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M. THE NATIONAL BEPUBIICAN 'V' fib':i j'U;r Wat TIIE NATIONAL REPUBLICAN PUBLISHED DAILY. ruBLianED' DiXLV. LC I .w . IM ,'JOO , M Uil KATM or ADTUTUIXO. xftOM'aq.ar, tar I7I.I( M.,.i(tM r Oaq, leaf 4x THI V ATIOVAX. KtTUBttOUr I pibllrital Mtrj Monlaf (Itya txrt4) j W. J.MVST14I kCo.,, Ill VU.1 MrMt,M U fmrmUU4 lo ibMrlbrt (fry MirlmJ at 1$ miU pr raofttb. Mfcll labMrtUrt, M-00 pr Miim StOO for .lt ilkt ti4 9X00 tot Urt Moat, feMrfaftiV U ad 4M. m MplM ryr, lU. 00, lllf W Mpl, I MfetS. titi vrxiiLT jrinoiriL xtrunuckv ! pblUkJtTry f HHf ttoriUr j Om tofT !, H 00; ThrM toplM om xmt, $3 00; Tarn MplM rw lis oo. via vourVf BT aijl.i Oiirian,iliiu ;.,,... ..! t)lftllTlMftMklJMrtMMll.flm Mat.. 3 J ) 11 Till 3 ,- ' kllmilil aell U Mats MlHk laurUaa. tlMtl aoll 13 eet per Use, eM. litntlfta . UiiitHanti eoalsi aaaettt tdiKWuli,7 l,i"MHit,Ul.alitlea au Mf 111 I .bee.Ml iBMTtteaaAalf MJMbl lnumulwmintwtiquK ... VOL. VI. WASHINGTON CITY, D. C. WEDNESDAY MORNING. APRIL 18, I860. NO. 120. I.U HT IIWP1I1I . " . T. Official AdTrtlMmnU f all th. KieemtiTe DlrlmMU ( th. Omnaial mn Publish) In this F.per kjr Authority of THE PRKIIDEST. I. i ' ' at1 . A J rl IV: rtT'frt-MrAI piflHTOtt, m '.' " , H H "jV H H y H TUB OtJTII DEtrOnn TUB IIKCOIO BTKPCT10H, COMMITTEE. Georgia TISTIXOitT OF OIL II1XBLXTOX. Dr. James P. llambleton.arebel surgeon, residing in Atlanta, testified that tho people there eipcct payment for their slaves and Tor the destruction of property by the war when the passions of the hour snail hare subsided. 1 hey eipcct that at some future, day thero will be a sort of compromise, by which tho Southern States will be relieved of their share of the rebel debt as a compensation for thoir losses. The people hold the same opinions as to State sovereignty as beforo the war, but having accepted the situation cannot as hon orable men again resort to secession. They would not consent to negro suffrage, but could offer no resistance to a law of Congress on mat subject. testixoxt or aor. jonxsox. lion. James Johnson, late Provisional floTcrnor of ticorgia, testifies that imme diately after emancipation went into actual effect there was some hostility manifested to ward tno negroes, but that is abating. A lew United States troops and the Frcdmcn's Bu reau should bo retained In Georgia until tho district and circuit courts of the United States ore properly organised and the Legislature has perfected its system of laws in reference to the negroes. Then the congressional civil rights bill will dispense with tho ncccnity of tho bureau. The constitution as recently adopted makes tho Constitution of tho United States and tho laws made in nursuanco thereof paramount, thus settling the disputed question which was at the bottom of the whole difficulty. The eoplo of Georgia are very much averse to laving negro suffrage Imposed on them. They would not submit to It with a good grace, and, in fact, it would bring about colli sion. TMTlMOTr Or AUtXAftDIR H. STKrilKKS. Alexander II. Stephens sworn and exam ined. UyMr. Iioutwcll: Question. State your residence. Answer. Crawfordsville, Ucorgia. (2. What means have j ou had stneo Leo's surrender to ascertain the sentiments of the people of Georgia with regard to tho Union! A. I was at home, in Georgia, at the time of the surrender of General Lee, and remained thero until the 11th of May, and during that time conferrid very freely with tho people In ray immediate neighborhood, with the Gov ernor of the State, and with ono or two other leading or prominent men in the State. From the lltli of May until my return to Georgia, which was the 25th of October, I had no means of knowing anything of the public sentiment there, except through the fublic press and such letters as I received. 'mm the time of mv return until I left the State on my present visit' here, I had very exfensive Intercourse with tho people, visit ing Augusta, visiting Millcdgeville during the session of the Legislature, first on their assembling, airaln in January upon their re assembling, and again In the latter part of icbruary. wane mere 1 converscu very freely and fully Tilth all the prominent lead ing men, or most of them, in tho Legislature, and met a great many of the prominent, in fluential men of the State not connected with the Legislature; and by letters from and correspondence with men in the State whom I havo not Jnct. I believo that embraces a full answer to tho question as to my means of ascertaining the sentiments of the people of that State upon the subject stated in tho question. Q. As the result of your obsert atlons, what is your opinion of the purposes of tho people with referenco to tho reconstruction of tho Government, and what are their desires and purposes concerning the maintenance of the Government T A. My opinion, and decided opinion, is, that an overwhelming majority of the people of Georgia are exceedingly anxious for the restoration of Iho Government, and for the Stato to tako hor former position in the Union; to have her Senators and Representa tives admitted into Congress, and to enjoy all her rights and to discharge all her obliga tions as a State under the Constitution of the United States as it stands amended. Q What are their present viows concern ing the Justice of the rebellion t Do they at present believo that it was a reasonable and proper undertaking, or otherwise t A. My opinion of tho sentiment of the pcoplo of Georgia upon that subject is, that the exercise of the right of secession was re sorted to by them from a desire to render their liberties and institutions more secure, and a belief on their part that this was abso lutely necessary f6r that object. They were divided upon the question of the policy of the measure, thero was, however, but very little division among them upon the question or tho right or it. It is now their belief, In my opinion and I give it merely as an opin ion that the Burcst, if not the only, hope for their liberties is the restoration of tho Con stitution of the United States, and of the Government or tho United States under tho Constitution. Q Has there been any change or opinion us to the right or secession, as a right in the people or in tho States I A. I think thero has been a very decided chango of opinion, as to the policy, by those who favored it. I think the people generally are satisfied sufficiently with the experiment, never to resort to that measure of redress again, by force, whatever may bo their own abstract ideas upon that subject. They have given up all idea or a maintenance or these opinions by a resort to . force. They have come to tho conclusion that it Is better to appeal to the forums of reason and justice, to tho halls of legislation and the courts, for tho preservation of the principles of consti tutional liberty, than to the arena or arms It Is my settled conviction that thero Is not any idea cherished at all In tho public mind or Georgia or over resorting again to seces sion, or to the exercise or tho right or seces sion by forco That whole policy or tho maintenance of their rights, in my opinion, is at this time totally abandoned. Q Hut tho opinion as to tho rljlit, as I understand, remains substantially the same ? A. I cannot answer as to that Some may have changed their opinion in this respect It would be an unusual thing, as well as a difficult matter, for a whole people to change their convictions upon abstract truths or principles I have not heard this view of tho subject debated or discussed recently, and I wish to be understood as giving my opinion only on that branch or the subject which is or practical character and import ance Q To what do you attribute the change or opinion as to the propriety or attempting to maintain their views by rorcef A. Well, sir. ray opinion about that my individual opinion, derived from observation Is that this change or opinion arose mainly from tho operation of tho war among them selves, and tho results ol tho conflict, fio.u their own authorities on their individual rights of person and property the general breaking down of constitutional barriers wnicn usuauy aiienu an protracted wars. Q. In 1661, when the ordinanco of seces sion was adopted in your State, to what ex tent wai it supported by the peonlej A. After the proclamation of President Lincoln calling out 73,000 militia, under tho circumstances it was Issued, and blockading the Southern ports, and the suspension or tho writ or micas corpiu, the Southern cause, as it was termed, received the almost unanimous support or the people or Georgia. Uefore that they were very much divided on the policy of secession. But afterward, they supported the cause, within the range of my knowledge, with very few exceptions, (thero were some few exceptions, not exceeding hair a dozen, I think.) Tho impression then prevailing was. that public llbertv was en dangered, and they supported tho cause bo cauao ol their teal for constitutional rights. They still differed very much as to tho ulti mato object to be attained, and tho means to be used, but these differences yielded to tho emergency ol mo apprencnuca common nan ccr. . Q. Was not tho ordinanco of secession adopted in Georgia earlier In dato to tho pro clamation callmir for 7S.O0O volunteers" A. Yes. sir. I stated that the neoplo were very much divided on tho question or mo ordinance oi secession, but mat alter me proclamation the people becarao almost unanimous in their support or tho cause. There were some few exceptions in the State I think not more than half a dozen among my acquaintances. As I said, while they were thus almost unanimous in support of the cause, they differed also as to the end to bo attained bv sustaining: It. Some looked to an adjustment or settlement of the contro versy upon any basis that would secure their constitutional rignts. utners looxeu to a Southern separate nationality as their only object and hope. These different views as to the ultimate objects did not lntcrfero with tno general active support ol me cause. H was mere a popular voto upon mo or dinance of secession? A. Only bo far as in the election of dele gates to the convention. Q. There was no subsequent action! A. No, sir; the ordinanco of secession was not submitted to a popular vote afterwards. Q. Have you any opinion as to the vote it would have received, as compared with tho whole, if it had been submitted to the freo action of the peoplet Witness. Do j ou mean after it was adopted by tho convention? Mr. Boutwell. Yes, after it was adopted by the convention. If it had been submitted forthwith or withm a reasonable time. A. Taking the then state of things into consideration, South Carolina, Florida, and Mississippi, I think, having seceded, my opinion Is that a majority of the people would have ratified it, and perhaps a decided or largo majority If, however, South Caro lina and tho other States had not adopted their ordinances or secession. I am verv well satisfied that a majority of tho people or ucorgia, ana pcrnaps a very decided majori ty, would have been against secession If her ordinanco had been submitted to them. But as matters stood at the time, if tho ordinance had been submitted to a popular voto or the State, it would have been sustained That is my opinion about that matter. Q. What was tho dato or tho Georgia ordi nanco ? A. The 18th or 19th; I think tho 19th of January, 16C1, though I am not certain Q The question of secession was involved in the election of delegates to that conven tion, was it not ? A. Yes. sir. Q And was thereon the part or candi dates a pretty general avowal oi opinions r A. Very general. Q What was tho result or the election as far as tho convention expressed any opinion upon tho question of secession? A. I think tho majority was about thirty in tho convention in favor of secession. I do not recollect tho exact vote. Q. In a convention of how many ? A. In a convention based upon tho tram ber of Senators and members of tho House In tho General Assembly of the Stato. The exact number I do not recollect, but I think it was near three hundred, perhaps a few over or under. Q Was there any difference In different parts of tho State in the strength of Union sentiment at that time ? A. In some of tho mountain counties the Union sentiment was penerallv nrevalent Tho cities, towns, and villages were generally ur BecesBion throughout the State, I think, with some exceptions Tho anti-secession sentiment was more general in the rural dis tricts and in tho mountain portions or tho Stato ; yet the people or somo or the upper counties were ery active and decided seces sionists. Thero was nothing liko a sectional division ol tho State at all. For instanco, tho delegation from Floyd county, In which tho city or Homo is situated, in the upper portion ol the Stato, was an able one and strong for secession, while tho county or Jefferson, down in tho interior or tho cotton belt, sent ono or the most prominent delegations ror tbo Union. I could designate other particular counties in that way throughout tho State, showing that thero was not what might be termed a sectional or geographical division or toe Stato on the question. Q In what particular did the people be lievo their constitutional liberties wcro as sailed or endangered from the Union ? A. Mainly, I would say, in their internal social polity and their apprehension from tho general consolidating tendencies of tlie-doc-trincs and principles of that political party which had recently succeeded tho choice of a President and Vice President of tho United States It was tho serious apprehension that if the Republican organization, as then con stituted, should succeed to power, it would lead ultimately to u virtual subversion or the Constitution of the United States, and all its essential guarantees of publio liberty. I think that was the sincere and honest convic tion in the minds of our pcoplo Those who opposed secession did not apprehend that any Buch result would necessarily follow tho clcc tionsjwhichhad taken place, thoy still thought that all their rights might be maintained in tho Union and under the Constitution, espe cially as mere were majorities in Domnouscs or uongrcss wno agricu witu tnem on consti tutional questions Q. 'lo what feature of their Internal social nolitv did thev apprehend danger ? A. Principally tho subordination of tho African race as It existed under their laws and institutions Q. In what spirit Is tho emancipation of slaves received by the people ? A. Generally it is acquiesced In and ac cepted, i mint, in periect good laiui, anu wun a imposition to uo tno nest tuai can uo done In tho new order of things in that par ticular Q. What at present are tho relations sub sisting botwecn tho white people and black people, especially in the relation of employ ers and employed? A. liuiie as good, i ininit, as in any pan of the world that ever I have been in. be tween like classes of employer and employee. Tho condition or things In this respect, on ray return last rail, was very different from wnat it was ween 1 leit noma lor my present visit to this city. During the fall, and up to tho closo of the year, there was a general opinion prevailing among the colored people that at Christmas there would be a division or the lands, and a very general indisposition on their part to make any contracts at all for tho present year. Indeed, there wero very few contracts, I think, mado throughout the State until after Christmas, or about the first or January. General Tillson, who is at the head of the bureau in the State, and whose administration has given very general satisfaction to our pople, I think, was very octlvo in disabusing the minds of the colored people from their error in this particular. lie visited quite a number of places in the State, and addressed large audiences of col ored people, and when they became satisfied they wcro laboring under a mistako In an ticipating a division or lands after Christ mas and the 1st ol January, they made con tracts very readdy, generally, and since that time affairs have in tho main moved on quite smoothly and quietly. Q. Are tho negroes generally at work? A. Yes, sir; they ore generally at work. There are some Idlers, but this class consti tutes but a small nronortiori. Q. What, upon the whole, has been their conduct proper under the circumstances In which they have been placed, or otherwise I A. As a whole, much better than tho most hopeful looked for. i As rar as you know, wnat are mo lead ing objects and desires of the negro popula tion at the present time in reference to them selves? A. It is to be protected in their rights of persons and or prbperty to bo dealt by fairly and justly. Kl wnat, h anyming, nas been uono oy tho Legislature of your Stato for the accom plishment or these objects ? A. Tho Legislature has passed an act, ol which tho following is a copy : fan. M "An act to dsfia th term 'mmodi of color,' and to doolsro tbo rights oriueh porsoni, "So 1. Jit it wacttJ, ift , That all negro!, mulatto!, moitllo!, and tbalr deioeodints, bar- Injr odo 01111111 doito or Afrlosn blood ta tbelr Tolor, rbtil b kaowo ta tbU 6UU as 'pcrions of color.' "o, 2. B it furtktr tnacted, That ponoc! of eolor !hll bsv tho right to mako aad onforoo eon traots, to !s, bo !ud, to bo partus aod glv ovl dtoee, to Inherit, to jmrohtM, and to bare fall and qnalbflnoBt of alt laws and proceedings for the eeuritv of person and estate, and shall not b sub jected to any other or different panlshment, pain, or penally ror mo commission ol any act or onenco than each as are proscribed for white persons eom ulttlng Ilk acts or offences." Tho third section of this act simply repeals nil conflicting laws. It was approved by the Governor on the 17th of March last. Q Docs this act express the opinions of tho people, and will it be sustained? A. I think it will be sustained by tho courts as well as by public sentiment. It was passed bv the present Legislature. As an evidence or the tone of the Legislature of tho State, as well as that or the neoplo of the State, upon this subject, I will refer you simply too letter i wrote to senator mowart upen tho same subject I submit to you a copy or that letter. It is as follows : "Wlin.iTO, D C, April 4, IMS "DsAn 6lB In answer to your Inquiries touching the sentiments and feelings of the people of Ueor frla toward the freedmen, and the legal status of this class of populatloa In the State, Ao , allow me brloflj to say that tho address delivered by mo on k. .! ... V.k.. I..I hr..M Iks I -i.t.i.... . copy of which I herewith band yon) espressos very fully and clearly my own opinions and feelings upon th subject of your Inquiry This address was written and printed a yon now s it bfor it delivery. 11 was aeuverod ferOartm as you non read it, that thero might bo no mlstak about It It was a it now stands unanimously endorsed by the Senato In a Joint resolution, which was eon ourred la In the llouso without disseot, and was ordered to bo spread upon tbo Journals of both houses This I refr you to as a hotter aod mor reliable Index of the feelings and views of tbo peo pie of tho State on this subject than any bare In dividual opinion I might entertain or spress Th Legislator of tho 6ute, It Is to bo presumed, Is as correct an oiponent of the general feelings and views of tbo Stato npon any political question as any that can bo obtained from any quarter la addition to this, the Legislature subsequently evinced their principles by their works in passing an act, which 1 also eneios to you. This act speaks for Itself It is short, oonelse, pointed, as well as comprehensive It seoures to the colored race tbo right to contract and to nforo contracts, the right to sue and to bo sued, th right to testify la the oourts, subject to th sam rule that govro th tsstlmooy of whites, and It subject them to tho same punishments for all offence a th whites In these respects, embraolng all essential civil rights, all classes In Oeorgla now stand equal be fore th law. Thar la no dlsorlmlnatloa In thss particulars on account of race or oolor "1'leu xous this hasty note I hav no Urn to go mor In detail "Yours, most respeotfallr, ALaxaiinBB II Stbfiisns Hon Wm. M. Stbwibt. U. S SlKlll Q What, If anything, is being done in Georgia in regard to the education or tho ne groes, cither children or adults? A. Nothing by the public authorities as yet. Schools are being established in many portions or the State, under tho auspices, I think, ol the Frcedmcn's Bureau, and quite a number by the colored peoplo themselves, encouraged by tho whites Q What disposition do tho negroes mani fest In regard to education? A. Ihero seems to bo a very great desire on tho part of tho children and tho younger ones, and with their parents, to havo thcin educated Q What is the present legal condition of tnose wno navo uveu togemcr as nusuund and wife? Do tho laws recognize andsustain tho relations and the legitimacy of their off spring? A. Our Stato laws do They recognize all those living as man and wifo as legally man and wifo. A good many of thcin took out licenses, and wero married in tho usual way 'Ihero is no difiercnce in our laws in that respect Licenses aro issued for white and black alike, only they aro prohibited from in termarrying with each other. The raics are pot permitted to intermarry. Q Wcro tho amendments to tho constitu tion of the State of Georgia, recently adopt ed, submitted to the people? A No, sir, they were not submitted I have no hesitation, however, in exprtssing the opinion that nine tenths of the neoplo wouh havo voted for them If the constitution had been submitted rl hat is but an opinion I heard no dissent at all In tho State I was there all tho time I got 'homo before the convention adjourned The Stato constitu tion, as mado by tho tonvtntion, would have been ratified almost without opposition It would have been ratified nem ton if it had been submitted This, at least. Is mv oninion Q What was tho voting population of your Hiato in iboui A. Something upwards of a hundred thou sand. 0. What Is probably tho present voting population ? A. The voting population of tho State, under the present constitution, is perhaps eighty thousand. This Is a mere estimate. i. lias mere uccn any enumeration oi tno losses of Georgia in tho field, in the military service I A. No accurate estimate that I am aware of. Q. What Is it aupposed to have been ? A. I am not able to answer tbo question with anything liko accuracy. Q. What Is the public sentiment of Geor gia with regard to the extension of the right of voting to tho negroes ? A. Tho general opinion in the State is very much averse to it. Q. If a proposition wero mado to amend tho Constitution so as to have a representa tion In Congress based upon votes substan tially, would Georgia ratify such a proposed amendment, if it wero made a condition pre cedent to the restoration of the Stato to po litical power in the Government? A. I do not think they would. Tho people of Georgia, in my judgment, as fafaa I can reflect or represent their opinions, feel that they aro entitled under tho Constitution or me united states to representation witnom any farther condition precedent. They would not object tocntcrtam, discuss, and exchango views in tho common councils of the country with tho other States upon such a prop osition, or any proposition to amend the Con stitution or change it in any or Its features, and they would abide by such change, If made as the Constitution provides; but they feel that they are constitutionally entitled to be heard bv their Senators and members in the Houses of Congress upon this or any other proposed amendment. I do not, therefore, mink mat mey would rainy mat amendment suggested as a condition precedent to her being admitted to a representation in Con gress, uuen, at least, is my opinion. tho nconlo or Georgia would neither be will u. it is men vour omnion mat at present ing to extend suffrage, to the negroes nor con sent to tho exclusion or tho negroes from tho basis or representation r A. Tho peoplo or Georgia, In my Judg. ment. are perfectly willing to leave suffrage and the basis of representation whero tho Constitution leaves it. They look upon tho question of suffrago as one belonging exclu sively to tho States; ono over which, under tl.a nnr.Bltt,ill.n nt Inn ITnlln.l Rlnlna flnn. grcss has no iurisdiction. powir. or control, except in proposing amendments to the States, and not in exacting them from them, and I do not think, therefore, that the people or that State, while they are disposed, as I believe, earnestly, to deal fairly, tustlv. and generously with the freedmen, would be will ing lo consent to a cbange in me uonsiuu tion that wouid give Congress jurisdiction over tho question of suffrage. And especially would thA v ha verv much averse to Congress exercising any such jurisdiction without their llepresentauves In mo senate and lloime ue Ing heard m tho public council upon this nucstion that so vitally concerns their inter nal policy, as well as tho internal policy of all tho States. 0. II the proposition were to bo submitted to Georgia, as one or the eleven States lately in rebellion, that sho might be restored to political power in the Government or the country upon the condition precedent that she shoulu, on the one hand, extend suffrage to tho negro, or, on the other, consent to their exclusion from the basis of representation, would sho accept either proposition and take her place, in the Government or the country? A. I can only givo my opinion I do not think she would accept either as a condition precedent presented by Congress, for they do not believo that Congress has tho rightful power under the Constitution to prescribe such a condition. If Georgia is a State in the Union, her pcoplo fool that she is entitled to representation without conditions imposed by Congress And ir sho is not a Stato in the Union, then she could not bo admitted as an equai with tho others, ir her admission were trammelled with conditions that do not apbly to all tho rest ahko General univer sal suffrage among tho colored people, us they arp now there, would by our people bo regarded as about as great a political evil as could befall them Q. Ifthe proposition wero to extend tho right or suffrage to those who could read and to those who had served In tho Union armies, would that modification affect tho action of tho Stato ? A. I think the people of tho Stato would be. unwilling to do more than they have done for restoration. Restricted or limited suf frago would not be so objectionablo as gen eral or universal. But it is a matter that belongs to tho Stato to regulate. The ques tion of suffrage, whether universal or re stricted, is ono of State policy exclusively, as thoy believe Individually 1 should not be opposed to a proper system of restricted or limited suffrage to this class of our popula tion, but in my judgrrlent it-is a matter that belongs of constitutional right to tho States to regulate exclusively, each for itseir nut tho pcoplo of 'that State, as I havo said, would not willingly, I think, do more than they have dono for restoration Tho only view in their opinion that could Eossibly justify the war which was tarriidon y tho Federal Government against thcin was the idea of tho insolublencss of tho Union that those who held tho administra tion for tho time wero bound to enforte tho execution of tho laws und the malnttnance of the integrity of tho country under tho Constitution, and since that was accom plished, since thoso who had assumed tho contrary principle the right or secession, and tho reserved sovereignty or tho Stato had abandoned their cause, and tho adminis tration hero was successful in maintaining tho idea upon which war was proclauned and waged, and tho only view in which they sup posed it could bo justified at all ihen that was accomplished, I say, the pcoplo of Geor gia supposed their State was immediately en titled to all her rights under the Constitu tion '1 hat Is my opinion of the sentiment of the peoplo of Georgia, nnd 1 do not think they would bo willing to do anything furtlici as a condition precedent to their being per mitted to enjoy tho full measure of their con stitutional rights I only gn o my opinion of tho sentiment of tho peoplo at this time 'Ihey expected as soon as tho Confed eral causo was abandoned that immediately the States would be brought back into their practical relations with tho Government as proviouly constituted That Is what they looked to 'I hey expected that tho State would immediately have their representatives in tho Senato and in the House, and they ex pected In good faith, as loyal men, as the term is frequently used I mean by it loyal to iaw, order and tho Constitution to sup port the Government under tho Constitution a hat was their reeling They did what they did, believing it was best for tho protection of constitutional liberty Toward the Constitution or tho United States, as they construed it, tho great mass of our peoplo wero us much devoted in their reelings as tny people ever were toward any cause. This u my opinion. As I remarked before, they resetted to secession with a view or maintaining more securely these princi ples. And when they found they were not successful in their ohiect.ln perfect good faith, as far as I can judge from meeting with them and conversing with them, looking to tho future developments or their country in its material resources, as well as its moral and intellectual progress, their earnest desire and expectation was to allow tho past struggle lamentable as it was in its results, to pass by, and to cooperate with tho true friends of the Constitution, with those of all tlon of constitutional liberty and the perpet uation of tho Government in it nnritv? Thev hrve been a little disappointed in this, and aro so now. mey aro patient v waiting. however, and believing that when tho pas sions of tho hour havo passed away this de lay in restoration win cease, iney tnink they have dono everything that was essential and proper, and my Judgment is, that they would not bo willing to do anything further as n condition precedent. They would sun- piy remain quiet and passive Q. Does your own judgment epprovo tho view you have given as tho opinion of tho peopio oi tno state r A. My own Judgment Is very decided that tho question of suffrago is ono that bo longs,undcr the Constitution and wisely so, too to tho States respectively and exclu sively. (2 It is your opinion that neither of the alternatives suggested in tho question ought to ue accepted oy tne people or ueorgla T A. My own opinion u that these terms ought not to be offered as conditions prece dent. In other words, my opinion is that it would bo best for the peace, harmony and prosperity ol tho whole country that thero should bo an immediato restoration an im mediate bringing back or the States into their original practical relations and let all theso questions then bo discussed in common council. Thcnlthe representatives from the South could be neard. and u and all could judge much better ofthe tone and temper or iuu luupiij uiuu yuu tuuiu iruiu mu ujiuuuus given by any Individuals You may tako my omnion or the opinion of any individual, lu't tiny will not enable jou to judgo of tho condition of tho State of Georgia bo well as for her own representatives to be heard in your humble councils In her own behalf My judgment, therefore, is very decided that it would have been better, as Boon as the la mentable conflict was over, when the people of the South abandoned their cause and agreed to accept the issue desiring, as they do, to resume their places for the future in the Union, and to look to the halls of Con gress and the courts for the protection of their" rights in the Union it would have been bcttcrto have allowed that result to fob low, under tho policy adopted by tho Ad ministration, than to delay it or hinder it by propositions to amend tho Constitution In respect to suffrage or any other new matter. I think the people ot all tho southern States would, in the balls of Congress, dis cuss these questions calmly and deliberately; and if they did not show that the views they entertained nero just and proper, such as to control tho judgment of the people of the other tactions and States, they would quietly, patiently, and patriotically yield to whatever should bo constitutionally determined in common council Hut I think they feel crj sensitively tho offer to them of propositions to accept, while they are denied all voice in the common council of tho Union under the Constitution In the discussion of theso propo sitions I think they feel very sensitively that they aro denied tno right to be heard And while, as I ha c said, they might differ among themselves in many points in regard to Bultrage, they would not dilTer upon the auction of doing anything further as a con ition precedent to restoration And in re spect to the alternate conditions to be so pre sented, I do not think they would accept the one or the other. My individual general views as to tbo proper courso to be pursued In respect to the colored people aro expressed in a speech made before the Georgia Legisla ture, referred to In my letter to Senator Stewart j that was tho proper forura, as I conceive, In which to discuss this subject And I think a great deal depends in tho ad vancement of civilization ana progress, look ing to tho benefit of all classes, that theso ?uestions should bo considered and kept bo ore tho proper forum Q. Suppose theStatesthat aro represented in Congress and Congress itself should be of tho opinion that Georgia should not bo per mitted to tako its place in tho Government of tho countrj except upon Its assent to one or tho other of the two propositions sug gested; is it then your opinion that under suchcircnrastances Georgia ought to deelme ? Witness You mean the States now repre sented, and thoso only f Mr Boutwell Yes AVitness You mean by Congress, Con gress as it is now constituted, with tho other eleven States excluded? Mr Iioutwcll. I do Witness And you mean the same alterna tive propositions to bo applied to all the clc.cn States as conditions precedent to their restoration? Mr lloutwell I do A '1 hen I think she ought to decline un der tho circumstances, and for tho reasons stated, and so ought tho whole eleven Should such an offer be mado and declined, and these States should thus continue to bo excluded and kept out, u singular spectacle would bo presented In lHbl theso States thought they could not remain safely m the Union without new guarantees, and now, when they agreo to resumo their former practical relations In tho Union, under tho Constitution as it is, tho other States turn upon them, and say they cannot penult tin m to do so wifely to their interest, without new guarantees on their part 1 ho Southern States would thus present themselves us will ing tor immediato Union under the Const! tutlon, whilo it would be the Isorlhtrnhtutts oppobod to it, Iho former disumonrsts would thereby become Unionists, and the former Unionists the practical disunionists Q lo j ou mean to be understood in our last answer that there is no constitutional power in tho Government, as at present or ganized, to exact conditions precedent to the restoration of political power of tho eleven States that have been In rebellion? A Yes, sir 'I hat is my opinion Q Do you entertain tho same opinion in reft u nee to tho uineudment to tho Gontitu tion abolishing slavery? A 1 do 1 think tho States, however, abolished slavery In good fuith, as ono of tho results of the war Their ratification of tho constitutional amendment followed as a con sequence I do not think there is any con stitutional power on the put of tho Govern ment to havj) exacted it us a tomtit km pre cedent to their rtstoration under tho Conxti tutlon, or to tho rexumptfon of their plateaus members of tho Union Q What, In your opinion, Is the legal value of the laws passed by Congress and approved by the President In the absence of Senators and Representatives from the eleven States ? A. I do not know what nartlcnlar law von refer to; but my answer, generally, Is, that the validity of all laws depends oa their con- suiuiionaiuv. mat is a Question ror tne judiciary to determine. My own judgment. wnaicvcr u mtgnt oe, wouiu nave to coniorm to tho judicial determination of tho qucstia.L It is a question for tho courts to determine. Q. Have you formed any opinion upon that question ? O. I cannot say that I havo formed any matured oninion in reference to any particu lar act of Congress embraced In the question. O Assume thatComrrcss shall In this ses sion, In tbo absence of Senators and Repre sentatives from tho cloven States, pass an act levying taxes upon all tho people of the Uni ted States, including the eleven. U It) our opinion that such an act would bo constitu tional? A. I should doubt if It would be. It would certainly, in mv opinion, be manifestly un just, uiyi against all ideas of American rcj- rcseniame government, its constitutional Ity would, however, bo a question for the ju diciary to decide, and I should be willing to abide by that decision, whatever it might be. 0. If tho eleven States have ut present an Immediate constitutional right to be repre sented In Congress on u tooting with tho Stfttes at present represented, has that been a continuous right from the formation of tho Government, or from tho timo of the admis sion of the new Mates respectively, or has it Deen interrupted oy wan A. I think, as the Con cress of the United States did not consent to the withdrawal of the seceding States, it was a continuous right under the Constitution of the United States, to be exercised so soon as the seceding States respectively made known their readiness to resume their practical relations with the Fed eral Government, under the Constitution of tho United States. As the General Govern ment denied the right of secession, I do not think any of tho States attempting to exer cise It thereby lost any of their rights under tne uoustitiuion, as states, wnenincir people abandoned that attempt. Q Is it or not vour opinion that the Legis latures und people of tho eleven States, re spectively, have at present such a right to elect Senators and Representatives to Con gress; that it may be exercised without regard t lo i no pun which pe-rsuus uicxieu muy uutu had In the rebellion? A. I do not think they could exercise that right in the choice of their Senators and members so as to impair in the slightest dc- ?;rce tho constitutional right of each house or itself to in dire of tho ciuaht. cations of those who might ne chosen. The right of the constitutional electors oi a biate to chooBC, and tho right of each house of Con gress to judge of the qualifications of those elected to the respective bodies, are very dis tinct and different ou est ions And In thus judging of qualifications, I am free to admit mat in my opinion no ono snouiu uo ad mitted as a member of either house of Con gress who Is not really and truly loal to tho Constitution of tho United States and to tho Government established by it. Q. fotutc whether, from )our observation, thoecntsof tho war have produced any change In the public mind of the South upon tno question oi uic reserved rigms oi me States under the Constitution of the United States? A. That question I answered in part es terday. Whilo I cannot Btate from personal knowledge to what extent the opinions of the Southern States upon tho abstract mes tlon of tho reserved rights of the States may have changed, my decided opinion Is that a very thorough change has taken place upon the practical policy of resorting to any such right. Q What events or experience of tho war have contributed to this change ? A. Tirst, the people aro satisfied that a re sort to the cxerciso of this right, whilo it is denied b) tho Federal Government, will lead to wur, which many thought before tho luto attempted secession would not be the case, and civil wars they aro also now very well satisfied aro dangerous to liberty, and more over, their expenenco In tho lato war, I think, satisfied them that It great! end an irered their own I allude especially to the suspension of the writ of habea$ corpus, the military conscriptions, the proclamations of martial iaw m various places, general un pressincntB, and the levying of forced con tributions, as well as the very demoralizing effects of war general!. When were jou last a member of the Congress of tho United States ? A. I went out on the 4th of March, 1659. O Will ou state, if not indisposed to do so, the considerations or opinions which led you to identify joursclf with the rebellion so fur as to accept tho office of Vice President of the Confederate States of America, so called ? A I believo thoroughly in tho reserved sovereignty of tho several States of the Union under the compact of Union or Con stitution of 1787 I opposed secession, there foro, as a question of pohc), and not one of right on tho part of Georgia Whtn the State Becedtd against in lutlgmont and vote, I thought my ultimate allegiance was duo to her, und I preferred to cast my fortunes and destiulefl w ith hers und ber people, rather thun to take any other course, even though it might lead to my sacrifice and her rum. In accepting position under tho new order of things, my sole object was to do all the good I could in preserving and perpetuating the principles of liberty, as estublished under the Constitution of tho United btutes If tho Union was to bo abandoned, cither with or without forco which I thought a crj im politic measure I wished, if possible, to rescue, pribcrve, and perpetuate the princi ples of tho Constitution 'lhis, I wus not without hope, might be dono in tho new con federacy of btutes formed Uhen tho conflict aroe mv efforts wero directed to ns pniedv and peaceful an ad justment of the questions as poshible This aujusimeui i uiwuys uiougui to ue lasting, would have ultiraatch to bo settled upon a continental basis, founded upon the princi ples oi muuiui convemencs anu reciprocal advantage on tho part of the States, on which tho Constitution of .the United States was originally formed 1 was wedded to no par ticular plan of adjustment, except the rccog nition, us u basis, of the separate sovereignty of the several States 'With this recognized us a principle, 1 thought all other questions of difference would soon adjust themselves, ae cording to the best interests, peace, welfure and prosperity of tho whole country us en lightened reason, culm judgment, and u sense ot justico might direct 'llus dottrme ofthe sovereignty of tho several Statis 1 regarded us a self adjusting regulating principle of our American svstem of Stuto governments, extending, possibly, over tho continent il Havo your opinions undergone anj change since tho opening of the rebellion in reference to the reserved rights of the States under the Constitution of tho United States ? A. My convictions on tho original abstract question have undergone no change, but I accept the issues of the war and tho result as a practical settlement of that question. Tho sword was appealed to to decide the nutation. and by the decision of the sword I am will ing to auiuo. PnESKBTTATlOIf OP A FLAG TO TUB TltKASUltr PBPAHTMjjEHT. Th Flrrt Union n liaised by th CUU tma f Zulaltuut Aftr tfa Arrival f th Vailed Slat! Fltat at Ifw Orl, Under th Gallant Comntdar FmiTatfat Th Union AaaoeUtlon of Naw Orleans held their nrtt poblle meeUna; at the City Hall, on tho 3d of June, 1863. and reeolred to hoiit th United States flat; on the foil owing Saterday, at 13 oWoek m. Th President of th Aaaoolatlon was authorised to appoint a oommttta of thirty four to perform th doty, bat after appointing aaTeral who declined. It wai reiolred to call for a volanteer eommltteo, which wai don, and thirty four cam forward and rrglitertd their namea as willing to nndertak th batardoni taak Under th I nil nance, however, of anon-ymou and threatening letters, which were racttred by nearly a? try member of the committee, six or seven war Intimidated and did not strve, bat the remaining1 twenty seran, whose namea are painted on the bin field of th flag, asoended to the top of th City Hall and hoisted th glorloai old flag as th clock struck 12 m , amidst th cheera of hundreds of anxious spectators assembled to witness th national banner one mor nnforlod over th CUy Hall of New Orleans. Erery member pf that eommItte'hu proved truly loyal to the United Elates Oovernmenti aev eral Joined the United States army and served faith fulljf others hav been compelled to leav New Or leaoa became they war onabl to obtain employ ment anfflelent to support their famUIe. Those re maining bar prate trad the organisation of th committee, and finally concluded to send th flag to Washington to be preMrved amongst th archly of th Uorarnmcnt, requesting General Butler to designate some suitable pUe for its deposit. LITTIK Or TBI FLAG CO KM ITT IE. Nvr Oaiaina, La , Feb 19, ISM. Wo, lb undersigned, cllUeniof boulslana, mem bers of the volanteer committee who hoisted th United BUtes flag over th City IUll at New Or leans, June tb 7tb, 1802, twelre o'clock m , do hereby authorise Dr Jamea Ready to carry said flag to Washington city, to present th same to Major General B. F. Butler, and to request him, In behalf of the committee, to deposit said flag In some suitable plac amongst tho archWes of thli Q ore rn ment. We further take great pleasure in recommending Dr Jamea Ready as an honorable and trustworthy gentleman, and bespeak for him th hlgbeet com mendatton ror baring laiwiuny prese-rea ana pro tected said flag from the time of ita removal from lb City llall to to present 1H CO -dIBES. SiDisr 0. Brow m, B II Chad wick, 8'M0n Fas iff, II HoDRiacix, Tsoi. Ltjub, Jamki Kihak, IUiav Bamstv, Jos P. Mcarnr, Louis Fix, Thomas J. Earbabt. B. L. Diowm, Secretary of Committee. LKTTinrnoM obkbral bctlbb WatBixsTOR CUT, Mirth 18. ISM Mv Dsar Sir I am obliged to the gentlemen of the Commltte of th Union Association of New Orleans, that they hare asked my adric as to th deposition of th flag which was first raised by them over tb City Hall after the secession of th Stat I have a very lively remembrance of th incident. The few true Union men, gathered together, formed a nucleus around which the sentiment of loyalty to the Union might olusUr, making a germ which, had it been wisely and properly nurtured and cared for, would r this hav ripened into a truly loyal 6 tat That It has not been so has not been th fault of yourself or associates It Is th misfortune of th country A$ the first sacrilegious hand waa laid upon th flag in tb Revenue service of tb United States, at the opening of the rebellion, In Louisiana, I re commend that your association deliver to th Rev no department of th Treasury th custody of this flag, the tint fruits of returning fealty to th Union in Louisiana I cannot doubt that tb gift will be fully appre ciated and properly oared for in that department. Thanking y.u for your complimentary courtesy, I am, very truly, your friend and servant, Bbbj F. Bittlrs, Doctor Jambs Rradv, chairman of commUtee,who volunteered to hoist th first Union flag over tho City Hall, New Orleans, Jan 7,1882 LSTVRROratR RBADr. WabriiutoxCitt, D C, April 1.1M9 DstnBiR In behalf of th volunteer flag com mPtee of the Union Aaaoolatlon of New Orleans, aod In accordance with th kind suggestions of General B F Butler In a letter to me dated March 28, 1S6 herewith enclosed, I beg leave to present to the Treasury Department the United States flag which was hoisted by said flag oommlttee over tho City Hall of New Orleans on the 7th day of J one, 186.!, at 12 o'clock tn , believed to be the first Union flag raised by th cltlsens la any of th re belUous States after th commencement of hostili ties Hoping you will accept It as a fitting present from a loyal and faithful band of patriots, and that. it may be faithfully preserved amongst the archives of our belored Government, I remain yours, with great raipect, Jahri RlADV. Hon HiobMcCulloco, Secretary U B Treasury. KBfLV Or SXCRBTARV M'CCtLOCR TkiAtrar DiriatJuaaT. April S, 16M Dear Sir lour favor of th 2d Instant, with the accompanying flag, has been received. I understand, from your letter, and tb letter of General B F. Butler addressed to you on the 38th ult , that, aa "tb first sacrilegious hand was laid upon the national flag tn th revenue servic of the. United States at tho opening of the rebellion In Louisiana," th Association of which you are th chairman have deemed It proper to present to tho Secretary of th Treasury, who Is at tb bead of the Revenue Department of th Government, the first Union flag hoisted over th City Hall tn New Orleans after tne attempted accession ot that Stat, and supposed to b tbo first Union flag raised by the oilliens of any on of tb State recently In re bellion after the commencement of hostilities To all true cltlsena of tho United States the stars and stripes are always an object of affectionate In. terett and pride They ar associated with much that Is dear and honorable to them as a people, and ar now doubly prlsaJ, as they Lave become again the Bug ofthe entire Union When the flag now preiented to th Treasury Department waa first raised In th Crescent City, another flag bad been substituted for the old on In rleven States of tbo Republic Except where It floated at th few points held by th Government furces or at tb bead of tb Union columns, no man dared openly to acknowledge fealty to It thrcue;h out a large portion of the national domain Th raising of this flag was the first public proclama tion of returning loyalty in tho Stat of Louisiana. ben It waa for tb .first time publicly unfolded, the GoTtrnment was engaged In a strutgl with a gigantic rebellion, tb first effective blow against which waa given in the capture of Now Orleans, following the most brilliant naval achievement upon record. Th great rebellion bai now been crushedj th national banner has been ui raised again through ont th length and breadth of tbe land May w not indulge the hop that it will soon b honored and loved as of yoro, oven by those who madly at tempted to dishonor It, and float over a people uni ted In sympathy aod good fellowship as they must bo In Government and destiny Return, mydearslr, totheajsoclatlooyoarepre sent, my slncer thanks for pr"D " f to theTreisury Department It witlbcarruUypr served as a memento of the great trial through which tb nation bai "My nd honorably pasaed, and of the loyalty of th gallant llttl band who tir.t.ra it to the breet It will b preserved, not as a reminder of th triumph of on section of the country over another, but of tb Union over iboie who attempted to dismember it not of a vie I ry of th North over th Sooth, but of Constltu tl nal liberty and republican institutions In th great struggle of tb Government for th main tenance of both I am, very truly, yours, II McOclloch, Seetretary of th Treasury. To Jambs B-udt, Washington, D 0.