clnuse frprriuly reprn/inf thr ncl of 1820, commonly known aa the Miaaouri Compromise Mr. Snmner propose* to amend it by expressly declaring that the Missouri Compromiae ii to continuo in forco. * * * "We are free to declare that we should have been content to ?ee the question thus preaonted left where the comproinlto of 1850 and tbe hill of Judge Doug laa both left it; and yet it would be uncandid in u* If wo did not add, that & clause in the Compromise of I860 and ia Mr. Dougia*'* Nebraska bill, doclaring the act of 1820 null and void hecaaw it contravene the principle of Congressional non intervention, would have made both of these measures more in cona >nance with our opinion* and wishea. But ^e acceptod the acta ol 18f?0 at they vvrr ;w.?*v/, anil approved their paaaage aa a final compromise; and in the aaine spirit we have been eontent with the .perpetuation ?f that compromiae, a* pro poaed by Mr Douglas * Nebraska hill. Wo have never yielded to the Miaaouri Compromiae any other obligatory force than that which attache* to a nJrtnn rmvvant entered Into by two opposing parties for tho pre*orvation of amicable relatione. To such con*td nratlons we have felt bound lo yield aa ready an ac quiescence a* If the Compromise wa* the law of the land, not only In form, bat in substance and reality, Viewed aa a legal quostion, wa ahoald he constrained to pronounce it un?ustain?d by constitutional an thority ; viewed as the evidence of a cou proumo of conflicting inUrent* and opinions, we have ready to waive the leiral .|u??tioo, m*d to<?u/'" fully tu it* urmt. If wo have studied the Southern sentiment ooirectly. t.U ha# heenthoviewakeD u the Missouri Compromise in that division U^.t Mr. Dixon's amendment may serve tostir-up excitement on one Hid.*, whilst Mr ?????" "J? effect the like object on the other, and, M Whiglsui aud Abolitionism have nothing to gam an. not!hing to Icae, the upshot may be that the ?K,,1^,,'n u ^ inure to the benefit of the common opposition to tM Democratic party. PruUtnee, jutrtoltm, n the II,lion, the intr.ru* of the Demorruhe party, a I suKieest that the public sentiment which now a. w races ohcei fully in the prineiulcs of the comp"' of 1850 should not bo inoon?iderately disturbed. lb triumphant election of President Ptoice showstKat on Js basis the bear., and th.jud?menU of the people are with the Democracy. We msy venture to suggest that it is well worthv of nousider^um whetl era faithful adherence to the creed which has been so triumphantly endorsed by the People does not re quire all good Democrats to hesitat* aid reflect urn turety upoii any proposition which any membe our Sirtycan object to as an interpolation upon that creed L a ivoid, it would be wise in ? I to consider whether it would not be saost to Hj WKl.1. KKOIIOII ALONK." To repeal the Missouri Compromise might, and, according to our view, would, clear the principle of Congressional of all embarrassment; but we doubt whether the good thus promised is so important t wise to R'ek it through the agitation which ne.-essa^ rily stand, in our path Upon a calm "v.ewofthe whole kround, wo yet see no such roosons for disturb ing tho compromise of 1H&U as could induco us >> advocato *ither of the amendments proposed to Mr. Douglas's bill " _ Such, I say, sir, were the sentiments of the leaders of the Administration in 18..4; ?o t ie editor of the Union, LMr- N,olloLS(>N'l ,uul , Senator from Illinois, LMr. Douglas,]are tl.o leaders of the Administration party. the opin ions of the former are echoed ami re-echoed by every newspaper in the employment ot I lie gov ernment, no far as I know, without an exception. Ue is a gentleman of more ability than many ol his tradueers, and, with the aid of the press he so ably controls, more powerful than the I lesid in the formation of public senlnieiit. The Senator from Illinois [Mr. Douglas] ba.s been for a long time the hope and pride ol V oung America ; and so confident are his Iriends that c will soon be ...ore than ?heir apparent to e succession," I donht not some official expectants are now considering the mode and manner of dis tributing the spoils. . , I say, sir, such were the sentiments of these leaders of the " Administration party in January, 185+. 1 took my stand with them then, and 1 shall not desert my position now. Sir, when, on the 4th ol January last, Mr Douoi.ah made his report against the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, 1 took my position wi him. When, on the ICth of tint same month, Mr. Dixon a Whig Senator, offered Ins amendment, p/oTX' .o n- that OomprumUe 1 ..-.wed my protest against the movement. And when on the 20th of January, Mr. Nicholson took ground, in the columns of the Union, against .lr. Dixon's amendment, 1 endorsed the views of Mr. Nicholson, and I now appeal to my colleague from the Mauruy district, whom 1 see in Ins seat, I Mr. (ikokuk W. Jonks.1 and with whom have conversed more upon this subject than with rfny other member of this body, if from the ^ginning of this controversy 1 have not uniformly held to the views presented by Mr. Douglas in his report, and to what 1 supposed, at the time, were the sentiments of the Administration, as expressed by Mr Nicholson in his newspaper; and further, if did not, from the first, express my disapprobation of the proposition ot Mr. Dixo.n t Mr. (1F.ORG E W. JUNKS. The lacts are that ^ Mr ETHER1DUE. Sir, I knew my colleague? who has a reputation for three things, regard for truth, guardianship over the Treasury, and lealt) to his party-would not fail to do me justice. ri.ainrhter.1 But, sir, I am now required to abandon my position for the benefit ot the Ad ministration, when 1 refused to do it lor a mem ber of my own party. This, sir 1 will n.vku ho, until reason convinces me that I am wrong. But thev (Nicholson and Douglas) are both at this time loud, and seemingly earnest, in their advo cacy of the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and some of their friends and followers declare that those who still adhere to the opinions thev have so recently abandoned are to beregard.d i opposed to the true interests of the boutli. not think so. 1 believe those gentlemen wen right four months ago, when they opposed a re ,(<?al of the Missouri Compromise. Ne.tli r ol them have attempted to answer the arifumrntt they respectively urged at that time a.jatmt the repeal. They cannot do so. . Now, I may be regarded by some as guilty of an attempt to impugn the motives of eminen gentlemen, wflo have thus suddenly changed po sition upon a great public question. Such, sir. is not my purpose. They are, perhaps much wiser note than then, and may thus justify their sudden change; but it should make them, their followers and admirers,more charitable U> those who, like myself, still stand firm in the faith they so recently professed. Hut it is needless, and I think improper, to say more of those gentlemen to whom I have re erred, for, sir, here, at this time, and in tins Hull, and within the sound of my voice, are those who <? cupy no better position. In fact, I think they will have more difficulty than any others m ma king the I pie believe in the si or good sense of their present teal for the repeal ot the act of 1820. ? I should be pleased to hear some gentlemen who were members of the last Congress meet the point I will now make: It is said by pome that the Missouri Compromise was eupertedeii nj tnc legislation of 1850; by others, that if was intended to be; and bv another portion, that it ought to have l?een. , . Now at the last. Congress, which closed its labors the 4tl. of March, 1853, the House of Rep resentative# passed, by a very largevote a bill to organize this same Territory ol Nebraska, which was lost in the Senate, lor want ol tune to con sider it That bill said not one word about Slavery, or the repeal of the Missouri Conipro, mise There are about fillv members here now, who were of the last Congress Many of then, voted for tho bill which passed this House in February, 185:5. The question which I wish an swered. when I take my seat, is this: W by did you not, when the bill was under consideration at the last Congress, propose, by amendment, or in some way, to declare the Missouri Compromise '? inoperative and void," or to rr/?W it I You cannot say it was overlooked or forgotten, for the following scene and debate occurred in the House of Representatives on the 8th ot hei rnarv 185.1. The present chairman of the < om m it tee oil Territories had the floor, and yielded it for but a moment. He and the House were bound to have heard what followed: ?' Mr. John W. IIowk. I wi*h to inquire of the gentleman from Ohio, | Mr Uidding*, | who I tee in hi* *eat now, mnl who I believe in ? member of the Committee on Teiritorioe, why Iho Ordinance o( 1787 in not. incorporated in thi* bill ? | Laughter.| 1 should like to kftow whether he or the committee were intimidated on aocoontof th> platform* of I8S2. | Laughter | The gentleman pretend* to he *ome ? thing of an Anti Slavery man ; at lo.*?*t I hare under stood no. " Mr. (ImniNos. With the i>eriniK*inn of the gen tleman from lllinoi*, |Mr. Kirhard*on | I, will nay to my friemrthkt tho Mouth line of thin Territory in HA dog. ,'iO min. The law authoriiing the people of Mi* *ouri to form ft State (Jove>nment, enacted in 1820, provide*, in expres* language - "?Thftt in all that territory reded hy France to the United States, tinder the natno o( l<otii*ianit, which lie* north of 3ft deg. .'!0 min north latitude, not included within the limit* of the State contemplated bj that act. (Missouri.) slavery and involuntary NT ntude, otherwise than for crime* wher?of the partie* shall hmvo boen duly convicted, ahull he, and i* iikrk BY FOKKVKR pnOHIBITItn.' "Thin law (*aid Mr. (lidding*) stand* perpetually, and I did not think that Ihi* act would receive any increaned validity hy a re enactment. There 1 leave the matter. It i* very clear that the territory inclu ded in thftt treaty mu*t he forever free, nnlea* that Uw he repealed. " Mr. Joan W TfoWR I nhonld like to know from the gentleman from Ohio, if he ha* not Koine recollec tion of ft compromise made *inco thftt time ? " Mr. (lipomas. That doe* not afTect the <pie? tion." Sir, this cofivPtrsRtion OCCOITrd in the presence of thin House, on tlic 8th of fttbhtaiy, 18M, while the Nebraskn bill whs under consideration, nnd ? - 'X "*? ' I iii presence of tb?f chairman <?C the Committee on | Territories, [Mr. Ku'hauukos, | who now acta an gnardiau ad litem for tbia bill, ami who is press ing .1 witli all the energy in his power. You, sir. mv colleague from the Knoxvillc district, [Mr. ('in uchwki.l,] who i" now present, and the lion- j orable gentleman from the Muuray district, [Mr. | Jo.sks.I were all nieinlH-rs of I lie last Congress. j The able geutlcmau froiu Georgia [Mr. Stkciikss 1 waaalao present when this conversation occurred between Messrs. IIowk ami GiDDiKtm. Mr. Wu. II. . I'oi.K, of Tennessee, was in his seat at the time, | ami was a party to what was said. The chair man of the Committee on Territories [Mr. Ku;il akusos | was in possession of the Hour, ami Mr. Uiuoinum spoke by his permission. The effect of the compromise measures of 1850, ami the Whig ami Democratic platforms of 1852, as well as of the Missouri Compromise, were all brought to the notice of the llouwc by Mr. Giudimis, who was better calculated than any other member of that body to excite the apprehensions of the South. We iind him reading the Missouri Compromise to j the House, and relying on it as an exclusion of Slavery north of 30? 30'. Now, sir, I ask my i colleagues, and every member of this body who was of the last Congress, why you per mitted the bill to pass at the last session for organising a (loverumeut for this same Territory, without declaring the Missouri Compromise "su perseded,'' "inoperative and void," or repealed 1 More than this: why did you permit that bill to pass the House at tliat time without any reference watever to the subject of Si.AVKUV I W hen 1 take my seat, or before this debate closes, 1 wish these questions answered, especially by niy colleagues. Sir, tlri' answer must be .obvious. No human being ever supposed that the legislation of 1850 w as inconsistent with or superseded the Missouri Compromise, until since the beginning ol the present year. The bill of the last session, on its passage in this House, was voted lor by Asdukw Johnson, and though it did not mention Slavery, vet, sir, on his return home, he was niet by the "people of Tennessee with every demonstration ol joy. They soon thereafter elected luiu Governor of the Slate. In the exciting canvass which pre ceded his election, and when his political oppo nents, were exerting themselves to defeat him, neither partisan nor personal malignity were bold enough to complain ol his having voted to give Nebraska and Kansas a Territorial Government, which was silent as to Slavery and the Missouri Compromise. The bill of the last session, so soon as it passed the House, was sent to the Senate, and referred to the Committee on Territories. Mr. Doi.oi.A8, the chairman of that committee, reported it back to the Senate without amendment, and in sisted on its passage. While it was under dist cussion in the Senate, Mr. Atchison, the present Vice President of the United States, said: " I have always been of opinion th it the fir?t great error committed in tho polition.1 history of this coun try was the Ordinance of 1787, rendering tho North west Territory free territory. The next great error was the Missouri Compromise. But they are both irremediable. There is no remedy for them We must suburtl to theui. 1 am preprrod to do it. It is evident that the Missouri Compromise cannot be re imated So far as that question is concerned, we might as well ?gr?e to the admission of this T.orritory now as next year, or five or ten years beuco CW grttsiovn! Globe, Id stgs. 32// Congress, > ol 20, V. 1113. In looking to the various objections which were urged against the bill at the last session, in th* House and in the Seuute, it will be found that no one insisted the Missonri Compromise was inconsistent with the legislation of 1850, had been superseded, or ought to be repealed. Mv colleague [Mr. IU:ai>y] stated a few minutes ago, that by'the legislation of 1850 it w as in tended to furnish a ruU, or principle, to be applied hereafter in the formation of Territorial Govern ments. The action of the last Congress proves that no such opinion prevailed as late as 1853, and the establishment of a Government for the Territory of Washington, since the compromise measures of 1850, without any reference to Sla vcrv, is additional proof that the opinion is new ami not supported by facts. From the passage ol the measures of 1850, until the present attempt to repeal the Missouri Compromise, no politician or statesman has ventured to risk'an opinion, that the territory acquired from France in 1803 (of which Nebraska and Kansas are a part) was em braced in the legislation of 1850, and the opinion would not now be urged, were it not necessary, as the only plausible pretext offered tor the abro gation of the Missouri Compromise line. Sir, the Jinaiity resolution, adopted by the \\ lug Convention at Baltimore, in 1852, and which was penned by a Southern gentleman (Mr. Humphrey Marshall, of Kentucky,) asserts the compromise measures of 1850 to be " a final settlement, m prni rivUand substance, ok thk si-rjkcts to which they KKI.ATR." What were these subjects? They were the regulation of the slave trade in the District of Columbia; the fugitive slave law ; the settle ment of the boundary of Texas ; the admission ol California as a State; and the establishment ol Territorial Governments for Utah and New Mexi co, within which was included the territory we acquired from Mexico, ex.opt that portion em braced within the limits of California. I? these subjects, alone, did the adjustment measures ol 1850 relate. In nil that was said in and out ol Cougress, in 1850, it cannot be shown, that any person supposed the legislation of that year em braced or affected in any wax Nebraska and Kansas, which we had acquired from France in 1803, and which is north of the line of .>?> < nor is there anything to !?? found in either ol the acts of 1850, which, according to any rule lor construing law or language, alludes to, or em braces within its spirit or provisions, '" ries proposed to be organized by this bill. Iicse measures were applied to the Territory we had acquired from Mexico only. The Missouri Com promise line was applied to the Territory we pur l-based from France in 1803. These Territories were acquired at different times, in a different manner and from separate and distinct 1 owers. The Missouri Compromise embraced all the ter ritory we owned in 1820. w?st of the Mississippi river It was aflerwards applied to Texas <\ being inserted in the resolution of annexation. When, in 1848, we acquired a vast territory from Mexico, various efforts and propositions were made, to extend this same Missouri Compromise line to the Pacific Ocean. These propositions wen- rejected and refused by the members from the free State-1. The result was, an intense agi tation .of the subject of Slavery, and^finally, the adoption of the compromise measures of 18?0 Now, sir, if any proof were wauling to show that the friends this bill cannot fairly and justly conclude th.- Missouri Compromise act nl 1820 was superseded by the legislation ol 18..0, it is found in the fad, that this bill proposes to declare the act of 1820 u inoperative and void, only so Tar as it affects Nebraska and Kansas whil^ this same Missouri Compromise act is to he lelt in full force in the organised Territories ol Mm ncsota, Oregon, and Washington; and in Texa?. through which it was extended, us I have Ik*fori" stated, I.v tlx* resolution of annexation. If tilt* line of 36? .'lii' lias horn lo as, as gentle men bare asserted in debate, " tlio sourer of un n umbo red woes," sound policy ami right reason would seem to demand its total annihilation, rath er than this re|ieal of n part only ; yet no goutlo nian, up to this time, has exhibited boldness enough to propose il? abrogation in Texas, or to declare it inoperative in the Territories of Oregon, Washington, and Minnesota. I will not he sonn eharitahle as to believe the omission to do so pro ceeds from a desire to preserve some tniiterirl for another Slavery agitation, but such will be the result, should am attempt hereafter be made to repeal or annul that portion of the Missouri <'omprouiHc line, which operates on Texas anil the Territories of Oregon, Minnesota, anil Wash ington As 1 am opposed to all further agitation, 41 in Congress or out of it, I prefer that the Mis souri Compromise act be repealed altogether, or left w li?ll\ undisturbed. I have not time, now, to examine or comment upon the details of this bill. They are such as, in my judgment, will not and ought not to be regarded with favor by the people of the Jjjouth, unless there ha- been a radical change in public sentiment, in that portion of the country, within a short period. The celebrated " Itadger provi so," in the opinion ot its author and the South ern supporters of the bill, menus nothing The gentleman from Alabama, [Mr. Phii.mpr,] while I advocating the bill, declared the proviso to be "?imply tautological, and eould hare been intend- ! <</ only to quiet the apprehension of Northern i 'n'' 111 II I?n 11, wllOgC AlloU'lt (/i/c (// law Wils Hot | *'i|uuI to theircaution." 1 mayor may not endorse 1 this equivocal compliment lo Northern members. I It remain* yet to l>e ascertained who is the better lawyer. My present Opinion U, that the Northern commentary on that particular chapter of the |M>litii'ul sayings and remarkable doings ofJudge Kndger will prove the correct one, auti that lite ^outh hw>eH, by the proviso, al.onl all it is ottered by the repeal of the ad of 18J0. Hut why should Northern members have exhibited this strange caution, il they were honestly and in good faith III lav,.I of a repeal of the Missouri t 'oniproiui. e 7 II they weri'fur the repeal, they should have de clare! themselves ready for the responsibility and I the consequences. Hut Northern votes were needed, and they could be had if some plausible pretext were ottered, by which they might be able to turn that vote to a good account at home ; anil that pretext was furnished by this Hadgcr provi so, which, in the South, is to be construed as meaniess, and " signifying nothing," while in the tree .Slates it is to be regarded as antiullini/ the natural and legal consequences which would re sult from a plain repeal of the act of 1820. I must hurrv over that feature in the bill wltidi confers on the first Legislature, that con venes in the Territory, the power " to form alid regulate their domestic institutions in their own way," and under which slaves will be excluded Iroui the Territories, before they are formed into Mates. This, sir, is not the rule or the princi ple lor which thu slave Stales have contended, bill the opposite. The position of the South in 1848, 184!), and 1850, was, that slaveholders had a right to carry their slaves into the organized Territories, and that Slavery could not be exclu ded therefrom, by any power or in any manner, but by such constitution of State Government as' might be adopted by the people of the Terriloric::, preparatory to being admitted into the Union These positions arc abandoned by this bill ? and thi! South, while it is to be charmed by thu re peal of the Missouri Compromise, is handed over to the tender mercies of what gentlemen are pleased to term "Squatter Sovereignty," al though that " Sovereignty " may be made up ot unnaturalized adventurers from all pai ls of the world. Hut 1 promised not to examine the details ol the bill. 1 will proceed to the consideration of an inquiry, the answer to w hich, in my judg ment, should readily indicate the course of a statesman. I ask, sir. what good, what jrractical </?(></, is to result to the slaveholder, the South, ,oi ihe Union, as a consideration or compensation for the excitement, fraternal strife, and sectional discord, through which we are now passing, and which, 1 fear, will increase in extent and violence when the deed is done? The South, notwithstanding the efforts id' pol iticians to produce an excitement there, has been composed and quiet, during the whole contest. Why this apathy and indifference in that quarter? Let the opinions of the authors and advocates of this bill, of the wisdom and utility of this meas ure, be submitted to the world, and the uncon cern of the people of the slaveholding States will not he a matter of astonishment. While the bill was under discussion in the Senate, almost every Senator friendly to the bill expressed his view's as to thy practical results and consequences of the measure, and all,%l believe, admitted that it would not result in any good to the slaveholders or the South. Some of them announced in effect, and with becoming gravity and marked simplici ty of language, that they were contending for a oiikat PRINCIPLE, which hud nothiix/ in it, which left the tioutli i/i the name condition, no nutter how the quarrel, might he decided. These remarkable announcements were made, I say, wit4i great de corum and bevoniing gravity. Mr. Douglas said: " I do not believe there in it man in Congress who think* it could be. pormaiirntly, a slaveholdiug eoun try. I huvr no idea. that il rauld." Mr. Uxikikr said: " 1 have no more idea of seeiug a slave population in either of thein, than I have of seeing it in Mss-a cbusetts?not a whit. ' Mr. Butlkr said: " As far as I am concerned, I must say that T do not expect that this hill \r to give us of the South iim/thiHtr'. but merely to accommodate something like the sentiment of the South " Mr. IIl'ntkh said: " Does any munjielieve that you will have a slave holding State in Kansas ami Nebraska ? I confess, that for a moment 1 permitted saeh an illusion to rest on my mind.'' Mr. Jam km 0. .Ionics said : "Mr President, I was satis6ed to let this ?juestion alone. As I told the honorable chairman of the Corn mittee on Territories, and as I have expressed my wll everywhere, when I have giveu my opinion, upon this subject, I was content to let tbis matter staml as it was. because, in my judgment, TIIF.RK wa? Wot it I NO PRACTICAL in it." These, sir, are 8|>eciuiens of the opinions of the advocates ol this measure, and I cannot but re gard them as very remarkable, comiilg, as they do, from those who hold the position, and, de servedly, enjoy the reputation of statesmen. I, sir, am not surprised at any opinion of the politi cal mendicant, who subsists u|ton the bounty of his official master, but I do insist that a grave Senator, holding the highest and most honorable legislative office in the world, is not excusable in wading through "tiik auitatiom, tub mkctionai. STRIPK, A NO TIIK PKAKt'l'L HTItl Itlil.K, OK 1 H.'iO," when no beneficial or practical results are prom ised or ?xpected, and When that agitation, strife, and struggle, May terminate disastrously to the Union of these State* I cannot readily comprehend the force of the reasoning of those who admit, that the passage ot this hill will rekindle the fires of domestic dis cord, which burned so intensely in 1850; and who further admit, that il will not affect the rela tive power or numbers of the f ree and slavehold ing States ; and yet ape exhibiting so much anxi ety to unchain the Slavery agitation, which had been subdued by the compromise measures pass ed four years ago. It w as. I believe, during the reign of Charles II, and while the Kill of KtclusiOn was being dis cussed in the House of Commons, that a mtyiiber of Parliameut made a suggestion, which applies with great force lo our promised action, or rather to the action of those who entertain such opinions as are held *by the Senators I have mentioned. He expressed himself favorably to the bill, and to excluding the Duke of York from the throne al together, rather than resort to expedient* against Popery, after a Catholic king should have Iwen invested with power, and turned loose, with all his bitter hostility against the (Established Church. The speaker said, iu Mip|*ort of his position, that any other course " would he an x/runt/e an if there were a lion in the lohlu/, and we .huuld vote: That WK Wol'l.f) RATHKH SKCI RK Ot'RSBLVRS BV I.KITING HIM IX AVO CHAINING IIIM, Til AM ItV K RKPINO HIM OUT." This remark was afterwards so versified as to | rvad : " I ln-ar a lion in the lobby roar. Hay, Mr. Hp^alur, shall we shut the door. And ke?*p him onl, or, shall we let him in, To fry if we ran turn htm nut again ? " I think this inquiry miflit, with fjreat propriety, be addressed to those Hrnatun ami Representa tives who, in 1852, so eloquently deplored the re vival of the Slavery agitation. At the coniinence uient ol'tliiti ('ongress, it agreed that (he lion had been chained. The unsuccessful efforts of the gentlemen from New York, | Mr. Smith.) and from Ohio, [Mr. Oiiuunuh, ] to unloose him, were laughed at as failure-:; but now, Northern and Southern gentlemen, with surprising indifference to consequences, seem anxious to invite this mon ster of discord into the.Hull of our deliberations, just to show the world with what facility they can put him out. and shut the door, as they suppose, upon his subsequent return. Hut, sir, the frequent recurrence of calls from this unwelcome visiter, and the fact that each obtrusion upon our'other wise peaceful deliberations infuses new life and vigor into the monster, should caution us not to invite his presence unnecessarily, when those who play the host admit that they can make nothing by the entertainment. It is true, sir, that a different opinion,** to the results of this bill, has been expressed in high quarters. It has been stated by res|M>iisihle au thority, and the statement, so far as I know, h'as not been contradicted, that the President regards the bill as "a proposition is favor or Frkipom," uuil that " IK IT HIIOL'LU PA&. ALTHOUOH WK MIUHT ABMOUH THK WHOLI Of MlCXIOO, HOT ANOTHKK HLAVK Stat* would kveu comic into vug Union. *"18i sir, may be a Hutislactory reason to him tor hu support ol the Will; but I cannot diacover why, ir liis views lire correct, the South should " concern about its p4?*uge. Let the measure pass, ami I tinuk the South will, ultimately, see the absurdity of contending for a phaiftum especially when, in that contest, the bent .National men, ol nil parties, at the North are to be :<ucriliced to the had passions which will be engendered and lo im'nled by this unwise and unwarrantable meas ure. I have never despaired of the Itepultlic) but, Sn", the periodical convulsions through which wc have to pass, at the bidding of political demagogue*, cannot fail to excite upprcheusioiis ill the breast of every lover of the Union; and while 1 shall eontiuue to trust in the good fortunes ot uiy couti-. try, I hope never, never again, to see its peace so wautouly endangered. A Choice Periodical for One Dollar a 1 ear ! niul a Present to Every Subscriber. FREE UIFT8 FOH THE PEOPLE ! Twenty-five TIioiwimiI Dollar* iu I'rcmiuiui! A Handsome. Gratuity muy now be'obtained by sub eenbing for the. COURIER OF THE UNION, A Monthly Parlor Journal. One Dollar a year, five copies for $4, twenty Ave copies IV.r $20. Office, 4."14 liroadway. WE abrfund in magaaine* a'"1 newapapar*. suited to the wants aud taste* of alt cUsscs, yet the thirst for moutnl recreation and intelligence, which i? one of the characteristi s of our people, encour ages us in the belief that a .other well-conducted publication will be amply sustained. Competition, which hits i.eea oelod " the life of trade,' is now sueli U' t;'B periodical linn, that, by the ordinary mode, it is a luiturdous undertaking to the publisher to attempt, even with a large capital, to establish a ma^atinu or paper. Not uul/ei(uently, thousands of dollars are expended before it is made to yield a protit; and it has become a settled princi ple, that subscribers must be paid lor, iu one way or another. Periodicals are remunerative ouly wbeu tuey have a Urge circulation, and Premiums are com monly given to iucrease subscription lists We design to furnish a handsomely-printed, high toued, witty, entertaining, and instructive Quarto, (a suitable form fur binding,) which in one year will comprise a large amount ol useful information, and as a rede* of the times and a record ot ourieut e vents will be found worthy of preservation. Intending it to be, most emphatically, a paper fur the people, we shall advocate their rights, their interest*, their wel fare our motto boing " tho greatest good to the largrst number * The yearly subscription has been fixed ftt one dollar, or five copies for four dollars, twenty-five copies for twenty dollars?a'l to one ad dress. (Iratuities, or premiums, amounting in tne aggre gate to twenty-live thousand dollars, will be returned to tho first flftv thousand subscribers, vi?: A beautif ul Villa Residence in Westchester count}, one hour from New York?dwelling, stable, cut houses, gardener s lodge, Ac , iu the Italian style of architecture - - ? - " $5,000 An unique and tvry pretty Cottage Resi dence in tho saiuo locality, with a largo garden plot, outhoases, Ac., complete and in approved taste - - " J,500 [These will be purchased of the subscribers to whom they may be awarded. forcash, at those prices. | A Perpetual Loan, without security or in terest - Moo A Perpetual Loan, without security or in terest * *'000 A Perpetual Loan, without security or m terest - - ? ' * " A "Juice Gurgeiisen' fine Gold Watch, warrauted a perfect time keeper - 1 A " Cooper fine Lyld l*ever H utch - - 200 A fine l'old Pocket Chronometer - - J5JJ A fine fold superior high-finish Watch - | A fine gold elegant do. ffo 5 fine gold do do. Watches - 4 0 5 fine gold ladies' Diamond do. - ???> 5 fine gold ladies' Enamel do. - *00 5 beautiful Gold Lockets - - - 60 1 Ladies' Fashionable Gold Set, comprising Bracelets, liar-rings, and Pin - - 75 1 ? do. do. do. - ft 1 Jo. do. do. - ?>? 1 do. Jo. do. - 40 I Jo. Jo. do. - *5 50 fine gold heavy Pens and Pencils - 300 50 fine gold ? Jo. do. - 250 50 fine, gold do. do. 200 | All of which may be seen at ?. C Allen s, No. 11 Wall street. New York ] A magnificent llosritooJ Piano - - - A superb J. do. - - - 400 An elegant do. do. - ? ? ;>?*" A Superior do. do. ? - - An excellent >io do - - - ?? [To be seen at Horace Waters*, 33.t Hroadway, New York.) 100 copies of " The Book of the I Otis, illustrated by a series of 40 splen did steel engravings by the first artist*. 8vo. Elegantly bound and gilt - 20 000 Cupies of " I>r. lire's Pocket Cyclo pedta,' a book of reference for all classes,containing all the most valuable Receipts - - - *,"M 20,000 copies of " The Treasury of Know I eJge," * ? " ' 5 000 fine Steel Engraving*, " Portraits of the Presidents " to the present time - - " 4 500 fine Sletl Engrm'ings, " A Complete \1?w of the City ol Now York and Environ* " ? ^ AO subscriptions for a year to Harper's Magar.ine - ? - - ?0 snh*eri|>tions for a year to tlleason s Pictorial - ? " 50 subscriptions for a year to (lodey s La.lyslb.ok - ? ,-'0 60 subscriptions tor a year to Putnam s Monthly ^ Ml 0?0 Hilts, amounting to - $22,0#0 Premiums to Agents and other Canvassers. To the agent or other person who forwards the largest list of subscribers - ? - 1.000 To the agent or other person who sends the next largest list - ? * . To the agent or other person who sends the next largest list ? " ' To the agent or other person who sends the next largest list " To the agent or other person who send* the next largest list ? ? - To the agent or other person who sends the neit largost li*t ' * To those who send the ten next largest lists, each $20 To those who srnd the twenty next largest list*, each $10 ? 200 To those who send the Ifty next largest list*, each $4 To those who send the fifty next largest list", t A. ? JUU men ~ ...? T? ih#w tho uml Ihelfty wit iMjfMt n^? # mi oh $2 ? - ? Total of Oifli $26 000 Ample arrangement* having haon made Tor filling up the subscription lint without delay, it i* confidont I; believed that th? Premiums will he distributed before the 4th of July One notion will he given ot the progress made, that the subscribe!* may appoint a committee of thnir own number In receive thiun HecoiptJ for *nhscription*. numbered from one to fifty thousand, arr j>'<>m|.tlv forwarded to the ordor of *ub*criber* or agent*. Pott m*Utrrt net J PrrMital Afftut are *|iecially authorised to receive and remit subscriptions, arid all othn prrtorit are invited U? rake an interest in the publication, each receiving twenty percent coin mis oion for their trouble, which they can ret?in from their remittance*. or receive in lieu fite copies of the Courier and five numbered receipts, for four dollar** They also become competitor* for tho #;i.000 c?'h premiums to be given, when the required number of fifty thousand has been attained, to those who for ward the largest li*t* of subscriber* A careful re? ord will be kept of the number went by each, and the Premiums will be impartially awarded. A little ei ertion may secure one of them the handsome gratuity of $ 1.000. Subscriber* will i>le*ae he particular and tner.fion in their letter* the Pout Office, County, and State, to which the ]?apcr and their receipt i* to be inaiird. that no disappointment may occur. All letter* mu*t be prrymul, and addressed WATKRHOUSK A 00., May 20 434 Itroadwsy. N. York YlHiftM At Wkolmnlr (irncrrs and ComtHtMum Merchant*, No. 77 Kxchange Plnce, Baltimore, KKKP conotantly on W*inl a large stock of tlroce rie*, which they offer on the most favorable term*. Baltimore, Jan. Ift , nonK awkist* wantkb, TO circulate in every coanty in the Union some most rvptil ttllims, popular, and beaut iftilly il lustrated subscription books A small rash capital required. Apply to IIKNRY HOWK, 111 Main itreet, Cincinnati, Ohio. Feb IK RAZORS! RAZORS!! RAZORS!" 1 wboUo*nUt m I-0"' iU4WOth call at Pa mi** ? Sfi'atSrSS? w'iT/.' ?%o'K-tS;i. ,on "l w double concave ground. PAttKKJ?^0' b*,fc*n"' May 2 ''"rfumory and Kaocy Store, ? - ?"d*r National Hotel rkmovaiJ ?- :.?J 8th street, near the Uetmral Post (?ffu.?*w ?uU"' ' " to Pennsylvania Avenue, betweJn 7 th mi rout, where the proprietor has ?.,?, w| .! rat?*,>"iT1,,i" *0 I cowmcuau? ho^se *reUt i00r*^U th* ???"????? of tU The.subscriber tenders hit most cordial un,l ,'rule ful acknowledgments to his Iriends and i-atrou* lor their long-continued favors, and will be pleated to meet theui in his new house. rk1 h"V?- 2 V?7 Won????rhMl stock of Boot- u, d Show, ol Prench, Now Vork, Eastern, nud my make, embracing every stylo and variety, to which I ivite the attention of members of Cuiitfrowi, and citi senH generally. HKNKV JANNKY, enn. av., north Hide, between Browns' Hotel Jan. I ??,] 7th st., third door from the litter. Prom the United State* Argus. To those person* who may visit Waxhioicton and are in want ol a boot that cannot bo excelled, either Unn^tVlwVrk?*n"hil'. would call their ?tt. n the hem'of-w" 1 ,ry to bo ,Vh,u'1 ",,L,r lv . Washington." A handsome and neat y nado boot in not at all times a source of pleaMire \.!u7MrUr.',,'U1t "f ?**??,. lorturo . tbii s fitted Jil r b',uK,',,? i? which (he boot iii fitted to I he loot. Mr. Jar.i.cy has devoted much loot i,. 7" f y"'* ""'""truetion of the human d i .T;; ;,j1;;,;rl,m'b,,w* '?^?i.ouhi II I? he f ,t i 'iVi ! ?-r,w?y ?" |?.rl? of urh , V l* l""'f',','ded, no that il matters onlLf \n!K- T of "r th" ?'??'*> l?r of corns on the foot, his boot is perfectly easy. Thus he ban corn hi ni'dboau ty with comfort. FOR THE SPRING TRADE. BKfH54h 'S'nI W "^8 ,;?r tl?" spring of "e4 , r,,e " supply of the above elegant Hats this day received at STEVHNS'8 Mych 7. Sales Room. Brown * Hotel. TO THE CONSUMERS OK DRY GOODS aI I?,'*'1' SuonUfs m our Marktt. 0 STORP V,^ arc U0W iu our NEW think it .i which w:is erected expressly for us. Wo room in rh? comfortable and best lighted store em in the city; and with increased room, facilities largely iT",nCe' k,m,>d MU'l? wo ?ha? dc?t tOUIOH AND DOMESTIC DRY (idilDS, we?Hhan,ihal0' *" ?f 11,0 b?1 ,?ualitit)8- "d for which we flliall nave oh$price only. We shall sell choupor than we over have done; and n haying ono price only (which, in our opinion is the only lair and o,,uitable way of doing busfness) we nriVc r,nU,n ?Z which, is above all the trade of0^' Morewvor- wo expect to retain all th^ir , x ?8r rr0mr,t ,'u?t?n1e,s who have made less we /hiinf" 1 f,0,ne -v?arg past, and doubt who Prefer f,hVC a 8rK" a(?p0K,,',",, of new cutto inert, Wo f??r,W 7 where on? fair Vnr, o,,!? ts a*l?L .?#? r ?? our g,mP,e word is requisite onlv to tem^^i "th*" ormur cust"l,"Tfl that the on. price sys , tb?C0.rT^1 onu' ?"<? t? their advantage; and .ndt ir I aKHert our hrli,'< thut all candid ud intelligent persons will, alter an impartial exaui nation ol prices, fabric, and styles, givi a one Jrico tore the preference. Those who are not judech of fnaniiold^nt ,t? i,ul'ros"ud Ht ??ce with t),o manifold and vast advantages to the nurchancr re. suiting Irom the adoption in good f.ntk of the <?,? prteetytftmi; it necessarily inmires low prices to the a"Tho^etart boco 111 ('^"11 u'L'1 y necessary to m.ot prices competition that can he offered in sm^ f?!l? ?f rrirM ,Til1 hf F0 ]ovr ^ ^e profits ,o small, that we cannot and will not f-ell but for the St-^T?Umn Wh? }>"y V?r 'h?ve bu Puh!'("tre cordially and most respectfully in v,tod to caU at all times and examine our sto^k Jan 2^5 ,, BROTHER, " Central Stores,'' '"'P < < '?tre Mm ki t.) WRihington City. BOOTS ANf? SHOKS. EJlS dentlemtn, and Children. KDMONSrON, west side of 7th street, (nearly ordjr 2,PTi! Fe"?ws llall.) manufactures to order, and keo|>s constantly on hand and for sale ev. ery articlo in his line, of superior quality and at the lowest pnees. The public are thar.ke.1 L their p.,! ?hl?i , ? a"d ??"c assured that no pains shall be spared to merit a continuance of their favois Jan. 1.1. SUPERIOR ROSEWOOD. M A HOG AN V AND WALNl'T FURNITURE ' I U.ST "coi'ed.WALL S cheap House Fun,i^h. tj . K . yr"ou"> ou Seventh rtreet, oppnaite tl e f!uud In,?f'KO"? ?'r office, among which may t ? R<?ew?od. Mahogany, and Walnut Tete-a-Tetc n,..| sofas, in hair, cloth, and brocatelle, iu great \mi. ??y i Kasy t hairs. Arm Chairs, and Rockers lo match Maghogany. Walnut, Pronch. and Cottage Redfteads Walnut and Mahogany Ktageres; Cabinets and Whatnots; Mahogany and Walnut marble top an J, Jam Bureau Mahogany, Walnut, and Mupk Hi.rdiol.us r eat her Beds, hair and >huck Mattrerses. I!ari<l*om? gilt mill Mnho^anv Mirrorn; l. , ? very litrjcu an.l Kt n^ral MNtrtment ol nil kinds of goods necessary for famishing, to which ti? attention of those turnishiu* is respeetfiilly invil. .i. Call and examine belorc pureha-iiiK elsewhera All 01 which will be sold very low at WALL'S llou .i Knrnishing Wareroows, on Seturith strert. om>o.iia Intelligencer ofli.e .fan S-dlw 8BUARS! ttKGABS! " I can't fret a tlrrnit fit par in ll'axhmet m '' IS a phrase hourly heard from stranger^ in our ri,v Mahout admutingor denying its truth, the ?ut. aenber determined to remedy the evil To this end he has made a list of every brand which any gentle' ?a.D ?" P^'?""?..ced " the h?-i setrar lever smoke.1 ' and with this dacument he hits proenr.-d from the ii.,t iBfxirters in New Vork. a stock of Ihese eh'.ee braiKls, and now offers them to the public Kvery fumigator. who knows a ^gar wh. r. he smells it, is requested to c.ll and examine the stock ... _ JOHN SKSSPoRU, Hignof Jim Crow, , doors eaM of National Hotel. ?ian l?.im VVK AUK NOW OPKNINO, \T onr splendidly, lighted sate* rnoiu. on Sftm h ?<tr?et, 3 door* north of IVnn*,?|vat<ia avenue i choice *tock ?f rich Fancy I Hot* tio* I*, embracing all lh>> noveltic* of the mmo* ; iIm, P|>ria|t 8l)M Mantelletts. Kin k Lace shawl* mnl Kcaifs, Wim? Craf# Shawls, Cashmere Scaif* and Math, Frfn, li Ki I anil Silk Gloves, lloiiery ?ml Kmbrnidt ries, wilh a choice lot of Limn slid Staple lii<ini* m p"e*t abundance?nil of which will k' ?ol<l Ml fair, low prices H'e Invite purchn-. m to call and examine onr rio.k [jy (IbmrT* that all srlii l?? are warranted to prove an repress ted MAXWKLT., SK A ICS, A COLLET, April 10 7th ?ire. t, ilunn :il?ove Pa av CAMKRON !* C1KNF.RAL AUKNCY and Inmrance office, .1 Co 1 luuibia Pln.-e, \1 doors north of Louisiana ave unt.i Seventh ulrret, <e:?tt nle,t Washington I* C. Claims before Congru'* and the liiRcrent Depart ments. Jan. 3?it NKW AND KI.KUANT SILKS, KM HK< I DKRIHJS. CLOAKS, fce rpilK *ubscril.ers beg leave rei<|iectftilly to in\ ite 1 the attention of the Indie* ol the city and vicini ty to the following ni'? and rich timid*, which have just been received, vi* : 50 dresses e*lra rich Brocade Silk*, for evenings 75 do. do do. street j 25 do. do. Morn niiii.|iie, watered , 15 do do. Mora niitii|ue, brocade , 10 do. do. black Brocade Silk , 12 do. do. flonnced Brocade Silk*; 10 piece* liKht eoloreil plain PmM de Soie , 25 do, very rich plaid Silk* ; 25 do Silk Illusion*, for |mrty dresses. all ool s; no do watered and plain real Irish Poplins; l!>0 new style Paris trimmed Chemisettes A Sleeve*, In set* . 550 do. French embroidered Collars; 50 do French embroidered earn brie Chemi settes and Sleeve*, in sets ; 75 French embroidered Chemisettes and Sleeve*, trimmed with Maltese lloniton, and Valen ciennes Lacc*. very cheap, 150 pair* embroidered mn lin and cambric Rleeres, 250 French embroidered Haiidk f? a great variety; 300 piece* F.ii(;li*h and French Thread Lace*, 25 velvet Cloak*, latest style ; 2.i embroidered cloth Cloass, latest stylo ; 25 plain and trimmed cloth Cloaks; 50 email Persian Scarfs, for the neck; 60 lonn Cashmere Shawl* ; 25 richly.embroidered white crape Shawls, Together with a (treat variety of new and elegant articles appropriate to the season ; all of which we are enabled to offer at reduced prices, having taken advantage o( the advanced season to make onr pur chases (Jan J.| HOOE, BROTHER, A CO.