Daily national era. [volume], June 28, 1854, Image 2

About Daily national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1854

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ft?- Mr Jamkh RluoTT i? aultioruod to r?o#?v?
aud receipt for aubH-rtptiuio. and advurtMeuieuL lor
the Llaily aud the Weekly National Era, in Otuiiu
uuli aud vioiniti ?
WASHINGTON, D. C.
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 2H, 1854.
00E POLITICAL SUKVRY.
WI con1 meuced our Political Survey. J'"
Ujiduy, by exhibiting ihe movement* among
the \V bigs, Independent '"?J ,V"
plo ol the tree State*, in relatnu to I ho Nu- ,
brack a Question, and the Slavery i?*uea in
volved in it
To-day, we priacnt the Administration in
ite true character, aud shall lolloW this up In- l
morrow, by directing attention to the uio?c
uicnib of bbVt rul claries ol voters in tho liee ,
States, who aro either opeuly, or oovertly hum
taming H
Alter that, we nbull turn our view South- j
wardly, and introduce our leaders to tho po- 1
iiucal movemeuta among the Slaveholders, who, j
by a ndioulous misnomer, are called Whigs or
Democrat*.
THK ADM1H18TBATIOH ADD 118 SUPPORIEkS
it id common to t-jk-ak ot the Purly that
sustains the present Adiniuistratiou, as the
Democratic huty. We shall he guilty ? l
do bueh misnomer. Democracy is, government
by the People, lor tlie benefit ol the People.
Democracy in this country, if genuine, in ? p
posed to government by classes, sections, fac
tions, cliques, or executive power and patrou
age. A Party which suatains euch u Democ
racy, and sympathises with it in snch opjsisi
tioo, is the Democratic Party. ( On the other
band, a Party which sustains a faction, clique,
B?otk)n, class, or an Erecutive Power, in oppi
eitioo to the People, for tho sidco of an inter
est, adverse ti> their interests, in etHentially ami
groesly anti-Democratic, v. hutover its pteton
?iOUS.
The bupporterd of tho prosent Administra
tion constitute precisely such a Party. Its en
tire policy, from the tiuio it commenoed the
dispensation of patronage, down to tho pannage
of tbe Bill for the repeal of the Missouri Coin
promise, and the inceptiou of tho con*piracy
to obtain Cuba, has been nteadily aimed at
the establishment of its own power, by subju
gating the will and interests of eighteen mil
lions of the free people of the country, not in
tetented in what is called t-lave property, to the
will and interests id four hundrod thousand
persons, with their dependents, interested in
such property ; in other words, by subjecting
the Pe.iple to tho government of a (Mass, ot
which it is the active, untiring, unscrupulous
agent.
From its inauguration in March, 1853, till
the meeting of Cougreeu in December, the only
Domestic Question on which it acted was.
Appointments to Ufliiia, and Distribution ol Pat
ronage?and the etsential condition to the Im?
?tow men tot' office or patronage WM, unqualified
adhofuw to Hint article in the Baltimore Plat
form, which embodiw a pledge to consider the
legislation of I860, especially tbe Fugitive
Slave Act, as a finality, and to resist all agita
tion of questions of Slavery, in Congress or out
of it. This pledge was uot required by the
People, Dor was it made for tbe benefit of the
People, it was required by the Slavebolding
Oligarchy, and made for its benefit. It was
immoral and A uti-Democratic , but adheeion
to it Wbs uniformly agisted upon by the Ad
iniuifctrution, as a test ot fitness for office or the
reception of patronage.
For nine mouths tbe Administration employ
ed itself upon this Question, acting upon this
Anti-Democratic Principle; and yet, his sup
porters claim to be thr Democratic Paity !
The aunual menage to Congress was so far
devoid of any distinctive Democratic doctrine,
that it received aim >st equal commendation
fiom all Parties, except that Party which, in
its re-affirmation of a Pro-Slavery creed, saw
enough to vitiate its whole position and policy.
Some abstract diwertatiou there was on Strict
Construction Hud the relations of the Fedetal
and State Power, made up of commonplace
degmar, which uobody ever thinks of uttering,
uuImxs for want of H>mothii.g else to say, or for
tbe purp<-Mi of veiling some usurpation of
power
Since tbe tuaanage was delivered, Congrcts
has be* n uim?iihi seveu months, with an over
whelming Administration majority in both
branohct Sur.dv, a Drmi-crutic President, with
such a uiajorit v in the Federal L'|<ihlaturo and
throughout the country, onght to have done
something during these long months to prove
his claim to the title.
The immense commerce of the great West has
been suflonng incalculable damage for many
yeaie, for the want of tafe harbor* i?n the Lakes
%nd miproffiaeniB in the large riv
jn a oomi?? in wboh twelve . |
U?e People are directlf, and all of thaw indi
reotty, i?terf*l?d. An appropriation of one m
two millions fnau a Treaenry with a surplus
of flftj millions, wonld have lieen a wise, benefi
oent popular measure But, no movement to
waids such an act has been made ; this Drrrnt- \
erotic Administration was hostile to it. It w:is j
very wife and entirely constitutional, without
oonsulting the People's Representative**, tooflfcr
twenty millions to Santa Anna for enough of
Mexien to form two wlave States, and open the
route of a Southern i ail way aerons the conti
nent, from Chnrlenton to San Diego, lint very !
uuwiae aud entirely unconstitutional to appro
priate ouu or two millions lor the protection of
life and property among twelve millions of
Poopltf. That is wise at.d constitutional which
the Class Interest, of which the Administration
? the iigent demands ; that is just tho reverse,
which the People demand and that Interest
disapproves
Another gr??at measure, in which all the
People of all the States were deeply interested.
the aooompliehmcnt ol which is necessary
to perpetnate the union b ltwcen the free Htatcs
of the P??ifio and the States of the Atlantic
?nd Mississippi wiw the Pacific Kailroad
But an the Class Interest, which controls this
Demouatu Administration, hail it# own views
of this ?object, and jMrojwined to turu tbe enter
prise chiefly to i<M own aggrandisement, tho
iVs-iitf* was noii-c<?niii?itial id his mosNair"
^(Kf^nueg ?* floft,,y lhfl biU iolrod,'rt^,(,
tBto the Hktua* m reletion to it was summarily
postponed till the uext session by Administra
tion votes, so as to preclude a speech from
tho moot distinguished and determined oppo
nent of the Southern route.
Another act of this Democratic Adminis
tration wait, the vetoing of a bill granting cer
tain portions of the public lands to all the
States, to be applied by them severally to the
establishment af asylums fir the Indigent In
sane?a measure of equal interest to the Peo
ple of all sections, but disapproved of by the
Prcsidcut, because he was unwilling to dis
pJoano tho ruling Oligarchy, which frowns
upon any disposition of 4tlu> public domain,
intended specially for the good of the Peoplo,
I he uext movement of this Democratic Ad- '
ministration wtu<, uh attempt through one of
its instruments in the House to raise the tax
on nowBpuperH and letters, so as to oblige the
People of the free States make up the vast de
ficit in the revonuos of the Post Office Depart
ment, occasioned by the excess of expenditures
among Slaveholders over receipts, the extrava
gant appropriations made to mail steamship
Companies, and the carriage through the mails
free ofvost of documents, pamphlets, and let
ters, sent by members of Congress. This mean
attempt to increase the burden of the Many
for tha benefit of the Few, fortunately failed
to command tho assent even of the Administra
tion majority.
Hut, the crowning act of this Democratic Ad
ministration?the act which has given it and
its supporters an immortality of infamy?is
the refteal of the Missouri Compromise, with a
view, as it is now clearly demonstrated, to in
troduce Slavery in Kansas, and to establish a
Principle in virtue of which Slavery Propa
gundihin may go forth conquering and to con
quor,?a measure uncalled for by tho Pooplo,
repugnant to their seiine ot Right and to their
best interests, sprung upon them by surprise,
forced through Congress in glaring opposition
to their will, by the votes of mon pretending to
represent them, while betraying them ; acting
all the while under the dictation of an Admin
istration professing roverenoe for Democracy,
and practicing implicit obedionoo to tho Slavo
holding Oligarchy!
Wo ask every sober minded, disinterested
Democrat in the country, is such an Adminis
tration, Democratic ' Are its supporters, Dom- '
ooratic ' There is the reoord.?is it not
true? And does not every act there record
ed provo that it is the agent of the Class In
terest of Slavery, working for its aggrandize
ment, not only to the neglect, but in utter vio
lation, of the rights and interests of the People'!
I'o call such an Administration Demouratic, is
to lie to (iod and mAn. To call im supporters
tho Democratic Party, is to uttor a libel on all
genuine Democracy. Call them Administra
tion men, Pierce men, Servilos, Slavery Propa
gandists, Coveuant Breakers, anything you
please, so that you define thoir true position ;
but, lor the sake of all that is decent and of
good report in Republican institutions, do not
?lisgrao? the name, Democracy, by styling them
Democratic?the Democratic Party.'
Having exposed the true character of this
Administration and its supporters, we shall be
the belter prepared to understand and oharao
teriza the politioal movements of those olasses
of politicians in the free States who are labor
ing to give it aid and countenance, and at the
same time, to escape the odium of its policy.
We shall pursue the subject to-morrow
A WOBD IH EARNEST.
The eleotions in some of the Kastern and
Western States are now near at hand, but we
arc still very much in the dark as to the course
te be pursued by the Whigs and Anti Nebras
ka Democrats in relation (hereto. It is well
understood that no pains or coet will be spared
by the Administration in the support of its
Congressional candidates. All appliances of
party and Government will bo put in opera
tion ; every office-holder will be made to under
stand that ho holds his place only on oondition
of tendering active and unscrupulous election
i eering service. Under these oircumstances,
; nothing short ol a complete fusion of all the
i elements of opposition into a determined and
vigorous party, based on the longabandoned
principles of the Declaration of Independence,
can insure a majority of Anti Slavory members
in the House of Representatives.
Shall this fasion take place 1 Shall V('higs.
Democrat*, and Frce-Soilors?powerless while
separated? unite, and sweep tho free States
olean of serviles and slave catchers, and make
the new House of Repiemntativcs an effectual
barrier against the monMtrous propagandist!! of
Slavery ? Shall the certainty of this most de
sirable result he sacrificed to an im-ane attach
ment to party names and prejudices? Are
there none among the leading Whigs of the
North who are capalde of rising to the altitude
of the occasion, and declaring, that if Freedom
fails in this death grapple with Slavery, the
fault shall not Im at the doors of themsclvea
and their friends who are ready to meet Free
Sailers and Anti Nebraska Democrats on a
common platform of constitutional and legal
opposition to Slavery, and, forgetting the things
that are behind, bury old fouds and personal
antipathies, ojd party names and watchwords,
and rally about thorn a party of Froednra,
having for its speoifio objects the repeal of tho
execrable Fugitive Slave Law and the Nebras
ka Bill,and the limitation aud denationalisation
of Slavery ' The men who should do tliia be
cause they ran do it?are well known. The
responsibility rests upon them. They must
answer for it to (iod and their oountry.
But, why waste words ? Tho hour has
struck?tho favorable moments for tuocessful
action are rapidly passing. If anything is to
be done to save the eountry from the perdition
to whioh it is tending, now is the timo for it.
?>uce far all, l?t it he well understood, that the
I'roe Democracy ask nothing but the privilege
of swelling with thoir ono hundred and si*?y
thousand votes the ranks of the Party of Free
dom, and of bringing to tbC support of that party, '
by whomsoever led, untiring zeal and unthgging
labor. Whigs and Democrats, who love liberty, j
the matter rests with yo,i. > 0.1 hold in yoor
hands the destiny of the country You can
establish its lihertios on a sure foundation, or
leave to the future a darker Jegaey of ovil than
one generation bas ever yet bequeathed to an
other The qucstuw is lietween jLils>rty and
Slavery. Cbouso for yoyrsslyes and jsmterity,
q w.
!<>?<!????
I'tte do bate in the Senate to-day was some
what personal Massachusetts suffered noth
ing io the hands ol her eloquent Senator, n<?r
did he wuffur by (he assaults of his ferocious
adversaries.
In the House, the bill providing additional
mail service between the Atlantic and the Pa
oilit) wan defeated, and the closing speech on
the ten millions appropriation bill was made
by Mr. Houston.
LITKHAUY NUTICE8
DoCUMICNTAt V JIlSTOKV ok TUK Revolution. By
H. W. (iibbun, M. D., Coin in bin, S C.
A voliuuo of three hundred pages, contain
ing letters and paperH relating to the oonteNt
for liberty during the last three yeats of the
Revolutionary War, uhieHy in South (,'arolina.
The correspondence in mainly carried ou by
Greens, Marion, Sumter, and Kutledge, but
a good many interesting letters that passed
between the American arid British officers are
presented.
In thin, an in all works of the olasn, there in
a great deal of (thai)', but there is enough wheat
to pay for the trouble of wilting it out. It is a
real pleasure, too, to go to the sources of His
tory and nee how much of our compiled infor
mation is corrcet. Writers of different parties
on the war against Mexico would prepare
narratives very diffcroutly colored, and sug
gesting quite oppot-itc opinions, although they
would draw their materials from the same
sources. He who would not take opinions on
trust, or at aecoud hand, will always bo glad
to avail himself of a faithful and full docu
mentary history.
That before us is, of course, merely frag
mentary ; but it contains some of the finest
Hjiocimeiis of lotter-writing, from Gen. Groeno,
that wo have ever seen from any pen.
Personal Naiikativr of Kxplorations and In
ciprnts. By John Russell Bartlott. Iu 2 vols.
New York 1). A|>i>l?ton A Co. For .stile by R
Farnbaiu, Washington, 1>. C.
Mr. Bartlott was appointed by Gen. Taylor,
in June, 1850, United States Commissioner,
to run the boundary line, in conjunction with
the Mexican Commissioner, between this coun
try and Mexico. In that year, and in 1851,
1852, and 1853, ho travelled extensively
through Trxas, New Mexico, California, Sono
ra, and Chihuahua: and these two large hand
somely printed volumes, embellished with maps
and illustrations, contain a Narrative of his
explorations during that time, and of the in
cidents of his journeyings; and much valu
ablo information concerning the regions he
traversed?the soil, climate, mineral resources,
animal and vegetable products, and various
tribes of savages. It is written without exag
geration, generally in a simple, easy style, and,
bating some excess of detail, is very interest
ing.
NEW BOOKS.
Our attention has been so exclusively occu
pied with filter than literary matters, for some
time past, that we have not been able to no
fcioe, in order, several new books which have
b?eo laid on our table. At present, we oan
only speak of two or three recent publications
of Tioknor & Co.
"Poems and Parodies," is the title of a
collection of the pootical writings of Phebe
Carey, who needs no introduction to the readers
of the Era. There is true poetry in this vol
ume?pure, womanly, and sweetly musical ut
teranoes of the heart as well as tho intellect
Somewhat less imaginative and fanciful than
her sister Alice, the writer is truer to nature
and the aotual experience.* of life. There is
an intense reality of feeling in some of her
lyrics, which is almost painful, and which sin
gularly contrasts with what we know of her
sunny-hearted and happy girlhood. Her Par
odies have a great deal of characteristic clear
noes and wit; but, with tho exception of
"Martha Hopkins''?a j?rfect gem of a bal
lad?are fcarcely worthy of the place thoy
occupy in connection with tho serious beauty
of the original poems.
WKNSi.Er,' a story without a moral, is, we
think, the most successful attempt which has
yet been made to portray the peculiar trials of
New England society of the past generation.
Tho old-school Clergyman and his man Jasper
are evidently pictures from life, and are drawn
with skill, truthfulness, and genial humor. It
seems to us the most readable book of the kind
which has appeared since Hawthorne's Blith
dalo Romance. The authorship is unac
knowledged, but rumor ascribes it to Kdmund
Wuincy, Esq., of Boston.
" Atiierton, and other T41.Es/' by Mary
Russel Mittord is an original work by the
author ol " Our Village,'' and everyway equal
to those oharining rural pictures of merry Kng
land. Indeed, we are inclined to rank Atiier
ton, as a work of art, higher than any previous
prod notion of the writer. It is a faultless bit
of roawioe, the inters* of which never (lag*
for a moment I'he book is elegantly printed.
and is mads doubly valuable by a fine engra
ving of the author?a beautiful, kindly face
whioh Time has only touched lightly and lev
ioK'y??ory ideal of a true English gentlo
woman J. (j W.
Important Measures. ? The Baltimore
American enumerates the following important
measures now occupying the attention of the
people and Congress of the pountrj: The treaty
between Mexico and the |Jnited States, by
whioh wo are to pay ten millions the Reci
procity and Fishery treaty hetwoen Great Brit
ain and tho United Statos ; the annexation of
the Sandwich Islands; a treaty tmtwoen the
United States and Japan: tho organization of
the Territories of Nebraska and Kansas, the
acquisition of Cuba, either by purchase orcon
qnest, the reorganization of tho navy, and the
establishment of an apprenticeship system for
the increase of seamen ; a modification of the
tariff, and thp building uf tho Pacific railroad;
the withdrawal of the African rqnadron, and
the adoption of means for the protection of tho
morohant marine on our ooast. Tho Tariff will
not lie modified, (as it ought to be,) and tho
Pacific Railroad is laid over till next session.
RjP* The Louisville Jonrnal states, upon the
authority of a gentleman, who arrived thore
from Lexington, that the hair of tyeigart,
found guilty of uiurder in the first degree,
which was formerly black, has turned white
sipoe hjs eopviotion
Taverns Destroyed.?There ?u a mub at
Ripley, Ohio, on Saturday night, caused by the
inmates of a tavern throwing rotten egg* into
a 1 oiuperwict meeting The Temperance men
rallied, and destroyed all the bar fixtures and
liquor in the house. They then visited all the
liquor shops iu the town, and those that did
not agree to give up tho business were assault
ed. No lives were loet.
New Hampshire.?in tho House of Repre
sentatives, yesterday furenoon woe spent in de
bating the anti-Nobranka resolutions. A eoui
mittco of five was appointed to iuqoire into
charges against tho coalition, < f attempting to
bribs members, ami drugging their liquor.
Murder by an Inkehnal, Machine.?On
Monday evening a bo* was sent to the Ma-ine
Hospital, on the corner of Lougworth and
Western Kow, Cincinnati, and deposited in the
room of the steward, Mr. S. H. Allison
At about ten o'clock, the steward and his
wife, being alone in the room, opened the bo*,
when it exploded, mangling the bodies of both
horribly. Mrs. Allison hud both arms torn off
and her skull fractured. Mr. Allison was
dreadfully mangled. The furniture, windows,
and ceiling of the room, were shattered to I
atoms.
The indioations are, that the box contained
a bomb-shell about si* iuches in diameter.
Thero is no olue to the perpetrator of this aw
ful outrage.
Our Navy.?The Buffalo Democracy says:
" Hero is a table, from a recent pamphlet, by
tin American officer, showing tho extent of the
first live navies in the world:
Veni'els of war. No. of guns:'
Kngland - - 667 18,330
France - - 328 7,1-14
Russia - - 190 5,896
Holland - - 102 2,219
United States ? - <>0 ljo28"
This is a tcant showing, to be sure; but
then, in the matter of expense, we doubt not
we can make a larger oomparative exhibit!
The Gadsden Treaty.?The New York
National Democrat thus sustains the demand
of the Democratic President:
<l If Congress shall consent to give Santa
Anna ten millions of dollais for a miserable
strip of territory which would soon fall into
our hands, it will give just ten millions less
than the President wa* willing to give him,
and which amount was inserted in the first
treaty. But what is ten millions, when Santa
Anna is in need, und our Troasury so full '
What would havo been twenty miliums even,
when tho President deemed it should bo given
to Santa Anna? The Senate have saved the
country a small sum by their action. Now let
us promptly puy up the amount demanded. It
is not much lor the country to pay for their
whistle?not much for the Democracy to give,
when their 1 favorite' demands it! "
?7" Mr. James Crutcher, one of the jurors
in the Ward case, has published a card explan
atory of his assenting to tho verdict He im
pugns the motive* of the larger portion of the
jury, and alleges that deception was praotiood
upon him, and that he was entrapped into an
?saent. It wan a vile verdict, and its odium
will live forever.
FROM A PIOHEEB
Minnesota, June 10, 1854.
To tke Editor of the National Era :
Having come to Minnesota for the purpose
ol making a olaim and a home, and being poor,
as a majority are who go to a new oountry,
and having had several years' experience In
Western life, allow me to tell our servants in
Congress our wants:
1st We want three or five years'pre-emption,
to pay for our lands. With one year's pre
emption we are obliged to pay for our lands
before we can produce anything to spare, as it
is woll known that for the first year and a half
we must he on expense. 1 think most of tho
settlers would be satisfied with a bill to that
effect, instead of one granting lands free of ooet.
Certainly the land business should pay its own
expenses.
Under the present system, we are obliged to
go to speculators, and get them to enter our
lands for us, and allow them from 25 to 90 per
cent, on their money. This enormous interest
accumulates eo rapidly, that one half the set
tlers are obliged to sell their lands to pay lor
them Government should give us this time
which we have to purchase so dearly of specu
lators ; and it would lose nothing in the end
by the operation. Let us have Mason's Land
Bill, granting five years' time or preemption,
or something like it, before the close of the
present Congress.
2d. We want one hundred poet offices ee
tahlished immediately.
The mail route from Dubuque to St. Paul,
via Kloador, Deoorah, Chatfield, and Orouooo,'
should be established now, so that the close of
navigation will not close the mails. The ooun
try is fast settling on this route, and already
largo settlements are thirty nuUs from this
post office
3d. We want the public land sales abolished.
Government gains little or nothiug by putting
tho lands up at auption, while it is a great ii -
convenient)* and nuisance to actual settlors.
Wo are obliged to attend for days and weeks
at the plaoe of sale, and if by ehanco we have
found a ohotea spot, we are liable bo lose it by
the overbidding of some speculator who has a
larger purse than we.
Please tell onr servants in Congress these
things, anil seo if they cannot do something for
us. Yours, P. F. Thurber.
Prom th? Salem (Ohio) Homextsftd Journal
KANSAS AMD SLAVERY.
Sinee the Plan lor Freedom, a part of which
we published a few weeks ago, has Immmi set in
motion iu Massachusetts and New York, the
South have endeavored to organise a similar
company, and, as they choose to term it, " bent
the Abolitionists, at their own game," Their
prime object is, to first settle Kansas with
slaveholders, and, when that Territory is well
secured, and Slavery firmly rooted in its soil,
they will then, if need he, turn thoir attention
to Nebraska. The slaveholders are on tho
alert, and, although they have, by the basest
and most dishonorable treachory, secured the
privilege of taking their human chattels to these
Territories, they will not oonsider their viotory
complete until involuntary servitude becomes a
" fixed faot" in the Constitution of Nebraska
and Kansas, hut more especially the latter.
') nd when this purpoae is onoe aobievod, tfoen,
doubtless, other aggrexsions on free soil will be
oon tern plated by the Slave Power. Tho Ordi
nance of 1787, by which Ohio and the North
west were fortvei doclarod free from the loath
ing curso, will he the next to reoeive the at
tacks of the enemy. Forever, with the South,
means only as long as tkry please
Several meetings, for the purpose of organ
ising companies of slaveholders to qottlp Kan
sas, have already been held in MiMonri.
The Hon. John G. Palfrey is writing a his
tory of New Kngland.
Fur the National Era
MAY.
BY C. M MORRltt.
'Tin a glorious month for tbe Poet and bird,
And I doubt me if ever a sweeter were beard
Tban that which Hings high on the oldobeatnutbough,
That ho lovingly droops round uiy window-Hill now!
Ob' leave tbe dull hearth, for why will ye linger,
With pale aching brow, or swift-plying ttugor '
Throw the work quite away, leave tbe pen ? tardy
motion*;
All the dreauiy new books will make good sleeping
potions!
I should know it is May, without any cipher
Of Calendar months, by our joyous old lifer,
Who Hi rolls through tbe village, as if the rude fife,
That clings to his lips, were tbe solace of life 1
I should know the glad month on thin glowing day,
By the urchins, half oraay with marbles and play;
Aud even the Sun seems to wear a new splendor,
Or pen-wouried eyes are becomiug more tender !
But sometimes old Winter, to make the folks fret.
Steps in upon May, just for one pirouette;
A snow drift or hail-storm, or something of scurry,
To let us all know he's not off in a hurry !
Kudu Winter! all ice-bound and stern as thou art,
There's something about thee that dings to my heart i
With thy warm-curtained rooun and thy bright so
cial faces,
Whore one oan sit down without studying graces '
There's the table bo filled with food for the inind.
That the food for the body is half left, behind,
Till some Kpicure-spirit sweeps off in a freak,
Some silvery verse, or some sour oritique !
Then the new books, I love them whenever they come,
Without any brown mark from a finger or thumb.
That shows how some pale, snuffy student before
llath purloined all their treasure to add to his store!
But May is a sad month, whenover we find
What long sunny Mays we are leaving behind;
And many a slab in the churchyard will say,
Our brightest, our dearest, we buried in May !
Oh ! May is the season for roaming or rest,
Through tbe wild wood, whichever may please you
the best;
With the blue sky above, and the moss for a throne.
You may fancy wild Nature's sweet kingdom your
own!
Yes ! seated for hours in some dreamy nook,
With a silly now song, or a wondrous old book?
The song is one's own, and oollected with care.
But it puts you to sleep in spite of the air!
But the twilight's brood shadows are deepening round;
I am far from the homed lead, and tread fairy ground ;
I think f see elves, bat it may be but spidors,
Some hravc pigmy knight with a train of out-riders!
There's the " star in tho sunset," how gloaming and
(till,
Like a rich biasing gem on the brow of the hill;
In tbe language of stars, [ suppose it must say,
I'm shining so brightly in honor of May '
And there's the May moon?oh ' pale, pearly shell!
Your topic is old?how old I can t tell;
But alter the great Master poet, 'twere vain
To trespass on any peculiar domain '
But one word I must say, as we part at the gate,
And it shall not be long, for U is growing late :
Though perfume and rose* are coming with June,
I shall never forget thy soft guidance, May moon !
[roPYBlOIIT 8KCITHKD BY THI AHTHOE.|*
For the National Bra
THE LEGAL TENURE OP SLAVERY.
LXTTKB XT!.
SLAVERY ILLKGAL BY THE 8TATE CONSTI
TUTIONS FORMED FROM 177? TO 178V, AND
AFTERWARDS.
To the Frieruh of American Liberty :
I have shown that Slavery cannot l>o legal
ised in any uf the State* that are founded upon
the Deolaratiou of Independence, unless or un
til they have formally repealed and repudiated
that Declaration, which none of them have
yet done.
I shall now show that, in addition to all this,
the State Constitutions of the several States,
including tho present slave States, or many of
them, are incompatible with Slavery, insomuch
that they would have abolished any previously
established legal Slavery, if it had existed
among them.
I will liegin with Massachusetts, where a
judicial decision has determined that the State
Constitution prohibits Slavery, and then com
pare with the Constitution of Massachusetts,
those of some of the slave States.
" In Massachusetts, it was judioially decided,
soon after the Revolution, that Slavery was
virtually abolished by the Constitution, and
that the issue of a female slavo, though l>orii
prior to the Constitution, was born free." ?
Kent'i Commentary, p. 252.
In giving the opinion of the Court in the
case of the Commonwealth vs Thomas Aves,
in 1833, Chief Justice Shaw said:
<4 How, or by what act particularly, Slavery
was abolished in Massachusetts whether by
the adoption of the opinion in Somerset's case,
as a declaration or modification of the Com
mon Law, or by the Declaration of Independ
ence, or by the (Constitution of 1780, is not
now very easy to determine; and it is rather a
matter of curiosity than utility, it being agreed
on all b tnds that, if not abolished he/ore, it was
by the Declaration of Rights." * * ? *
'? Without pursuing this inquiry further, it is
sufficient for the pur|iosesof the case before us,
that by Ike ConMitutum adopted in 178(1, Sla
very was abolished ip Massachusetts on the
ground that it is uontrary to natural right and
tb? plain principles uf justioe. The terms of
tbe first article of tb* (ieclaration of Rights
art plain and explicit. ' All. men are born free
and equal, and have certain natural, essential,
and unalienable rights, which are tbe right of
enjoying and defending their lives and liberties,
that of acquiring and possessing and protect
ing property.' It would lie difficult to select
words more precisely adapted to the abolition
of Slavery."?Pickering* Reports, pp. 2QM-IQ
It will be observed here, that while Judge
Shaw agrees with Chancellor Kent, that the
Const it ul ion of Massachusetts abolished Slavery
in that State, "if not abolished before," (de
olaring that this is " agreed on all hands,") he
adds, that either one of three other things
which ho mentions, vix: 1st, the decision of
Lord Mansfield in Somersett's case : 2d, the
authority of common laws ; or, 3d, tho Decla
ration of Independence, would have been mifli
cient for the same purpose This sustains ful
ly the course of argument I have already pur
sued. And it will be noticed, furthor, that
each of these three grounds of deciding tho
illegality of Slavery (either of which, by itself,
would be amply suffioiont) are as valid in all
of the Statea as they are in Massaohusetts
AH the ,Stater> w^rs equally affected by the
decision of Somersett's case, equally under the
authority of common law, and equally under
tho operation of the Declaration of Independ
enoe. If either one or all of these rendered
Slavery illegal in Massachusetts, they rendered
it illegal in Virginia, in the Carolinas, and in
(tcorgia
Let us next see whether the same observa
tion may not be extended to the fourth ground
of abolition, mentioned by Judge Shaw, and
| ' agreed on all hands," viz: tho State Consti
tutions. How did those of the slave States com
paro with that of Massachusetts ?
Delaware.?" All men have, by nature, tho
! rithta of worshipping and serving their Crea
tor according to the diotates of their 00,1 "
sciences, of enjoying and defending lift and
liberty of acquiring aud protecting reputation
and property^1 "The people shall be secure
in their persons, bounce, papers, and posses
sions trow all treasonable searches and seiz
ures." " No attainder shall work corruption
of blood, nor, except during the life of the of
fender, forfeiture of estate " *
Maryland.?" All government, 01 right, ori
ginates from the people, is founded in 00m ?
pact only, and instituted solely for the good ol
the whole." ''The inhabitanth of Mary
land are eutitled to the common law of Eno
LAND."
" Entitled,'' consequently, to protection from
Slavery.
"The right, in the people, to participate in
the legislature, is the best security of liberty
and the foundation of all free government."
" Every man has a right to petition the Legis
lature," &c.
" That monopolies are odious, contrary to the
spirit of a freo Government, and might not to be
suffered.'*
This Constitution wus framed in August,
1776, and re-enacts the Declaration of lode
pcndence, proclaimed a few weeks previous.
Noktii Carolina ?" Declaration of Right*
11 That all political power is vested m and de
rived from the people only." " That no man
or set of men arc entitled to exolusivo or sepa
rate emoluments or privileges from the commu
nity, but in consideration of public services."
w That fruodom of the press is one of the groat
bulwarks of Utterly, and therefore ought never
to be restrained." 41 That all men have a
natural and unalienable right to worship
Almighty God according to the dictates of
their own consciencos." " That a frequent re
currence to fundamental principles is absolute
ly necessary to preserve "the blessings ok
liberty." " That perpetuities and monopolits
arc contrary to the genius of a free State,
aud OUGHT NOT TO BE ALLOWED
Plainly implying that North Carolina is to
be regarded a 11 free State." The Constitution
contains no establishment or recognition ot
Slavery, and confers no authority on the Legis
lature to establish it. On the contrary, it ex
plicitly doclaros (Art. 44) "That the Declara
tion ot' Rights is hereby declared to bo a part
of the Constitution of this State, and ought
never to be violated, on any pretence whatever."
How, then, can there be any legal validity in
thoee remarkably rigid statutes of North Car
olina, by which not only " monopolies" and
" perpetuities " are guarded, but rights of con
scieuoe violated, slaves forbidden to read the
Bible, and all colored men, bond or free, for
bidden to preach the Gospel ?
Viruinia.?" All men are by nature equally
freo and independent, and have oortain inhe
rent rights"?"namely, the enjoyment of life
and liberty, with the means of acquiring and
possessing properly, and pursuing and obtain
ing happiness and safely."
So much for the Constitutions of four of the
original Stutes, still retaining Slavery. In three
of them, the terms employed are quite as full
and emphatic against Slavory as iu the Consti
tution of Massachusetts. In the other, they
are scarcely lens so. Let us now look at the
Constitution of one of the newer slave States.
Tennessee ?" Declaration of Rights."?
u That all power is inherent IN THK PEO
PLK, and all frek Governments arc founded
on their authority, and instituted for their
peace, safety, and happiness; for tho advance
ment of these ends they have, AT A LL TIM ES,
an inalienable and indefeasible right to alter,
reform, or ABOLISH, tho Government they
live under, in such manner as they may think
right of "THE PEOPLE "of Kentucky
includes, of course, the rights of the " people
of color ' bond and tree! Rather " incendi
ary." But read further:
"All mln hare n natural and indefeasible!
right to worship Almighty God according to
the dictates of their own consciences." "That
tho PEOPLE shall be secure in their PER
SONS, houses, papers, and possessions, from
unreasonable searches and seizures." ''That
perpetuities and monopolies are coutrary to the
genius of a fric Slate, and ought not to be al
lowed&c., &o.
.If Slavery can be legalized under Constitu
tions like these, the utility of Constitutions, as
a means of restricting the despotism of legisla
tion and securing freedom, might as well he
abandoned first ai last. Constitutional Gov
ernmonte, in such a case, bconnio a farce.
I do not say that all the Constitutions ol
slave States aompare with these. But I do say
that Slavery cannot legally exist under such
State Constitutions Some of the States have
ohanged their Constitutions since 1789. But I
challenge the proof that, a( that period, there
was a single State whuse Constitution author
ized the Legislature to establish Slavery.
William Goodei.l.
* Thin Constitution of Delaware was adopted in
1791, uftrr the. adoption of the Federal Constitution,
and after the judicial decision in MawacbusetU. de
flaring Slavery inconsistent with a Constitution oJ
precise^ the same character
|BY HOUSITC PRINTING TELEGRAPH I
TELEGRAPHIC (MHiRKSPONHRNM
FOR DA'1 v NATIONAL KKA.
fVoffi .Yeiv York?The Weather?Foreign
News at hand?Sailing of the jfrubiu.
New York, Junk 28.?The dignities on the
New York and Erie railroad have at length
been settled, and the freight and passenger
trains are running as usual. It is estimated
that the loss to the company by the "engineers'
strike" will exceed $100 000.
It ia not known whether the Hon Gilbert
Dean will aooept of the Supreme Court Judge
ship
The weather is Axo??Miv*ly warm. At noon
the thermometer stood at W5
The Cunard steamer, with three days later
intelligence from Europe, is full due.
Soveral new cases of cholera are reported.
The royal mail steamship Arabia sailed at
noon to-day for Liverpool. She took out 180
(tassengcra, and $287,00U in specie. Among
her passengers was Mons. Roger, bearer of dis
patches.
Railroad .Accident.
Buffalo, June 2K?A serious accident oc
curred on the Groat Western K nil road, in oon
sequence of the whole train of cars being
thrown off the track. The bsuimotive wan
completely destroyed; 0110 man was killed,
and several persons injured.
The Weather To-day.
The thermometer at New York, at noon to
day, stood at W5 ; in Philadelphia, M5; in Bal
timore, 93; in Washington, HI.
JVVo> York Market.
New York, June 2H.?Business of all kinds
is dull to-day. Flour heavy; sales of 5,000
barrels State brands at $7 25 ; Southern, $8 50
to $?. Wheat?sales of 4,000 bushels; com
mon red at $1.50 to $t .?0 ; Genesee at $2.36
Corn?Rales of 30.0(H) bushels mixed at TH
cents; yellow, 81 to 82 cents, (tots, fiO cents
Cotton dull and drooping. The stock market
shoves slight upward tendency
Baltimore Market.
Baltimore, June 28.?The oppressive heat
of the weather has checked all kinds of busi
ness. yionr?Howard Street is held at $8 44 ,
^Jity Mills, $8. No sales. Wheat?no sales,
red is nominally held at $1.70 a $1 75,; white,
#1.75 a #1 80. Corn?sales of 24 000 bushels,
white and yellow, 80 a 83 cents, oud mixed at
78 owita. Oat*?tale* of 2,000 but>belr, 58 a 60
cent*.
Philadelphia Market.
Philadelphia, Junk 28.?Business exceed
ingly dull to-day. Flour, $8 50. We have no
change to notice in our grain quotations?mar
ket heavy.
From iht South.
Nkw Ohlicans, Junk 28. ? In the way of
business, there in but little doing to-day. The
weather is exceedingly hot.
Ohio River.
Wheeling, June 28 ?Four feet of water in
the channel of the river at thm (.unit At
Pittsburgh, stationary. Weather intensely hot.
C0NUKESS.
I'HIKTV THIRD IJONllRKKH?KIHHT SESSION.
The House bill to change the annual meet
ing of Congioss to the first Monday in Novem
ber was rejooted iu tho Senate?yeas 15,
nays 33
iu the Houst*, yesterday, Mr. Richardson de
nounced in severe term* tho author- and pub
lishers of a despatch from this eity, accusing
hiui of fraudulently retaining (he "Clayton
amendment" in the Kansas-Nebraska bill.
Tho debate on the Ten Million Appropria
tion continued until eight o'clock in the even
ing, when the Committee rose, and the House
adjourned.
Senate, Wednesday, June 28, 1854.
A few petitions wore presented.
Mr. Pettit spoke for over half an hour, in
personal explanation. He said that on Monday
ho had made some remarks on the extraordi
nary avowal made by tho Senator from Massa
ohusetts, that he recognised no obligation to
olwiy the Constitution which he had sworn to
support. In the report of those remarks, as
published in the Globe of Tuesday morning,
there appeared in his remarks u statement
that Mr. Suinnor had said :
"I said, I recognise no obligation iu the Con
stitution to bind me to help to reduce a man to
slavery."
Theso remarks, which the rc|*?rt as publish
ed in the Globe attributed to Mr. Sumuer, he
(Mr. P ) declared were never made in the Sen
ate, and, if they had been made, were false,
and would have been so branded at the time.
Mr. Sumner. I call the Senator to order.
The remarks in the report, attributed to me,
were uttered by mo, as reported.
? Mr. Petcit. 1 will prove, in the very teeth of
his statement, that it is false.
[Cries of " Order, order.'*]
Mr. Pettit then proceeded to Bhow that the
remarks oiuld not have been made, because
Mr. Suinnor had not the fl-mr to- make theiu ;
that if uttered in his scat, they ought not to
have been reported, for lie bad not heard
them, and oould not have replied to tbem. He
contended that Mr. S, after the adjournment
ot the Senate, visited the reporter f >r the Globe,
and interpolated these remarks, which he had
never uttered. Ho had seen tho remarks in
the proof shoots of his own speech, and had
strieken them out, because they appeared there
iu falsification of the record. Vet tho publish
er of the Globe bad minted upon putting them
in. He read a letter from Mr. Suttou, of tho
Globe, to the effect that the remarks complain
od of were not originally reportod as publish
ed ; but Mr. Sumner had revised them, and put
them in their present shape. He further con
sidered the remarks of Mr. Sumner, and con
demned them in strong and denunciatory lan
S^r. Sumner said that he would ropeat, that
the remarks as published were uttered substan
tially as reported. He had made the remarks
in his seat, and did not expect it would havo
reached the reporter's ear. Upon revising his
own remarks, he was informed that there wero
some sentences of his which ap|>eared in the
, report of tho speech of the Senator frcui Indi
ana. They were shown to him. He told the
reporter that they had not been heard exactly
as they were spoken ; ho repeated them to the
reporter as be had uctually uttered them, and
the reporter wrote them down. Ho kuew
nothing further of thn matter. As to all else
said by the Senator from Indiana he had
nothing whatever to say. Tho matter then
dropped
On motion by Mr. Stuart, the Senate took
up the bill granting land to the Territory of
Minnonota to aid in the construction of a rail
road iu that Territory.
And the same wuh read a third time, and
passod.
The Senate resumed tho consideration of the
motion to refer to the Committee on the Judi
; oiary the memorial from Boston, praying the
repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law.
Mr. D X'>n addres-ed thn Senate at length,
against the repeal i f the Fugitive Slave Law,
in defunoe of that law, and in declaring his
total disconnection with tho Whig party of
the North, which was becoming abolitionized.
Mr. Mallory and Mr. Clay followed, de
nouncing, in ntrong terms, the language impu
ted to Mr. Sumner, of denying any obligation
upon him to cxeoutc the Constitution ia return
ing a fugitive to slavery.
Mr. Sumuer commenced at a little after two,
in a most fervent and eloquent manner, a pow
erful reply to the ahum; thrown upon him, and
in defence of his position in opposition to tho
Fugitive Slave Law. He placed himself on the
broad ground taken by (General Jaokson, that
eaoh public officer who takes an oath to sup
; port tho ('(institution of the United States.
I swears to support it as he understands it, and
i not as others understand it.
No Senator dimented from thin doctrine He
oould not bo expeoted to understand the Con
stitution as the Senator from Smith Carolina,
who understood it an including a whole host of
bloodhounds, pawing to get InoM their hinder
parts.
He il still speaking.
Hitu.v of Representatives, June 28, 1851.
The S|>eakor laid liefort* the House a com
munication from the War Department, tians
nutting, in response to a resolution of the
House of 2?>th June, a copy of Fuller s Rej>ort
of the Survey of tho Ohio River. Laid on tho
table, and ordered to lie printed.
Tho Speaker announced the busine#! I>efnre
tho House to be the bill to provide a weekly
mail service lietween the Atlantic ports and
San Francisco
Mr. Sknlton, by consent, introduced a bill
for the better protection oi life and pro|>orty
on the ooast of tho United States, which was
referred to the Committee on Commerce, and
ordered to he printed.
Messrs. tCohh, Haven, MoDougal, MoMul
len, Olds, Chamberlain, and Mace, debated Iho
motion to reoonstdor the vote ordoring tho
California mail bill tu be vead a third time.
|This motion was made lor tho purpot-e of
amending the hill, and the debate utok in it*
scope, to some extent, the amendments pro
posed, whioh, however, were not important |
The vote wm reconsidered, and the amend
ments adopted
Upon the question, ' Shall the bill be read
a third time'*"
The yeas and nays being called for,
Mr. Bridges moved to lay the bill on the
table; upou which motion the yeas and nay*
were ordered, and the result was?yeas 84,
nays 70
Mr. MoDougal moved to reconsider the v??to
Mr. Letcher moved to lay that motiou on
the table