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VHE NATIVE AMERICAN.
JCOMMUNiCATtr ] T? the Editor J the Sative American-. S?, Several week. ago, a commimicauon ap ?cnt in Bidumore ,hrre ? :|S ?mblW'C,'Xdrl No. Jo,.,ing^, m? loent bM Edttora woold allow me an opportu nity of placing myself in my itue position before "h'public, 1 wrote a reply, anil carried U.n person ,0 then. After leaving it with them a sofli cient time to make t.p their minds whether ,0 publish it. and not receiving a satlsfaeu,. ry answer, 1 withdrew it. 1 have since applied w the Editor of another paper in Baltimore, to publish it, who, for satisfactory reasons, declined dotor ?>, and thinking that an application to any other paper in Baltimore might posed,ly be attend, ed with a similar result, I have concll,ded ,t best to publish my vindication in one ol our own pa pers, and as the controversy originated in the Na tive American, I send it to you for publication. To the Editors of the Baltimore American: Gentlemen: The remarks made by you, a short time since, in reply lo what had appeared in sev eral newspapers .dative to the raising of the Statue of Washington on the Monument, compel me to come before the Public, and, state facts ol which 1 find von are perfectly uninformed. It is a duty 1 owe myself to do so, and it will a lord me much pleasure in laving before you all the particulars connected with the dotation ol 1 Statue, to make matters plain. I shall therefore get mv ship under way fioin point A, and bung her up all standing in the harbor ol Z. where I hope to hear that all those who have inspected my Log-Book, will do me the justice to say its con tents were essentially necessary. having for its object naught but justice to myself, and all who had anv connection with the [^an Early in the month of October, 1829, Mr. lvo bert Mills, not a resident of this City, called at the office to which 1 was then, and am still at tached, to see a friend of his in the same room with myself; after having passed the usual com pliment's, Mr. M.'s friend asked lnrn where he was bound? llis answer was, to Baltimore, to procure a person to get the Statue of \\ ashington on the Monument. Mr. Mills' friend then ob served that he had better take the Captain with him, pointing to me at my'desk, paying that it any one could get it up, 1 could. M r M ills then addressed me upon the subject, and I asked him whether he had devised any plan lor raising the Statue? lie said he had, and opened a roll of paper presenting a draught ot his plan, which 1 condemned, and in a few minutes convinced him that it was entirely futile, presenting, as it did, not the smallest prospect ol accompue vng me object he had in view. 1 then made a rough sketch in pencil of the plan 1 made use o! lor elevating the Statue, not knowing at the time that it was in three pieces. On my arrival at Balti more, 1 found it was, and consequently made use of smaller blocks and falls than those brought from the Navy Yard at Washington. W lien 1 asked Mr. Mills what he supposed it would cost to get the Statue up, he answered $500. 1 told him lie had better say $2,500! Mr. M. startled at the enormous estimate I had made, and left this Lity for Baltimore in hopes to procure a person to un dertake the task, but without success. Mr. AI. returned in a few days, called on me, and observed he had made arrangement with the Sculptor to <ret the Statue up for 8' 50. 1 told him he had made a bad bargain of it,, and would inevitably sink money. Mr. M. then asked me if I would ?ro andput'it up?my reply was this: as you are an old acquaintance of my father s, I v. ill, as a friend, go to Baltimore, and place the Statue on the Monument, you to pay me 8200 and my ex penses?being under the impression that Mr. M. was to receive 8750 from the Sculptor, instead of 81,500, which I found lobe the fact on my arrival at Baltimore. Previous to leaving this City, I asked him for money to pay my expenses to B, and the freight of the blocks and falls. He said he had no eash to spare except three dollars; but when he got to B. he would have all the cash ne cessary for the job. I am very sorry to say that this also was not the fact, for when in B. 1 found he had to borrow,I know not where, or of whom, cash sufficient to pay the workmen. As. a proof of which, when 1 asked him for the means to pay them, to my utter astonishment he observed, can tliev not wait until the Statue is up? 1 then told him plainly, that if he did not supply me with cash to pay the Riggers every Saturday. I would drop the undertaking. Mr. Mills, through the assistance of some friend, did make out to supply me with money enough to pay the workmen e\ery Saturday. As regards myself, I paid my own expenses outol'8300, which is all that I received from him; but not until the job was comph ted. A few days after I had commenced my opera tions, my friend, the late James Ramsey, Lsqr., of Fell's Point, introduced me to one of your most respectable citizens, the late Robert l,;,rr), to whom 1 am much indebted for his unlimited friendship during my stay in your City. Mr. B. observed "that if he had been acquainted with me, he would have written to me to come to Bal timore with my plan Patented for raising the Sta tue, and would have insured me 7, 10. yes, 815, 000 , as all the plans presented, excepting my own, had been condemned*, for the citizens of Baltimore would have die Statue up. cost what it might." I have not the pleasure of knowing the Gentleman with whom 1 had a long conversation in describing the plan I was about to pursue for getting the Statue on the Monument. It afforded me pleasure to explain my plan to this stranger to me, (but a cUiaen of your City) as 1 found him to be a Gentleman possessing much mechanical genius. This Gentleman, if 1 am correctly in formed, (which 3 have no reason t<> doubt, as it came from my friend Mr. B..) told the citizens of Baltimore they need not give themselves any un easiness about the Statue, observing at the time, he iiad conversed with ine on the subject of my plan, and was fully convinced that 1 knew ] cr fectlv well what 1 was about, and ihat it would be safely lodged in hs place. It would afford me much pleasure if the Gentleman here alluded to, would drop me a fine on the subject of our con versation. I am not a little surprised to see it in timated, that I was indebted, in the smallest de gree, to the Riggers of l-'ell's Point, for my plan for elevating the Statue. They unquestionably performed their work well. Under my direction, and I was so much pleased with their conduct, lh*1 1 promised to give them a pyblie dinner in the event of my I s ing adequately rewarled for, my services. To show you how itx?practicable I the Riggers considered the elevation of the Statue, I endeavored to employ a Master Bigger as my iforemnn, at per day, who hooted at the idea, (and told me, that he would as soon engage to ?fasten a pair ol sheers to the heavens, as to at* j tempt to place them on the head of the column, j II. Gillmore, Esq., informed me, after the Statue I wps up. that Mr. Stewart, who built the Monit j ment, when asked what it would cost to get it up, answered $10,000; hut observed at the some time, lie did not believe that it v\ould ever be lodged in its destined place. It fell to my lot to have the honor to devise and superintend the plan for accomplishing the eleva tion of the Statue of General Washington, in do ing which, no accident occurred; the thousand j diflicullies that had been suggested, were sur mounted; the fears and apprehensions of the hu mane relieved; and the pride of the City gratified by beholding the imposing Statue standing upon its cloud-capt pillar, as a monument to the virtues ol the Father ot his Country, and of their own devoted patriotism. For my agency in elevating the Statue, I never pretended to have any legal claim against the City I or State; but I did think, and still entertain the opinion, that I had a strong claim in equity and honor. hen it is recollected how many diffi culties 1 had to encounter; discouraged bv the de rision of practical men, who considered the at tempt Quixotical; pinched in the means of carry ing on the work; having the knowledge that plans had been proposed, estimating the cost from ten to fifteen thousand dollars; a general doubt perva ding the whole community as to my success; and j the ignominy that would have attached to me had j I failed, and the failure been attended with injury ! to the Statue or Monument; 1 ask, when all these I things are taken into consideration, whether I had not a right to expect, from the high sense of jus tice and honor, that has alv\ avs distinguished the j citizens of Baltimore, a liberal compensation for I my services? It is true. 1 did apply to the Pre sident of the Board ol Managers for compensa j lion, but lie informed me that the Managers luul no i authority to moke such an allowance* and if, as I you stole, (of which, however. 1 have no recollec tion, and very certain 1 am, I did not receive a j farthing from the ciiizens of Baltimore in that or .any ether manner,) the President and Treasurer J' headed a subscription list, putting down a con-1 jsiderahlc mm," it only shov s the high sense 'i.'iey entertained of the magnitude of the work I i liad performed, and of tho mora! obligation of the | citizens of Baltimore to pay me for it. I next I j applied to the Corporation of Baltimore, and so ; far as I am informed, no notice was ever tal^en of , in} memorial, 1 was then rdvised to apply to the Leyi*i.:ture of the State, and 1 addiesst'd a ! n.t moi ial i:ccort!ing!v, under ;he fssuranee of the P>< sir'ent of the Poind < f Managers, that he j would rt < omit.end me favorably in his next An a' 1" My litnr.e however was t;r>t men I'ionid in l is Report. The President no doubt . oiiiiHt-d h for good and sufficient lessor,s to his i Legislature passed a bill giving me it. -'.d. ii;e actual amount ot tin personal expen >j ns w hilsl engaged in. the work, u hit h added to (hi $?''()() 1 received from Mr. Mills, made $500 ?the whole amount I received for m> lime, la bor.. expenses, and risk of life, iti puttingun the Statue. | I have reason lo believe that the major pa11 of the ? i!i/.en*i of Baltimoie are under the im . ptession that 1 received $?5,000 (or my services jhonv the circumstance of my having been verv I frequently congratulated on that actount. Ha\ iug thus given a faithful and an honest ac I count of (he agericv I had in elevating die Sta tue, (he di/Tjniliies I had to contend with in ef (feeling iJiat ubjtcf, the reasons that lead me to suppose that I would he amply rewarded for mv Imi vices, and the fruitless tfi'oils 1 have made to jobtain that reward, 1 submit the whole matter j'o the citizei s of Baltimore, feeling well assured j t hat a people w ho hud the pati i.otisra to rear such a noble Monument to the memory of ibe Father of the Country, will not be wanting in generosi ty to remunerate the services of the humble in dividual who enabled them to complete it. I will only further rcmaik, that I have never charged ot suspected the citizens of Baltimore of a "want of gratitude"; on the contrary, I have always felt satisfied, that if I could ever get mv case fairly before them, tluy would promptly and geneiously remunerate me. W itli great respect, I have the boner to be, 1 our obedient servant, JAMES D. WOODS IDE. Washington, D. C., Jan. 5, 16-39. N. B. -Editors of papers w ho published what appeared in the Baltimore American in reply to w hat had been said in mv behalf in the Native American the Globe of Washington, and a I hiladelphia paper, relativ. to n.\ having placed the: Statue of Washington on the Monument in Baltimore, will confer a favor by giving the above a place in their columns. J. D. W. Floir for Engianu? For serend years past, t) is countly. has been an importer of bread stufls from Europe, at a cost of seme millions of dollars. A charge of cirt i.nn-tanees has, how it ver, recently taken plate; and, notwithstand ing the price which 1* lour heats in the United States, shipments ate going, for ward lo M ine ex tent for the supply of the wants of the Biitish people, aiisii.g (rum the shortness Of (lit ii late hat \ est. \s. e have ascetlnimd, ficni comet souiccs that the quantity of Fiour w hitb hhd bt t n bought in Baltimoie for tin- English maiket, shipptd and shipping, is about ~0,t,(;0 Lbis. rJ he Hi, hmond Compiler states, that within lllsl lwn v.mUs. lime hint b, en purchased ""that musket lO.hCO I at i < N of Flour, at an a vi - nige pi ice of |0 |-;>, w bill, are now going on board the following vi ssels, leading in Jhiih "v<t, for Liverpool, viz: ship Lueiila, 4,<50 | iOM) ' "'ft ' aiu' ''iig Cailhage. . I" Philadelphia, it will he seen bv the report J'V '''l?rnn about i.2,C00 hbls. have been I ' ,.r" r l>tijili?h m?tk? t. J fie quantity lak, ? in the New York market lib ? 1 he W hole fon ign ex;>ort .fit m that po,t between the |st HIM| .W|, if)9t uas o Is h 0*2 hati? Is JJah. Amrriran. Suuthwcstern Railroad Bank went into ope !a ii? 1,1 ( liatleston .South Caiolina, ?,n the 1st ',l:' ":t- A branch is to he located at Knoxville, "id an chttiou for directors and cashiei directed so be held on iht^Hh iust.~7't?. )V. IfZew A resolution has passed the Mouse of Repre -tntntives td Ohio, instructing the committee t n Jut iciary it> bring in a bill for the preven iori of the pr.ietitu of carrying Bote e knives. [Ciu. Whig. Extract from uh Jhldi tss delivered Jauum </ P, lfc-39, ct Marilehead, Massachusetts, ly Jostril H. Prince, Esq., of Salem. Have we not, then, on this occasion, roniething for reflection one) admonition ? Shall we not look backward to our ancestors, and forwaid toposterr ). Shall wc not consult the oracle to leain our coun try's auspices ? Ought we not to augur the signs cf disunion, and espy their approach at a distance? Far be it from me to indulge m any language that would tend to darken the bright prospec s o present hour. Far be the desire Horn me to ex plore the pregnant vista of the future, o poin ou signs and omens of danger and cii>ostei. e mus be a careless observer of the fensie >011 ! around him, who does not see the gathenngc ou , 'and hear the muttering thunder. Heavt g i that the Franklins of the Const.lut.cn and he | Union, may disarm it of its lightnings and coneI c (hem innocuous, harmless to eaith. Aie : causes enough of hostility and drssension beUveen 'these State?, growing out of rival interests, a - must seek in*the infinite void of abstract.on. for questions to touch, nay, to lacerate, the Uitive feelings of the Southern portion ol the Cor i federacv ? Are we so dead to the operation of i moral causes ? Are we such empmcs >npoli icl Lo infatuated with reckless fanaticism-?that we are ready to join in a crusade against rights and insti tutions guaranteed by the charter of the Comtitu tion sealed with the commingled blood ot the pat ?2 Of the North and South ? Have we gone through the war of the Revolution, the contentions and difficulties incident to the old federation have we "one through the second war lor mde pendenceT side bv side, shoulder to shoulder have we mutually compromised conflicting claims of op posite interests, the irntat.ng questions of piotec tive policv, to espouse now, to split upon, in these halcyon days of the republic, a paradox that pre sent* it-elf in the shining garments ot humanity and philanthropy, to threaten the permanency of the Union ' The question of immediate emanci pation of the slaves of the South, is no party ques tion. It is a deep, a solemn, momentous question, t0 all?as well to him w ho hails the flag oi the Union at the baSe of the Rocky Mountains, as to him who counts the twenty-six stars in our glon ous,embIem on the wide seacoast of Maine. Fellow Citizen??1 am no advocate for slave ry, I would that all men were free. I would have the boon of liberty extended to all who are fit to receive it. I would have the. appel lation of slave, now degraded by chance or malice from the signification of glory to thato servitude, restored to its original application. But I would not disseminate the doctrines ct impre scriptible lights, among a people who have lei nothing save servile bondage, lor more than tw?: centuries. I would not give immediate, uncondi tionol emancipation to the slave, before he wa capable of appreciating and using liberty, .as con nected with civil government, with laws, with re lirr.cn. Nor do 1 believe, come emancipatio:, when it may, that the two races will ever live i>. a state of equal freedom under the tame goven ment, so insurmountable arc the barners wine nature, habit and opinion have established betwee them. Such was the belief ot the philosophi mind of Jefferson. Such, without the vain spmt of prophecy, I believe w ill be found the tact. If we look into the history of Virginia?I spea of Virginia particularly, because the Old Domin ion and Massachusetts were the Nisus and Fur) r alus of the revolutionary contest we tin.i that slavery existed there when she was a Colony. Her colonial Legislature enacted laws prohibitum ; the importation of more slaves. 1 he mother coui. try rejected these enactments. She was the fir. t to* instruct her delegates to declare the Colon ien independent. And the prohibition of the farther importation of slaves was among the first acts < her State .sovereignty. She is not responsible fi r the institution. ' She pities the infatuation, ar I arming herself in the panoply ot State Rights, si i spurns at the interference of the Abolitionist . Slavery is grafted on her society. It is the grow i of centuries. Her institutions, social and politic; , in all their combinations and modifications, ha\ j mown up in conformity to the existence of a slave population. It has moulded the manners of the South, and paradoxical as it may seem, the spi: t of liberty itself has been nourished and strengt! - ened by it. When I say that the spirit oi liber' y in the'South has been nourished and strengt i - ened by the institution of slavery, 1 advance i o new theory. The assertion rests on no mean a - thority. The fact is confirmed by history and e . peiience. The philosophical Edmund Burke, wl o fathomed and penetrated the springs and motn s of human conduct and action, who studied dee} y into the effects of institutions on character, n his speech on moving his resolutions for concilia tion with the colonies, in the British Parliamei t, in 1775, says, that there is a circumstance after, I ing the Southern Colonies which makes the spi it ofTiberty still more high and haughty there tl n in those to the northward. It is that in \ irgii ia and the Cnrolinas, they have a vast multitude of slaves. Where this is the case, in any part of t e world, those who are free, are by far the m st proud and jealous of their freedom. Freedom is to them not only an enjoyment, but a kind of rt nk and privilege. Not seeing there that freedom, as in countries where it is a common blessing, and as broad and general as the air, may be united w th much abject toil, with all the exterior of servifu e, liberty looks among them, like something that is more noble and liberal. These people of the Soi h ern Colonies aie p;uch more strongly, and witl a higher and more stubborn spiiit, attached to lil r tv^ than those to the northward. Such were all the ancient Commonwealths; such were < ur Gothic ancestors: such, to our days, were he Poles : and such will be the masters of slaves, v ho are not slaves themselves. In such a people, he haughtiness of <N minution combines with the sj nt of freedom, fortifies it, and renders it invinci' e. The history of loth Colonial and Sovereign \ ir ginia is a practical comment on the sentiment of Burke. The historian records her as the first S te in the woild, composed of separate boroughs, if fused over an extensive surface, whose gov< n n ent was organize d on the piinciple? ol ui,i\e al suffrage. What soil produced your VV ashing n, your Jefferton, joui Patrick Henry,)Our Madu nr The soil, of Virginia, whose whole history is .ie history oftbf struggle for fieedom, and theinel n itable spirit of libeity. _ With the eager t) e of inquiry we consult a ti quity, the democracies of the ancient^ then ; tem of civ il polity, the structure of their socu ) ; we preserve ijie ruins of their temples and ti ?.i monuments, that we may connect the liii?toiy > the arts with the history of mankind. We i ae that Athens, and Sparta, and Borne, were Rej >it. lies, and that in these, civil slavery, and the fn ?< spirit of libe:ty were co-existent and practin !e We read that the latter feared to discriminate in slaves by a peculiar costume, because it would ae quaint them with their own numbers. We i :a< in feudal history that tenure in villeinage, w' ;ch ansvcts to id ode in slaveiy, giadually wore out in I the hi cater pait of Eurepe by the co-operation of ; the owner of the slaves cn the tr.e r?rd ?n< ol ihe sovereign on the other. We ierd in the an nals of these noithern Colonies und States, where ,laveiy once existed, that tl e tiansiticn fiom scr\ :itude to freedeni was gradual. I udoie, said the elder Adams, the idea of gradual Abolitions. But who shall decide how fast or, how slowly these Abolitions shall be made ? But the Abolitionists of the llth century, ton e of whose puritan ances tors, by their tialhc in the slave trade, contributed to swell the slave population of the South, whose ancestors sought refuge frc m Protestant intolerance and Protestant persecution in a Catholic sanctuary of a slave-holding colony, aie wiser in their gen eration. It has been reserved to them to discover the great Matchless Sanative, which is to effect an immediate cure of the disease in the political and social constitution?immediate Abolition. They know no nice extremes. 'J hey stop at no conse quences. Their remedy is the distemper of rem edy. For the most part, they are the well-mean ing mtn, who at home legislate for individuals and classes, for sumptuaiy laws, for exclusive privile ges, and selfish monopolies, and take ' pei iodic al doses of mercury sublimate, and sw allow dow n re peated provocatives of cantharides, to show then love to the poor slave. They regard r.o law. W ith them the Constitution is a fraud, and State sover eignty a cheat. They merge the great principles of government, the social order, the merit of pub lic men, in the reservoir of Abolitionism, by pledg ing themselves to vote for no man for civil office who is not in favor of immediate Abolition. Aie you a patriot, and have you bled in the tight for freedom ? Are you a statesman, and have you in the councils ol the nation, discharged your high trust with credit to yourself and glory to your country ? Have you pleaded and defended the great cause of civil and political right ? That country w ill no longer want you. She will not again elevate you to public honor and civil dis tinction. You are not an Abolitionist? You must be catechised by a self-constituted anti-slavery committee, and if you answer their letters missive as they would have you, your passport through-the gate of the capitol is made. On the wide sea ol federal legislation, Abolitionism must be your com pass, Abolitionism must be your pole-star. "Fool? rush in where angels fear to tread," with unholy hands to build up an obstruction on (he ruins of the Constitution and the fragments ol the Union. ... A late French author, who has exhibited a clear and correct insight of our institutions, speaking of slavery says, that the greatest difficulty in antiquity was that of altering the law : among the moderns, is that of altering the manners, and as far as we are concerned, the real obstacles begin wheie those of. the ancients left off. This arises from the cir cumstancesthat among the modems, the abstract transient fact of slavery is latally united to the physical and permanent factof color. The moderns, then, he says, after they have abolished slavery, have three prejudices to contend against, which aie less easy toatiack, and far less easy to conquer, than the mere fact of servitude: the prejudice of the master, the prejudice of the race, and the prejudice of color. But on the scheme of the Abolitionists, whose theory, in proportion as it is metaphysically true is practicably false, no obstacle interferes between their wish and its accomplish ment. Physical causes arc nothing. Climate is nothing. The cultivation of the great staples of cotton, tobacco, and sugar-cane, the great sources ofSouthern wealth,is nothing. The effect ofachange in the Southern system ofcultivation on the trade and commerce of the North, is nothing. All these are no impediments to the execution ot their de signs. D ? J The Abolitionists fortify their doctrines, and pro voke their sympathies, by a precedent drawn from j British emancipation in the West India Colonies, between which and the mother country, leagues of ocean roll. The precedent is false in its ap plication. The analogy is deceptive. It is geo graphically, politically, socially, morally, false. If a slave population, such as that ol the South, had existed in the "fast anchored isle" for more than two centuries ; if England had a written Consti tution, which recognized that population as persons and property; if that country was composed of twenty-six independent sovereignties, whose con stitutions were formed by associations of indivi duals, revolvinground a central government form ed by associations of sovereigns, a government full and plenary for all purposes, but a perfect political entity in regard to its foreign relations, and as between the States to adjust their differences as members of those state soverignties, and shorn of all power to interfere with their municipal re gulations; if the British Parliament, by a legisla tive interpretation of that written central consti tution had disclaimed all power over slavery in all time to come, it would not have been left to Chief Justice Lord Mansfield, to decide that the air of England is too pure for a slave to breath in, nor would the Abolitionists of Ihe North have had the authority of a precedent which serves more to captivate and deceive than to illustrate. The British Government fixed slavery in the Southern colonies; against their consent. The British crown negatived every measure of their colonial assem blies to prohibit the importation of slaves. The voice of the philanthropic Wilberforce resounded loud and long in hei Parliament, before she abolish ed the slave trade, and in a treaty with this country, she has admitted slaves to be property, has paid for them as such, and thus solemnly admitted the principle of slavery. Are there not in the hanging" gardens, in the green houses of the theorists of the North, indige nous plants upon which they may try their system of horticulture ? We at the north have no slaves. Slavery w ith us is abolished, but the eternal badge remains. We have in Massachusetts one negro in one hundred inhabitants. Here then the Aboli tionists have a fair field for the ^xercise of real philanthropy, and an opportunity to experiment on the doctrines of imprescriptible rights. For the exercise of that charity, which, in this case, should begin and end at home?for administering to the physical wants and comfoits of the black, that his moral and social condition may be made letter?are the Abolitionists ready to carry out 'their theories in their own circle of latitude and I ongitude ? Let the negro of the North set by the -ide of their mothers and daughters in the stage coaches?let him at that pageant train of cars mov ing over yonder railraod, occupy a car in style and inished equal to thdseof the white passenger?let hini be enrolled in the ranks of your militia, for lie common defence?let him be empannelled on i jury of his country?strike from your statute took the law forbidding the contract of marriage .etvveen white and colored people, and then they nay arm themselves against the Constitution and late Sovereignty, in a crusade against the South it the holy cause of immediate emancipation. Whilst a regard to the peace and security of the . hite population of the slave-holding States, de nands on our part not only the observance of a j scrupulous neutrality, but alto a demonstration of a I disposition to uphold their authoi ity overt heir slaves, the history of fedeial legislation admonishes us that v e of the North hiive no tight to interfere with the ir municipal legislations. It is lor fhote who o\v n the Have jxpulaticn to decide how and when they shall get rid of it. When the South invites our aid, then and then only will be the time to give it. 1 he General Government has, at all times, ftcni the first Congiess, disc Iain cd ill Hit of jnm diction over the emancipation and manff.cn ent of slaves. A icfo'uticn, ditclaining en tie pait of the Gcneial Goveminent, all juiitdicticn over the emancipation and tieatment of slaves, was entered on the journals of the first Congiess. It v as a re tolutii n derlaiatoiy of the tiue intelpietation of the Constitution. If we leek at the.pioc* eding? of Congiess at that time, we shall find ihat such vps the repugnance of many of the Southern members to the mtvtion of the subject, that they voted against the declaratory resolution. Afterwards, several so cieties of Quakers memorialized Congress for some legislative action on the subject of slavery. The committee to which the memorials of the Quakers were referred, relied on the* dechualoiy resolution to satisfy them that Congress had no jurisdiction to interfeie with slavery at all. The Quakers, it seems, were satisfied ; and they agreed that if Congiess would pass a law to prohibit the citizens of the United States from supplying foreign nations with slaves, they would pledge "themselves, and the societies they represented, never to trouble Congress again on the subject. The law did pass, and the Quakers for some time adheicd to their pledge. Subsequently, an act was passed, in which the principle of noninlerfeience was again touched in a more specific form, the object of which was (as stated by the chairman of the Committee to which the subject was referred') to draw a distinct line of demarcation, between the powers of Con gress. for prohibiting the introduction of slaves into the United States, and those of the individual States and Territories. It was then decided by a unanimous vote, that when slaves weie brought within the limits of any State, the power of Con gress over them ceased, and the power of (he State began the moment they became within ihose limits. I beg leave here to advert to a fact, illus trative of the evil consequences of fanaticism and misguided philanthropy. 1 advert to it more par ticularly, because I have read in a late message of the Executive of Kentucky, that the emissaries of Abolitionism in Ohio have -recently gone into Kentucky, and incited and assisted the slaves in that State to escape from their masters. It is not many years since, that the same fanati cal desire was prevalent in Ohio, to meliorate the evils of slavery by improper and illegal interference. She invited the slavcstoasanctuar^?loan asvlum within her own borders. Mark the result. * She very soon discovered that the philanthropic invita tion was rife with mischief to herself; and becom ing very suddenly unmindful of the doctrines of im prescriptible rights, she passed a law requiring that all colored persons w ithin her jurisdiction should give security for their good behavior, bnjovd Iheir means to obtain. Thus it is that evil turns, to plague its inventor.' Fellow-Citizens: Relying on your flattering confidence, and trusting to the characteristic can dor of a people who have been always ready to rebuke the spirit of disunion, I have attempted, but too feebly, to point out the dangers to be ap prehended from the impending question of imme diate Abolition of Slavery. I have spoken with that freedom which every one should feel who stands on ground where liberty finds a temple in every house?an altar in every heart. Let us check, then, with timely vigilance and effort,all disorga nizing theories in their germ, ere visionary, fana tical propagandists in the robes of humanity and piety, shall creep upon the unguarded sentinel of the Constitution; I efore the political empiric shall have violated the sanitary cordon of State sovereignty. Mphal'a Paveme t ?In add t on to Pailiam . nt street ( Chat ing-(Jross, llu enclosure in front of t. c Ord nance office, Pall-mall, has recently bet*ti covered w.th tl.is hitum.nous n astir, and ? est en. ay workmen were em |)l ved in le velling a layer of concrete, intermixe I with a species of nu rt.,r, fir the r. ception of the sum - compo sition in a large scpiare space at the foot of the hand some fi ght of steps L ading from the Bir dcage wa k St .Ian es's Park, to the Duke of Nork's Column , this m .k ing the fouth 01 fifth experiment within a few hundred yards of each other* An application has been made to the government for an -mporta. t change in the regulations of the London Post Office, viz : the delivery of letters on the Sabbath. This proposition had excited considerable al.irm in the metro pors. and had led to a good deal of discussion, and to ti.e getting up of a great number of counter petitions. A requ siticn had been made to the Lord May,>r for the calling of a meeting of the Court of Common Council, to consider the expediency of the pn p:>sed alteration. The L rdM .yor expressed himself decidedly opposed to the ...easure. The Morning Chronicle arirues sironulv against i*. " J Temperance n Kentucky.?A resolution lias been adopted by the Ligislature of this State, inquiring into the benefits and expediency of exercising the same control over the estates of habitual drunkaids, as is exercised over those of lunatics. This, it will be recollected, is the same Legisla ture which has prop sed a bill, making drunkenness a suffi cient ground for divorce. The Malays ?There is good i^son to believe that the Malays have, ere this, received a men ted punishment for the piracy on board the Eclipse. The frigate Columbia and sloop of waiJohn Adau.s, under Commodore Read, sailed from Norfolk on the 6th May last, and by the latest ad vices from tht Commodore, dated July 28th, were to depart from Rio de Janeiro, the next day, for a cruise in the In dian Seas. Iheeliecto thiSRecond lesson will probably be as enduring as that of the first, and no more so cannot expect the depredations of the barbarians to be dis continued until a force is permanently stationed in these seas, for the protection of our con,merce.-&uSSV^i/r Revolution in Mixico?We l?v,., i? the v 0lU?"? Louisiaiiiati ol the ?tb, 4el.il, of a revolution which has occurred in Mexico citv. 1 he people of that metropolis, emboldened bv the successful movements of the lepublicans in he provinces, have declared with one voice for the conledeiation of 18*4, broken up by the tisui pat ions of Santa Anna, Busts,nei.te, and c ! dictatorsof the Central government. The nomination of Pedraza and Puebla lo the minis irj, led to this event. The people, Dtc. 14th assembled, to the number of several thousand, in the public square, and shouted "Death lo Cel. ?a ism! .Some ascended to the lowers of the ?a lit dial and chuiches, and rang a merry peal; w bile the mass ol ,he population appeared be tore I l.e Palace, and demanded I he sacied Con stitution of 18*4, without blot. This charter was proclaimed, in fact, in every street. Busta mente appeared on the balcony of his house, and answeied, "jou shall have the constitution. ? he crowd then went to the Convent of San Do mingo, and procured the inunediate liberation of me patriot I*arias, who had been tjrannically imprisoned for throe months. Citizen Maria Alputhe Infante, another patriot prisoner, was also liberated. The venerable Farias was cm biaccd and kissed by the multitude, the scene acquiring greater interest from its occurring by torch light, in the cemetery of the convent. Y. E. Star.