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iff i Mill I I I .j U r" TUE NATIONAL REPUBLICAN H1T18 OF ADTMTIHMO. Oi tqntrfftfcrMtftri .tt 00 OiiiqiiN, four 4tn .....! IN OiiqauttlTtdiTit ' I 0iatr, nut S lTr thr dr MfwtlMMatttfflO vir'Mit. till UoiaVL, Twl ft WMk UftrtlMDIMU, 7 MT Mlt, U. rfUtottl. EtaltAtlavl maMm IK Mat aa It, fttuli lnartlan. .MMM BOU0M U MIU Mff 111 I ). ldrrUnitit tonlif idof U ktadtot Wat tt, Tor ! rorBit,LoladaBdtelartIot(ii totl Jr 1U t nkiMMl it iBMrilou half prle. rass UtUNMimti IIIUIUI 11(11. urmtoMMMrti fcoild fe fcud4d.4ft.4for4 aUi .,' ,f -,- j .a F gtotifltorgtyttMiaw. MONDAY MORHINQ:! !::::::A1'BIL 13, 18M. TO THE TEOI'LU OP TENNES8EE. As citizens of a common Union, nd inter ested parties In all questions affecting 'tho peaceful rcsnmptlon of all constitutional re flations between yorTr Stato and. the General (i Government, we In' Friendship address yon, and Invito your.aUcntlon to tho calm consid eration of tho till,hlch has passed the House of Representatives, and Is now before the Senate, of the State of Tennessee, with strong .probabilities of Its passage, entitled "An act to alter and amend an '.act to limit the dectivo franchise, passed JoneS, 1865." Tho first section of this bill provides for. tho disfranchisement nf nil rltlion.' nil,... wiso.flvtainfed.who havo voluntarily borno arms for, 0r given other assistance to, sought, "".opted, or exercised tho functions of office 'Under, or yielded a voluntary support to tho "so-called Confederate States of Amer ica, or any insurrectionary State whatever, hostilo or opposed to tho authority of the United States Government." The second section provides for the ap pointment by tho Governor of a commls. sloncr in every county in tho State, whoso duty It is to enforco this act, to detcrmlno who aro entitled to vote, and to issuo certlfi, catcs of qualification; and fixes the compen sation of said commissioner at from two to flvo hundred dollars. Tho third section requires all persons claiming the right to exercise the elective franchise to prove by two witnesses, who must themselves bo entitled to vote under Uiis law, that they havo been guilty of nfco of tho disqualifying acts, beforo they shall reccivo the certificate of the commissioner, (on appointee of the Governor,) without which they cannot voto. Tho fourth section requires, in addition to tho evidence, of tho two competent witnesses, an oath as follows, to bo taken by tho person claiming tho privilege, of the elective fran chise before being permitted to exercise the right claimed : " I solemnly swear (or affirm) that I havo never voluntarily borno arms against tho United States Government, with an intent to aid and forward tho late rebellion ; that I havo never voluntarily given aid, comfort, counte nance, counsel, or encouragement to any rebel lion against tho authority thereof, or aided, countenanced, or encouraged acts of hostil ity thereto; that I have never sought or accepted any office, civil or military, or at tempted to exercise the functions of any office whatever under the authority or pre tended authority of tho so-called confederate States of America, or of any insurrectionary State hostile, or opposed to tho authority of tho United States Government, with intent and desiro to aid and forward the late rebel lion ; that I havo never yielded a voluntary support to any pretended government, power, or authority hostile or inimical to the au thority of tho United States Government; that I will support the Constitution of the United States and defend it against the assaults of all its enemies; that I am an active friend of the Government of the United States, and that I will heartily aid and assist the loyal pcoplo in whatever meas ures may be adopted under the Constitution of tho United States, and under tho laws and proclamations ms-do in pursuance thereof, to establish and maintain tho national au thority over all tho peoplo of overy State and Territory embraced in the national Union ; that I havo never desired at heart the success of tho so-called confederacy, bnt havo at all times rejoiced at its defeat, and tho success, of the armies of the United States ; that I will at all times render para mount allegiance to tho Government of the United States in preference to any State of the Federal Union, and will support and de fend tho National Government against the encroachments and attackB of all foreign powers ; that I will faithfully and heartily Bupport and defend the Constitution of the State of Tennessee and tho schedule and amendments thereunto appended and adopt ed by tho people on tho 22d day of February, 18C5, and all acts of tho General Assembly in accordance therewith; that I take this freely and voluntarily, without equivocation or mental reservation so hejp mo God." After having satisfactorily passed the test thus prescribed, it might naturally bo sup posed that nothing further would be proposed as a barrier to tho exercise of the elective franchise by the people of Tennessee, whose servants thus dictate' to them the conditions upon which thoy shall hereafter participate in the government of tho State. But, no ; tho party now In power in tho Stato and in the majority in tho Stato Legislature seem to fear, one might think because of a guilty conscience did we not know them to be " all honorablo men," that even through this in quitition some one adverso to their continu ance in power might pass, and protest against (seeming!) despotism ; they therefore declare in tho firth section of tho bill under consid eration that upon tho evidence heretofore named as absolutely necessary, the Commis sioner may issue the certificate of qualifica tion, provided that " nothing herein contained shall prevent tho Bald Commissioner from re ceiving equally compe tent testimony contrary t o and contravening tho proof offered and taken in behalf of said applicant ; and the Commit- tioner shall be the judge of the effect of the coiflicting testimony." Tho remaining sections establish the man ner by which tho provisions of tho bill shall bo carried into effect, and aro immaterial to tho consideration of the Bubject, with the ex ceptions of tho twelfth and thirteenth, which direct that the Governor shall order no elec tions in any county in tho Stato until the mandates of this act aro complied with. First. The legislation thus proposed is in direct conflict with the Constitution of the United States, in that it is in effect legally 3Lfye VOL. VI. Tb " a bill of attainder," in the meaning of tho 10th section of article I of said Constitution. That thoso engaged in tho late rebellion were guilty of treason against tho United States, and thcrcforo liable to certain punishment, upon conviction "by duo process of law, by tho judgment of twclvo of their peers, is a proposition that all concede. But can the Legislature of Tennessee, with any candor or truth, claim that they have the right to de clare a certain class of the citizens of that Stato guilty of treason, without any Judicial proceedings whatever, thereby throwing upon tho accused tho wholo burden of proof in palpable violation of the well-known usages of law, and upon this prejudgment, without the accused having even tho right to he heard, yjrVj,Mn of one 0 the rights dearesUo the heart of every true American f What is " a bill of attainder" in tho senso of the Con stitution of tho United States ! Judge Story says "bills of attainder, as they aro techni cally called, aro such special acts of tho Le gislature as Inflict capital punishments upon persons euppoied to bo guilty of high of fences, such as treason and felony, without any conviction in tho ordinary courso of ju dicial proceedings. If an act inflicts a milder degree of punishment than death, it is called a bill of pains and penalties. But in the tense of the Constitution it seems that bills of at tainder include billt of pains and penalties." "Tho Legislature assumes ju dicial magistracy, pronounclngupon the gnilt of tho party without any of the common forms and guards of trial, and satisfying it self with proofs, when such proofs aro within its reach, whether they aro conformable to tho njlcs of evidence or not." "Tho injustice and iniquity of such acts In general constitute an irrcsistlblo argument against the existence of tho power. In a free Government it would bo intolerable ; and 111 the handt of a reigning faction it might be andprobably would be, abused to the ruin and death of the most virtuous citizens. Bills of this sort have been most usually passed In England in fi'mes of rebellion, or of gross subserviency to the crown, or of violent po- liticalexcitemcnt,periodsinwhichall nations are most liable as welt the free as the en slaved) to forget their duties and to trample upon the rights ami liberties of others." (Story Com. Sec. 1345.) It is entirely nn necessary to prove that tho deprivation of a political right, such as suffrage, by an act of tho Legislature, for tho crimo of treason, it a punishment upon tho person so deprived, within tho meaning of Judge Sroav, and in fact tliis Is ono of tho most plausible argu ments used In favor of the bill under consid erationnamely, that it is a deserved pun ishment upon traitors.. Tho startling truth and distinctness with which tho learned com mentator has portrayed the causes and con sequences of such usurpation by legislative bodies, would almost lead us to believe him God-inspired to glvo Instruction of divine wisdom to communities and nations situated as wo aro now. Can any one longer deny that the Legislature of Tennessee, by inflict ing upon almost four-fifths of tho citizens of that State a punishment amounting to the deprivation of one of their most sacred rights, for crimes of which they aro declared to bo guilty, without trial by a jury of their peers, havo not only violated the sixth amendment to the Federal Constitution, and tho sixth section of Article I of tho Constitution of the Stato of Tennessee, both of which declare that the trial by jury shall remain inviolate, but also the tenth section of Article I of tho Constitution of the United States, which de clares that "no State shall pass any bill of attainder." Second. This bill Is in palpable violation of the provision of the Federal Constitution which prohibits any Stato from passing " an ex post facto law," and also of the eleventh section of Article I of the Contltutlon of the Stato of Tennessee, which declares all such laws "contrary to tho principles of freo government; wherefore no ex pott facto law shall bo made." What is an ex pott facto In tho sense of tho constitutional prohibitions just cited ! " An ex post facto law is ono which punishes an act committed before it was made ; in a manner It was not punished when committed, and this punishment may bo capital, or it may consist in a more for feiture or disability." This would appear sufficient, but wo need not rest hero. Judge Story thus 'defines the kind of laws against which this section of tho Constitution is directed i " Ex post facto lawB ; that is to say, (in a literal senso,) laws passed after the act done '1'he prohibition reaches every law, whereby an act is declared crimo and made punishablo as such, when it was not a crimo when done ; or whereby the act, if a crime, is aggravated in enormity or punishment; or whereby different or less evi dence is required to convict an offender than when the act was committed." (3 Story, Com. ch. 22, sec. 13 IS.) We havo already suid that ono of tho most frequent reasons urged In advocacy of this measure is that it is a Just punishment upon rebels and traitors, and therefore we need not make any attempt to provo a position already admitted. Rebels and traitors aro criminals, and as criminals they aro entitled to tho benefit of thoso safeguards whish tho framcrs of the Constitution erected for tho purpose of securing "equal aud exact jus tice, to all." Tho third section of tho Con stitution of tho United States declares that "no person shall bo convicted of treason unless on tho testimony of two witnesses to tho same overt act," and in the fifth amend ment it provides that " no person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise in famous crime unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, nor shall be compelled, In any criminal case, to be witness against himself." The eighth section, article ono, Constitution of tho Stale of Tennessee, Bays that " no freo man shall bo taken or Imprisoned, or disseized of his freehold, liberties, or privileges Mttajtl WASHINGTON Official Advertlsatneiits of all tha XxeamtlTa but by the judgment of his peers." Tho fourteenth section declares that "no freo man shall bo put to answer any criminal charge bnt by presentment, indictment, or impeachment." Tho second section of arti cle- four expressly declares " laws may bo passed excluding from the right of suffrage persons who may be 'convicted of Infamous crimes." Tho bill under consideration abro gates entirely the right of trial by jury, and the sacred right of criminals to bo heard be fore a constitutional tribunal and declares them guilty of a most infamous crimo with out presentment, Indictment, or impeach ment, without the evidence of two compe tent witnesses to tho same overt act, and without conviction by twelve of their peers in tho ordinary courso of Judicial proceed ings; not only this, but proceeds to inflict a punishment for this crime, amguntingjo tho deprivation of a privilege, rigid, and liberty, by the exercise of which the Legisla ture did or should have come into power for acts committed prior to the passage of this bill. Meed anything more bo said to prove that this measure conflicts with the Federal and State constitutions, which pro hibit tho passage of " bills of attainder" or "expost facto laws!" Third. This act conflicts with the exercise of Executive clemency under tho Constitution of the United States. Tho Federal Consti tution empowers tho President to grant par dons for all offences against tho United States, except in case of impcachmcnt,and in the prop er and wise exercise ofthlsprcrogatlvc,ho has granted pardon and amnesty to tho large ma jority of thoso upon whom tho punishment in flicted by this proposed legislation will fall most heavily. Tho legal effect of these pardons is to restore tho parties to all the rights pos sessed or enjoyed by them previous to tho com mission of treason against the United States. Wo do not desire to enter into any discussion of tho wisdom and sagacity displayed by tho President in so doing, but we contend that, having done so, tho Legislature of Tennessee has no legal right todcprivothem.by arbitrary enactment for treason against the United States, of any ono of tho rlghtsfofusuJamJ free enjoyment of which they havo been re stored by Tub President. Thoso that claim tho inverse of this proposition bad better stop and sco how rapidly they aro approach ing, for different objects it is true, the herety of nullification, which was buried In bot tomless depths by tho immortal Jackson, only to riso again in this feature of tho act of tho Tennessee Legislature, and wider the guise of pretended loyalty, is seeling to nul lify the actions of the President of the Uni ted States, which are in conformity and obe dience to tho prorisions of the Constitution, to tho great necessities of the hour, and to tho genius and spirit of our republican form of government I Having demonstrated, as wo belicvo, the unconstitutionality of this so-called Franchise bill, It may yet bo claimed by Bomo of its ad vocates that it should become a law as a measure of policy at this time, to bo repealed when the necessity for its continuance shall have passed away. When tho State is just emerging from a devastating civil war, and beforo the passions of the hour have subsided, no one certainly can claim that it is wise, po litic, or beneficial to disregard in trivial or important matters tho landmarks ruado by our fathers, after having passed through the struggle, tho success of which secured, and enabled them to transmit to us, tho rights, privileges, and immunities heretofore en joyed by the citizens of tho United States. The organic law of tho Union and of the State distinctly declares that our govern ments are founded by the people, and that their continuance rests upon the will of the people. Of the ono hundred and fifty thou sand persons constitutionally empowered to exercise tho elective franchise in Tennessee, four-fifths will be disfranchised by the opera tion of this bill, should it becomo a law. The lllibcrality, Injustice, and usurpation of a legislature which seeks to place the control of the State government in tho hands of one- fifth of the people, deserves tho earnest and honest condemnation of oven the few persons in tho Stato who might bo ablo to run un scathed tho gauntlet of tests imposed by this act. It is not consistent with manhood or honor to enjoy a privilege at the expense of others of our own community and race ; but should we consents to do so, let us pause and con sider well tho step we aro taking. That tho march of events cannot bo retarded by op pressive and hostilo legislation all history demonstrates, and however long It may be delayed, tho time mil come, soon or late, when tho disfranchised four-fifths will resume tho cxerciso of their rights in tho administra tion of tho Stato government. Four-fifths of tho Legislature will some day bo complete antipodes of the present Legislature, and let us beware of establishing a precedent or Bet ing an example of proscription and tyranny which may then effect our own disfranchise ment. Tho common tradition of tho Inventor of tho guillotluo having died by the stroke of the deadly instrument he had given birth to, is not without its moral, while tho dark and bloody scenes of the French Revolution re mind us with hornblo distinctness or the un told evils and diro calamities which fall upon a people through disregard and contempt of organic law, and tho terrible retribution which awaits all those who seek to secure their own supremacy by unchecked, arbi trary, and despotic legislation. But thero is yet another and insuperable objection to this measure becoming a law. Tho entire machinery of the polls, und tho persons who mny or may not present them selves to vote, aro under the control, unlim ited control, of the Governor for tho time being, and his own special appointees, tho commissioners. No election can be held in any county In the Stato until the Governor and the commissioner in and for said county shall detcrmlno under tho provisions of this CITY. D. C, MONDAY MOfafiNO. pepatrtmeata mt tha 0eTermaWi as ulillahed bill to ordsr an election.,, Whet the dec. tion is finally ordered, 'every man In the county Is declared to bo a traitor, and dis qualified to cxerciso the elective franchise until he shall prove by two competent wit nesses and his own affidavit that he has been guilty of nono of the disqualifying acts be fore mentioned, few of which constitute an overt act of treason. Does he vote then ! No, the commissioner may summon con flicting testimony, and then, to conclude thit farce, he may determine by his' own ipte dixit who shall And who shall' not vote I Was there ever, In our whole country's his tory, so complete and Inexorable a means of despotism proposed by lane men, much less adopted by a Legislature pretending to rep resent the people of a State! '"But, oh," sorno may exclaim, "in tho hands of a wise, honest, and patriotic Governox,tKts will not bo used to oppress tho people, but to pre serve tho purity of the polls." Has not that very argument been ever used to excuso con solldated power, and can it not be truthfully said of the most unlimited monarchy of our own or former times ! Virtue in a Chief Magistrate without any laws, would protect tho rights of all, but constitutions were made in order to guard against the well known weakness of man, "when clothed with brief authority;" and their violation was ever considered as a Just canso for re monstrance and resistance. Let tho advocates of this measure tremble at the cold-blooded scheme, in which they led, or into which they havo been led, to de- liver tho people of Tcnncssco, bound band and foot to tho tender mercies of an oppressor. Did wo not reel confident that the Supreme Court will provo our dclivcranco from hasty and unconstitutional measures, we might look in vain for tho means of defeating the objects of such legislation. The duty of tho people of Tennessee, who aro the true source of all power In that State, la concisely but authori tatively set forth In tho following extract from tho Constitution of the Stato of Ten nessee : 'Art. 1. 810. JJ. That th. eltliens have tht right, In a peaceful manner, to assemble together to Instruct their representatives, and to apply to vuoee invosiea wun tno powers or government lor redress of grievances or other purposes, by address or remonstrance." From the Htrtrord (Cona.) Contest, ArrU 1S.1 SIKKTINO OP VNIUN MKN IN SUPPOUT OF PHKSIDKNT JOHNSON. A Declaration of Principle aud an Addreae to tho People. A mcctinc of prominent members of the Republican or Union party, friendly to the national policy as developed by l'rcsident Johnson, was held hi this city yesterday for me purposo or consultation anu expression of opinion. All parts of the State were rep resented by men well known in public and private life as valuable citizens ud consist ent unionists, among wnoin wcro-Jion. u. 1 Winchcstcr, our Lieutenant-Governor elect, and Hon. Lovcrctt E. Pease, our Secretary of Stato elect. Iho meeting was called to order bv Gen. James T. 1'ratt, of Glastcnbury, aud was or ganized by tho choice of the following offi cers; ' rnEsiDEM Hon. Lrastus 0. Scranton. of New Haven. Vicb Frmdixts Hon. Oliver F. Win chester, of New Haven; Col.Dwiirht Morris, of Bridgeport; Hon. Thaddeus Welles, of Glastcnbury; Hon. Lyman W. Coc, of Wol cottville. SccarrAincs Willis J. Goodscll. Esn.. of Hortford; Hon. Lovcrctt K. I'cosc. of Hom ers; David S. Ruddock, Esq., of New Lon don. The chainnan havimr stated the obtcct of mo meeting, 11 on. Joun woouruu, 01 rtcw t . ,.. . 1 ;. Haven, oitcrcu tue rouowlng: Yoitd, Tbat It ti expected that no ono will par. tlolpate in tbe prooaedingi of tbli meeting wbo did not support tba Oorernment daring tbe late rebel, lion, and wbo did not sustain the candidates of tbe union organisation at tne recent btate election. This was adopted. It beinir then resolved. after considerable consultation, that it was advisable for tho members of tho Union party there assembled, to adopt resolutions und issuo an address to tho pcoplo of tho State, ecttlncr forth the sentiments of the meeting, a committee or tnree consisting 01 Hon. James v. iiabcock, of -New Haven, vol. Dwight Morris, of Bridgeport, aud Hon. 1 nomas Uowlcs. or r armintrton was ap- Sointeu lor tne purposo 01 preparing luctc ocuincntB. Tho committee reported tho follow ioir res olutions; wuicn, aucr uiscussion.were uuopteu as expressing the sentiments of the inectingi Wbereu tbe war for tbe preservation of the Constitution and tbe overthrow of the rebellion has ceased throughout tba oountrj, and the authority of tho Qovornment la reoognited la every State, we deem It now the especial duty of Congress and tbo I'resldsnt to lavor luon Dealing measures as win tend to tba immediate restoration of oonfldenoa. the iaorease of aoolal, oommerelal, and political Inter course between the various sections of the oountry, and tbe strengthening of tbe bonds of the Union, 10 that there shall be neither the effort nor the desire of any section to Injure tbe Government which has provaa a source 01 so mucn nappmess auu pros perity: therefore, "Reiotved. Tbat we are decidedly in favor of the Immediate admission, to their seats In Congress, vf such loyal Hepreseniatlves and Senators as prove their afeotton, and satisfy each House tbat they possess the requisite quallucatloos. Keiolistl, Ibat as tbe secession doctrines, which ripened into rebellion against tbe Oorernment, have failed of success In the last appeal, the enactments which the Insurgent States adopted, deolaring such States out of the Union, are absolutely null and void, such Btates remaining as before entitled to all the rights and privileges which they possessed un der the Constitution; only tho individuals wbo par. tlalpated la tbo rebellion being guilty of tbe crime of treason and sublect to pardon or punishment. RtiolveJ, Tbat without Impugning the motives 01 the majority la congress, wno treat tne into in surgent States as conquered provinces, to be gov erned in tnelr local ana municipal auairs as II tuey were without the Union, and beyond the proteo tion of the Constitution, we nevertheless declare our firm conviction that such legislation Is not oal culated to promote tbo mutual confidence upn wnicnaionetna union can oe sustained ana irans inltted in all Its just proportions to those wbo shall oama after us. litiolvft. That we deeply sympathise with the President, Andrew Johnson, in his efforts to main tain tbe Constitution inviolate against tbe preju dice of seotlonal partisans the honest but mista ken opinions of impracticable theorists, and. the bit ter taunts aud eross abuse of unscrupulous and vln dlctlve enemies and wa doubt not that when tbe voice of the people is fully expressed. It will be found la vindication of his Just and magnanimous policy. Tho committco also reported tho following address, wlucli. alter a prolonged itisctisslon. in which eloquent and ablo speeches were made by Hon. 0. F. Winchester, Hon. Jss. F. Dubcock, and others, was adopted by the meeting; APRIL 20. I860. la this Paper by Authority of TUB PIUtSUDEHT. TO Till ELECTORS Of COKXSCIlCOT. FiLLOw-crrizxiis: Wc, as friends of tho Na tional Administration and of Its so-callcd"LIn-coln-Johnsou" policy, assembled from various parts of tho State, desire to address you upon tonics of momentous national concern. W are members of the great Union party of the Republic a porty which, by tho help of God, carried the flag of tho Union through the storm of battle, and sustained it with equal fidelity in neighborhoods, towns and cities where the spirit of treason lurked in secret places and manifested itself in party organi zations. This Union party now, with its noble his tory of brilliant deeds anoTsclf-sacriflcing dc- vuuuu, mm even tne union liscu, Bccm 10 us in danger of irreparable damage if not of an absoluto disruption ; and wo aro prompted by tho lovo we bear to both to mingle our voltes with others who aro discussing the great topics or tho times, in the hope that wo may contribnto something towards the promotion of tho "general welfare." In what wo shall say wo pronoso to speak our thoughts freely and frankly, as the occasion demands, with "malice towards nono" and a becoming "charity for all." Tho strugglo for tho lifo of tho nation hav ing been removed from the clash of physical forces to tho forum of legislation, it behooves every citizen to examine with earnest attcn tlons tho various measures proposed for the restoration of tho Union to Its full constitu tional vigor, and for tho healing of the wounds which bloody battles and previous J cars of sectional animosity have engendered, n the consideration of these measures we should never fail to remember that slavery, tho chief source and causo of this animosity, has been effectually and forever abolished. If that institution has left behind it in the regions of its irrowth and culture, a spirit of cruelty ond disloyalty, it is only a confirma tion of tho fact which you have always main tained, that it was an evil of gigantic dimen sion and far-reaching influence. You are not then disappointed if nil its effects have not become immediately obliterated with its overthrow. But the system itself Is de stroyed, and it has therefore no power to combine those elements of discord which so Imminently threatened tho destruction of the Government You can therefore afford, in the present hour, and in all the future, to bo moro hope ful, trustful and furbc-ring than in all the post and to go further in your efforts to bind up the yet bleeding wounds of the South than when it Btood in armed array against you. Then the admluistiation of President Lin coln offered the representatives of the States in revolt tneir places in uongress, with tue only condition that their constituents should l.y down their arms, acknowledge their obli gations to tho Government and support tho national Constitution. We declared through Congress and by Executive proclamation that the war was not undertaken for the abo lition of slavery, but only in defence of the Union. In i,uod faith wo aro now bound to etand by tlicso declarations, aud wc can do it tho moro heartllv inasmuch as slavery in the progress of tho conflict has been effect ually destroyed. Tho war has also annihi lated tho absurd doctrine of secession. nd convinced even its most tenacious adherents in the South that a State cannot go out of mo union except by successiui revolution; and no party can live at tho North that in any form or under any guiso shall uttempt to revive mat cxpioueu lauacy. Tho States, then, being ill tho Union, the question suggests itself as to the manner of their restoration to their practical relations with tho General Government Before tho meeting of Congress,the l'rcsident and his cab inet bail exerted all their executive influence in extending existing laws over tho revolted territory. They had, with wonderful success anu uitie violence, cstauiisiicu post unices, collected marine and internal revenues, and done all they coujd of right do to complete governmental operations. Tho next grcut step, which realizes In the highest degrco a restored Union, is repre sentation in Congress. This has been denied and is still denied by a majority in that body. It is u source of grief to us, and of irritation to the constituents of thoso who present themselves as claimants to seats in cither 1 loose. The promise niado to them during 1 he war has not been kept in the dayeif peace and comparative safety. Why is tills! Wc aro told that conditions aro necessary. The sympathizers with the rebellion at tho North maintain that no condition, beyond that of ceasing to inako war ami taking tno usual oath to support the Constitution, is either constitutional or just. But the Executive has demunded more, and in that they disa agrco with li1 u whatever their professions for party objects tuny be. Ho has, under tho war power, demanded acquiescence in tho abolition of slavery, tho repudiation of the rebel debt, and other pledges which he deemed Important to tho safely of the Union and tho future peaco of tho country, leaving all questions of a purely domestic nature to bo settled, as heretofore, by the States to whoso custody the Constitution has commit ted them. In short he has done all he could do to end contention and restoro harmony. Hut tho Congress of tho United Ktates de mand much more, insisting that their pro posed laws and constitutional uinenihnents are essential to our future peaco uud sccu rity. And thence has followed a clash of opinions that has led to harsh expressions and produced estrangements that do not promise harmony, either North or South. Tho honest, reflecting peoplo of the nation aro ilissatlsticil- with sucli it condition 01 us affairs, having dono all that they can do to save the Union and restore conlldeneo among themselves and those over whoso territory thev have borne uur flue to final victorv. Wo belicvo that tho peoplo aro readily disposed to toicraie miiercnccs 01 opinion be tween tho President und Congress so faros Ihcy nro covteonsly and kindlv expressed. Tho Constitution has made the Executive a branch of tho law-making power, and ho has thoitiaino right under tho obligations of ins oal n, to tueuso of tno veto power, wheth er ho bo in error or not in its exercise, as uny member or Congress lias to his own vole. We do not. therefore, propose to discuss, in th:s limited space, tho merits of tho bill to which ho has refused his signatm e. I lie respon sjbility of their sanction or disapproval rest with him. The Constitution has placed it there. Tho restoration of tho Union, In fact and in law, is tho main question, and the most important step In that direction is the udiiiis. slou of loyal and trustworthy Senators and 1 111 the cxerciso of his rcusou would propose Representatives to their seats in Congress. ' tn ciiforco such a penalty against whole coin In tho issuo hero joined, wc arc freo to avow , munlties. Tho civilization of the age forbids our settled conviction that the opinions ofa;lt. Christian charity, republican equulily, majority of the people of tho North will bo and ordinury good senso forbid it. An en found to lie in harmony with those of Iho lurged patriotism points to a more liberal Executive These opinions aro in support of policy. Tho condition of the public finances tho views of President Lincoln, though Iho requires It. Tho commercial, mannfactur-1 nnuneed as .. tvrant bv certain members of t that body. Yet tho convention ut Baltimore, NO. 124. rrcsn irorn tne people, sustained bun with ro- marxaDie unanimity. Tho Constitution was wisely framed for every anticipated emergency. Happily it meets our present wants, though a civil war of such a character as that from which wo have emerged could not have been foreseen. Yet this Constitution, In the simplest form muv ,u tne icncai, wurua, ucciarcs mat eacn State shall be entitled to representation in Congress; and then, in as few words more, tells us that each House "shall be the judge of tho elections, returns, and qualifications" of its own members. Under tins power each House may receive loyal representatives, and send home, or seize and try for treason, every unrepentant rebel. Isnot this sufficient for all practical purposes in other words, for restoring tho late Insurgent States to their practical relations to tho Government T Wc have many nice and skillfully balanced theories to the contrary. We are told that each State must, beforo sho can be repre sented, be put through some process of ad justment, and bo declared, under due form of law, hi a proper condition for admission to tho Union, from which she has. in fact, never gone out. Wc do not believe that the people can be induced to lay aside tho practical ideas which they bring into use in all their business affairs for such finely wrought philosophies in defiance of the simplest provisions or the Constitution, which gives to each IIouso the power of determining, and that without ?ualification, the elements of its own body, t Is said, however, that this power of defin ing the status of a State, before admitting its representatives to Congress, is necessary, and should be exercised to prevent rebel In fluences from gaining an ascendancy in the Government. The same plea is always made to justify usurpation. Under that plea Con necticut, if ever involved hi serious domestic trouble, might, bv a sectional iminrilv. br shut out from representation, though her Congressmen, asking for admission to their scats, might bo as loyal and worthy as the best that hold them. Iho Constitution, rather than thn thenrick of tho wisest and best of our Congressmen, should bo our guldo in all matters pertaining to the existence ond perpetuity of the Union and the rights of the States within It. Wo address you, fellow-citizens, in this form because wo feel that justice to our con victions and doctrines has not been dnnn bv a considerable portion of the press of the State of our own party; and it certainly has uut uccu uono dv tne press oi tno opposite parly. Although the latter profess, in gen eral terms, to bo warmly in favor of tho trcsiaents policy, wo nave reason to distrust their sinceritv. botli from their nast histnrv and our knowledge of their present position. 1 ncir uuciniii'B uru tue uoctnnes 01 unre pentant rebels. Wc cannot go to them, or accept their past history. If they aro sin cere in their present professions they cat reuuuy come 10 us. jiut to asK us to go 10 them and sanction the very organization that fo jglit so .crsistently against tho war for the Constitution, and against our candidate.' for tho Presidency and Vice T.-esidcncy, would be a demand upon our credulity as well as our loyalty that wo regard as simply preposterous. In the lute State election wc contended against that orgunlzatjon and against tho party leaders who wero identified with it, although not satisfied witli our own ap parently negative position in our own party, where our voles and efforts were liable to lie and have been misrepresented. Wo rejoice at the result of that election If for no oHior reason than that it keeps from power a party which has been Inimical to the Government tho last six years. Wo desired, in the late convention of our friends, the adoption in our platform of resolutions, of some ono or more which recognized tho fundamental principle which wo havo favored in this address; but wc wero overruled upon the ground that tho election was not of u distinctly national char acter, no candidates for Congress being in nomination. Tho failure, however, of the convention to speak more decisively upon the topics alluded to, afforded the antl.war party an opportunity to occupy tho position which the convention had abandoned, and they improved It "While wo confess to thp skill of their tactics, wo yet remain unbe lievers in tho sincerity of their professions. Wo understand their policy to be widening of divisions already existing in the ranks of the Union party, und the attempt to recruit from those of us who will not recognize the creed and do not favor tho spirit of the ex treme ultraists of Massachusetts und Penn sylvania. Yet towards tho masses of tho "peaco party" of tho North wc arc inclined to bo as churitablo as towards the masses of tho rebel party In tho South. Both havp been deluded and may be forgiven. But the leaders of both should remaui out of political influence until they have "brought forth fruits meet for repentance." We desiro to see tho Union restored, both in funu and in fuct, at the earliest possible moment. Wo havo something to hazard hi any furm of restoration With a President bound to tho constitutional Union party bv every rnnsidcrution of honor, interest, und patriotism, und a Cungress in which neither tho "peace party" in war, nor tho rebel leaders, can havo control for a considerable period of time, and with slavery legally abolished, we can afford a liberal or even a magnanimous experiment in tho work of restoration. Tho cxninplcs of an opposite course, as witnessed in tho mother country in her dealings with her revolted colonic, and especially her policy toward Ireluml, and tho example or Russia with Polund, warn us of the dangers of dealing harshly with communities largo enough to constituto a great nation, and, therefore, capublo of suluectiiig us to vast and needless expense, aiMlconstunt annoyunco uud apprehension. If tho Union cannot be restored without tho cxerciso of despotic power, tho iicstlun arises whether such a Union may not In time become unsafe to ourselves, und unworthy of the cot wc have endured fur its preserva tion. If our fathers revolted against tho as suiiipliou of tho British Parliament that could tux them to any extent while it denied them representation, wo uk ir whole States in the Union ran bo safely subjected to tho legisla tion of Congress 111 their purely domestic affairs w ithout being allowed a voice or a vote in such legislation j Tho fact that thoy have, technically, forfeited their political rights, is not the uuestlon. Upon that thcorv thev might nearly ull bo subjected to tho severest penalty of tho law against treason. No man urge it. Tin honor of the nation in the eyes . of the world demands It. Tbe self-sacrihcing THE NATIONAL REPUBLICAN PUBLISHED DAILY. TBI KATT0IAL XirtTBLlCAsT Is pabUebad every xaoratag (Baadaye ezeeptad) Vy W, J.Hntut k Co., JTe. Sll Jflalk street, aal le faraUaet to eabMrtbere (by carrier.) al 70 aeats per eeeata. Mall eabeertbero, SAM far aaaem) H00 (or six teoaths; aad II 00 for three sooalhe, tnwiablg In ad aoaos. five eopleo eae year, 35.00. Itale eoptea, I eoata. Tni WIIBTLTKATIOirAl, SI1T7BLICAK is pallbeed every Friday taornlarf baa'aopy eae year, 100; Three aeplee oaa year, M.0OJ Tea eopleo ..a 7eer,IS.. spirit of the founders of tbo Republic contin ually pleads with us to follow if wo would savo to ourselves and transmit to poittrity our priceless inheritance. But we are told Oiat there Is Variance be tween the President and Congress, and that the combined wisdom of the latter tnn.t nf necessity be superior to the best judgment of the former. In this connection let n m. member that in Congress, whatever tho wis dom and purity of motive, there is a divided responsibility that majority votes aro often nrouuecu Dycomoinauons or interests that inferior minds are often controlled by supe rior talent and that such votes frequently represent tho feelings and interests of sec tions or localities rather than tbe entire na tion, especially when but a part of the coun- ryia reprcscutca. 1 no r-xecuuve, on tne other band, Is sup posed to bo moro especially and peculiarly the representative or every section and of tho entire country, and the veto power la ex pressly given to him to check what he may deem unconstitutional or unwiso legislation. Ho is a part of the law-makinor nnwer. and his Judgment his oath, his Interest, all con spire to make him discreet and patriotic In t lie cxerciso of this prerogative. Ave have seen nothing in his administration of the Govern ment thus far to warrant any suspicion that his motives aro not unselfish and patriotic, whether ho bo right or wrong In his opinions and, for this reason If for no other, we are . disposed to defend him. But there are other reasons. We have been taught from our in fancy to honor tho offico of tho Chief JIagis. tracy of the nation. Wo believe that a proper reverence for that exalted position is due to ourselves as well as to thoso who till it, and that a contrarycourso tends to weaken tho respect for law, order, and government which is essential to tho public safety and the duration of our republican Institutions. It is no new thing that differences have arisen between the Executive and his party and the Congress in power. Even the great and good Washington was maligned in and out of Congress, and by members of his own party aud of his own cabinet Hlssuccossor, John Adams, was moro violently assailed by tho same influences. Jefferson was allowed no peace from the same cause. Madison, at ono period of his administration, was almost without a party or political friends. John Q. Adams was vindictively-assailed by nil parties, including many of those holding official rela tions to him. Jackson, in his efforts to de feat nullification and overthrow tho United States bank, was in constant antagonism with largo numbers of his influential political asso ciutcswho, in Congress and out of it, de nounced him as a tyrant General Taylor, short as was his term of service, and faithful ns he was to the Union and the Constitution, found himself denounced in tho South as in imical to its bitercsts, and equally opposed in the North, as too partial to Southern insti tutions. Tho stern, and, in certain quarters, malignant hostility of large numbers of Re publicans to the martyred Lincoln, is too recent to be forgotten by any of the present participants in public affairs. That hostility was at lengtn developed uuo an organized party whoso main purpose was to prevent his re-election. Impartial history has dono and is doing justice to the patriotism and purity of each of these illustrious men. Wc doubt not, from what we havo thus far seen, that when the excitements of tho present hour shall havo passed away, tho name and fame of Andrew Johnson will bo rescued from tho obloquy which partisan warfare and tho prejudices that a civil war of unparalleled magnitude and bitterness has created, and that be will be appreciated as one of the firmest and noblest among tho defenders of tho Union and the Constitution. We do not believe that he can be swayed from his purpose of defending to the utmost of his power the rights of all sections and all classes, or bo seduced by tho flattery or cajolery of the leaders of tho "peace party" on the one hand, or tho rebel party on tno other, into an abandonment of tho great Union party with whose Interests and honor ho will bo identified through all coming time. The following was then adopted: Voted. Tbat the Union press of the Stato ba In vited to give this address a plaoe In their oolumns. The following was also adopted: " Voltil. That when thle meetlne- adioura. II ad journ to meet at the New Haven llonfe, Mew llaveo, on weuneiaey, way v, 1000. The speeches and . expressed feelings of thoso taking part in tho meeting wcro tcm- K crate, conciliatory, and well-advised in tho ighest degree. Tho idea of deserting tho party In order to support tho policy of tho President was unanimously scouted as ab surd, and fidelity to the Union party was pledged. The resolutions and address wero adopted more as the expression of tho senti ment of the conservative portion of tho Union purtv, and not as tho platform of a new organization. The names of the officers of the meeting aro sufficient to warrant good faith. Tho meeting adjourned late in tho afternoon. A Novel Wager. An amusing story is going tho round of the Paris clubs. It appears that a short time ago a foreign princo mado a heavy bet that ho would be arrested by tho police without committing any offence what ever, or in any way provoking tho authori ties. Tho bet haviug been tuken by a mem ber of the Imperial Club, tho princo went to line of tho most aristocratic cafes in Paris, dressed in a battered hat, a ragged blouse, and boots all in holes, and sitting down at ono of tho tables ordered a cup of coffee. The waiters, however, paid no attention to so suspicious-looking a customer, upon which the prince put his hand in his pocket and showed them a bundle of bank-notes. Tho proprietor then ordered the coffee to bo served, sending mcanwhilo to tho nearest Po lico station for a sergeant do ville. 'Iho prince was duly arrested and taken to the commissary of police, whero ho stated who he was, and was afterwurdstuken to tho gentleman with whom he made the bet to prove his Identity. A similar story was told at Vienna Bomo time ago of a Hungarian Princo Scandar, M. do Mettcruich's son-m-law, who, in order to luako his arrest quito sine, took tho bank-notes out of his boots. Tiik Late Fibe at Port ai Pbikce. A letter from Jacmel, llayti, rcferruig to tho lire which consumed seven hundred houses at Port ail Prince on the 19th of March, and the proofs that it was incendiary, says that besides tho evidences found in concurrent attempts to firo other parts of tho city, and to destroy Jacmel, there exists the following cwdciu'c: Six of Salnave'e followers, officers 111 tho revolutionary army, wero arrested at t'upc llaylieii, tried, and condemned to bo shot on tho 17th. When news of tho sen Icnco reached Port au Princo, threats were mado that their death would bo avenged. Tho men were executed in accordance wim their sentence, and the apparent conBequence was tho fire which broke out two uuj s latir.