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CoatlaMa from first Th 1 tloni otlho so-called confederacy and of the BUtelgoreramcnts? The function! of thy conjcfleracy, with tho confederation itself, were utterly oycrthrown It was a complete collapse. Under the Constitution It ncrcr tad any ralidity. It wu alwajs null and Yoid anillegafit)! more, sir, a crime. It rested not upon lu right, but upon its sword. When that was taken it vanished And all that remains to the great conspirators are tho disappointed hopes and hideous dreams, unrealized, of madness, folly and ambition. Bat what effect did the rebellion hare during its ciistcnco upon the forma of gov ernment, upon tho persons exercising the functions of government, and upon the laws themselves existing before the rebellion in theso States t I answer, generally, the re bellion from the beginning was an attempt at revolution, to dissolve the allegiance of those States and their people to the Consti tution of the United States, and to transftr that allegiance to the new confi deration of States; and for the time being Just such changes' were inado in their form of govern ment and functionaries and laws as would aid that object, and no more. Bear in mind, the rebellion did not con template destroying tlitse btates or reducing them into Territories at all The prominent idea was. or pretem'cd to be, to save to the States greater rights und powers and sover eignty tnan were conceded to them in the Union under the Federal Constitution, one of which waa this nirht of tatatc secession. The whole purpose of the rebellion was to transfer the allegiance of those btates from the Federal Union to the confederation or the South. Our whole purpose was to prc- t 1L.1 .1. .!... ... I. , l. T ..! ecus uini, UUUBU). IUIV -lliue. UI .lie UIMUli, and compel them anil their people to ac knowledge their allegiance to it. We struggled to sate the States in a raoro perfect Union under our Constitution Thcv strucirlcd to nave the btates witli greater rights and poners in the confedera tion. Upon this the war was mi le by them, and upon that issue it went on until tho end Neither part) 1 elligerent sought to de stroy, but to sate the btates Neither party sought to destroy, but to save a republican form of gut eminent in each of those States. Neither party sought to tilo from tho peojilc of those States tho right to choose their Governors and legislatures, and to have their own judicial officers nor to take away the right of representation in a national Government. But the real issue was whether these offi cers would bear allegi-nic to the Federal Union or to the rebel confederal Neither party struggled to take from tho people of inoso Slates incirrigtit tufroterntueinseivcs. under their own btate latts which, after all, is republican government nor to disturb tne great Dody or toose Estate laws, except in so far as they aided the Union or the rebel cause, neither sought to inuke any change, or claimed the right to make any, whatever Is is true that slaver, to defend which was the avowed object of the rebellion, and which became during the war the chief sop- ?ort of its armies, was put directly in issue t was the corner-stone of their confederac) J and when the confederacy fell its corner stone was of course buried m its rums. I can affirm, then, that neither the State nor its government, neither its office of Uot er nor, its Legislature, or its judiehrj , were, during the rebellion sought to bo destroyed or changed man) manner by either bellig erent party, any further than it bore upon the question of allegiance to the Union upon one side, or to the rebel confederacy upon tho other, and to the cAUttenco or destruction of slavery But for slat cry, and ipiestinns growing out of it, and ambitions tmd id as fostered by it, there ncur would hate been any re bellion at all No change was sought In the ftalni of tlio btates, in tne forms 01 tneir governments or in their laws, except for or 011 account of slavery alone Take the case of (leorgia, the empire State of the South. Did the rebellion attempt to destroy the Stato of Georgia, as u State? Not at all It did attempt to dissolve all relations with the United States, and transfer them to the rebellious confederac, to throw ofT alle giance to tho Federal Constitution, and come under the confederate constitution, in short, to take Georgia as a State out of the Union and put it into another union, its a new con federation. Had the rebellion succeeded. would the State of Georgia lute been de stroyed! It would certainly have ceased to be a State in this Union but it would have still existed as a powerful btutc, not as a Terntor, in its new political relations The great bwly of its constitution would remain the some, the Croat both' of its civil and criminal laws the same, as before tho rebel lion. All the laws on contracts, barcain. sale, and convcjuncc of real estate, all tho laws concerning real or personal estate, the laws of marriage the family relations, and generally all the ngLi nd remedies affecting persons and property and personal libcrtt, would have remained the same No effort was made materially to change them. The only effect, in ease the rebellion had suc ceeded, would liavo been to make Georgia a State outside of this Union, a btate in an other union Now that the ribi llion lias utterly failed to put the btate of Georgia, into a new union did the attempt to do so, und the crushing of that attempt, put Georgia as u State oat of this Union? or destroy Georgia as a State in this Union? or reduce Georgia from a 8tate in this Union to bo a 'I c rnturj ' 'I his seems to be the view advocated by my colleague in his elaborate and able Bpecrh upon this reso lution. It is due to hun und to the unportant questions involved that I gio some further attention to this part of the subject I shall not go otci the gn mid I have already trod, I will only observe that it is be yond belief to suppose thut the people or tho btate of Georgia themselves cur intended to rcduco themselves from the condition of a State to tho condition of a 'lerntur Their ruling idea, their intense st wish was to exalt the Stale and make its sovereignty para mount It was with tbin a pulsion. It be came their frenzy Tho United States had no such purpose either I have ahead) slioii)ou that by all the legislation of Congress by ever) proclama tion of the .'resident niithcr Congress nor tho President ever held any other language than what was expressed in the last clause of the resolution of. 1 ill) 1 lhCl that ou-pur-' poso was to maintain the sunn mat y of the Constitution and all laws lnudi in pursuance thereof, and to preserve the I'nioii Willi all the dignity, and rights or the several .tatcB unimpaired " Bni to pursue the caso of Georgia a little further. While, as I havo shown, neither party bclligerint sought to destro) and both sought to save and to hold tho btate of Georgia, tho one as a State in this Union, and the other as a State in the rebel eon federation, did the issuo of arms which decided it should not be a Stuto in the eon federation and should remain under the bu prcmacy of the Constitution, reduce Georgia to tne territorial condition, against nor own wish and the avowed ournose of Congress? I havo already shown that Georgia was riot changed from a State to u Tc rritory by the rebellion Was it to chanced by our crush ing the rebellion ? I admit that, pending the progress of this great civil war, the greatest the world over saw, the growth of military pom r was such in all those States of the South us to almost suspend the civil laws certainly during tho last two) ears of the rebellion that rebel martial law dominated the whole confederacy, and subjected at will the civil law to its do minion It became for the time being a bloody rebel military despotism. When our armies entered Georgia and over come the rebel army, then what was the effect? The first and immediato effect was to substi tute Union martial rule Tor rebel martial rule. Neither the pne nor the other, as no have seen, destroyed tho existence of the Stato. Bat It did what war alwa)S does, more or less, suspended for tho time being tho civil law and the functions of civil government in the clash of arms It neither suspended nor destroyed the State, but it changed tho ruling power in it from the commander of tho rebel array to the commander of the Union array. Just before General Sherman entered Georgia, what was tho law of Georgia? The will of the rebel general. Just after his sur render, what became the law of Georgia then? The will of General Sherman, under the commander-in-chief, both under the Con stitution or the United States. The whole peoplo of Georgia, black and white, bond and free, becarao subject, for the tlrao being, to military rule, subject to military control, under the laws of war. Of all governments the military is most despotic. It is concen trated despotism, despotism without any mixture, lie could have wastcdevcr) fielu, burned every dwelling, sacked every! town, pressed every man into service. 1 to did cap ture and set free every slav e. I may here sa) those slaves are our prisoners, captives which we have taken from their masters, and by the agencies of the Frecdmen's Bureau, under the War Department, we aro now en deavoring to make them free in fuct, as well os in right. There was not a horso or mule ho could not have taken, not a man, woman or child he could not hav e sent out of the Stato or eniplo)cd in any service ho might have decmeil necessary or uscriil to put down the rebellion, to put an end to the war. which tbo law or nations does not forbid. But did General Sherman destroy or in tend to destroy the State of Georgia? Did tho President order him to destro) it? By no means. He went to save, not to destroy. Did Congress direct the President to destroy It? No, but It did direct him, in tit" most solemn fonu, to prosecuto tho war to pre serve Georgia as a btate in the Union, with all its ' dignit) equality, and rights untni ptred ' and that when that object was ac complished the v n ought to cease To that end Congress clu tied the President with greater military power than an) nation has developed in modern timi s And oil this tremendous power of tho President is con ferred by law of Congress. Nothing, in my judgment, can be more certain than that Congress has by law expressly delegated to tho President the power to do all he has done in those States, or it his imposed upon him duties which necessarily involved or implied all the powers he has exercised llv the act of July ii. 1KG1. the President wus authorized to accept Inc hundred thou sand volunteers for the purpose of suppress ing insurrection, "provided that the services of tho volunteers shall bu for such time as the President may direct, not exceeding three ) cars, nor less than six mouths, and the shall bo disbanded at the cud of the war. Disbanded b) whom? By tho President hen disbanded? At tho end of the war. Conirrcss bv this and other acts authorizes the President to put into the field nearly two million soldiers to put down this rebellion; to use every means on sea and on land known to civilized wuriurcio put nn cnuto tne war; Congress expressly directs him to disband the volunteers at tho end of the war, end b) ait of July 25, 1KG1, to reduce the standing army to twenty fivo thousand vilhiu one )ciir uTtcr the end of the "existing hisurrtetici. und rebellion" Hut what shall constitute the cud of the wur? Congress, bv resolution of JuU 21 mi iniinousiy declared the end to be when the supremacy of tho Constitution is rc-estab-linhcd, and the Union is preserved with the rights, cquaht), and dignit) of ever) btate unimpaired Congress also declares tliat the reduction of tho standing army bIiiiII take pi ice within "ono vear after the constltu tional authority of tho Government of the Lulled Stutes shall bo re-established, und or f;unized resistance to such autliorit) shall no unger exist ' that is, ono )cur after the end of the war It is not, as the Senator from Massachusetts and in) colleague seem to suppose, to end when those eleven States shall bo reduced from their position of States in the Union with their " digmty, equalit) and rights unimpaired," to tho condition of Tirntones, which are mero dependencies, with no dignity, no cquaht), no rights tinder tho Constitution, except to be governed b) the absolute will of a Congress in which the) have no representation, or to bo held by the despotism of tho sword The end of tho w ar w as to be the suppression of the rebellion and tho maintenance of the Union, under the Constitution, unbroken. But who is to Judge when the constitutional authority of tho Government is re-established ? AVho is to judge when the organized resistance to such authority has ceased? upon wnoin rests iuu re'Biiuiisiimu) ui ucxiu ing theso questions? Congress expressl) sa)s the volunteers shall bo employed as lon us tho "President shall direct, that he shall disband them at the end of tho war, and reduce tho regular army ono )car after constitutional authorit) shall be re-established and organized resistance no longer exist " The President alouo is made the judge of the time when tho insurrection is suppressed and when tho array shall bo withdrawn It is no power and no rcsponsibilit) assumed by him m derogation of law It is expressl) imposed upon htm b) Congress os a dut) Congress by law authorized und required the President, 1 irst, to raise tho army ; Second, to suppress the insiirrut'o. and re-establish tho supreinac) of the (. on.titu tion; Third, to preserve the Union of the btates with their rights in tho Lnion unimpaired, Fourth, to (uilp ud determine when those ends aro nttuuicu Fifth after those ends shall bo attained, to disband the urray and return tho soldiers once more to tho pursuits of peace In short, Congrms not only empowered, but required, tho President to perforin a two fold duty, one, to make war; and tho other, tn stop makin ' wur after its end is reached, in other words, to raako peace, tho first, to draw and wield the sword, the second, after making peace, to return it to its scabbard 'lho first of these great duties, nainel), drawing tho sword and wielding it, rested iiiuml) upon Prisidcnt Lincoln Thesitoud, nainel). iiuikiug peace und then Bheuthiug lite sword, rcBts iiiuuuy u; n ins successor ulthough, most fortiinutel) for hun und for the whole peoplo Mr Lincoln hud ulreudy entered upon the greut woik of reeoiistrite tton, of making peace, in order to be uble, after peace had come to borrow his own beautiful languuge, after " peace bad come, lind to stay ' to fulfill that other great duty imposed upon him by tho laws of Congress, namely, to disband Ills immense, army and send them homo; in a word to restore a na tion's peace, in a union or States and pcopli s under tho Constitution, with ' their lights unimpaired," and, afterthnt gieat work, the end and object of all our struggles and njen flees was done, to sheathe tho nation's sw ord While ho lived, Mr Lincoln performed these duties, and pi rfuimcd them well it is true thero were some mistakes in tho beginning with our incxperieuee und impatiince the wonder is thero were not mure 'lime wus ne i aaurv to accoinulisli tho great work to educate the public mind, to prepare the armies, and to find the leaders who were ta pablo of coinmandinjf them l'nfi sumdiik, iMvMcU:'TmD&JM6'B5Mt..,&!m .4. Mf How could Mr. Lincoln know, unless trifled with omniscience, that in the person of a teacher of a military academy in Louisiana, was to be found that Major General Sherman, who, like Gods flaming minister, at the head of his conqueringlcgions,wastoswccp through the heart of tho rebellion ? How could ho ,know that In that quiet, unostentatious citizen of Galena, was to be found the great captain of tho age, Lieutenant General Grant, who knew when, " like Fablus, to bo the cloud, and like Sciplo, tho thunderbolt of war I ' Thank Heaven I he found tho great com manders at last, wmen in uodsown good tunc brought the final and supremo victory over the rebellion. ThankGod! Mr. Lincoln was permitted to livo until the first great work of crushing tho rebellion was almost done, and the second hardly less important work of reconstruction was already well be gun. I have ahead) called) our attention to his last public speech just before his assas sination, in which, in gladness of heart whose expression could not be restrained, for the hope of a righteous and speed) peace, and in which, also, with a power of logic and clear ness of statement, and force of illustration never surpassed in the best efforts of that J ereat and cood man. he explained and do. fended and enforced this policy of reconstruc tion. It was at such a moment a moment of most supreme exaltation when the pra) cr of his soul was answ ercd ; when the long night of blood and agony and tears was past, and tho golden light or the morning of peace dawned upon his vision, ho fell b) tho assas sin's hand his consciousness suspended in an instant. From tho acmo of human glory he passed to the glory on high from this mortal to the immortal life a mart) r to the cause of his country, und of liberty to all mankind It was what the ancient world would call un apotheosis Thus tho creat office of President nroti. dentially fell upon Mr Johnson, with all its duues ana an us rcsponsiDiiiuea ; anu the gravest of them all, now that the armed forces of the rebellion have surrendered, is this sec ond great duty of making peace, and then disbanding the army. When ho took the Presidency there were more than a million men Jupon the rolls of the army, and man) of the rebel armies were still in tho field 1 now come to the consideration or tho most important, and just at this moment per haps the most practical question, namely : what were the powers and duties imposed by law upon tho President, in closing the wur and making peace, which, or necessity, must precede tho disbanding of tho arm). Now, in the very nature of things, making peace is just as much on executive dut) as waging war. Who can know, but the commander in duct1, when his adversary ) iclds, when hois destro) ed or captured, surrenders, or makes ov enures of peace? To whom does the v un quishcd party cry for quarter and terms of surrender, but to him who wields the sword? I repeat, sir, making peace is an executivo duty just as much as making war. The law of Congrcsswhichauthorized tho war author ized tho stonnmg of tho wan tho disbanding of tho forces which arc cniplo)cd In it, when the rrtsiuent has bnistied his work and shall think it safe and proper to do so, when he is assured that the war is over, that pcaeo has come, "and come to stay." If wo arc engaged in war with a foreign countr), when wo get through with the war, the President makes peace Congress has nothing to do with it. Tho President enters into a treat) of peace, and that treaty is sub mitted to tho Senate for ratification If two ttiuds of tho Senators ratif) and consent, tho treaty is ratified and peace made Congress ma declare war, they do not muke peace. How is peace made in case of civil vttr among ourselves? When wo overcoino armed resistance to our laws and the Consti tution which is civil wur, when the insur gents shall, in good faith, submit thtm'cltcs to tho laws and tho Constitution, peace fol lonsor course Peace has already come, for obedience to the laws Is peace. All the great writers on public law agree that the whole end and purpose of u just w or is to obtain a just and righteous peuce, and having shown that this duty of making pcaeo has been placed by Congress upon the President, hav mg shown that, from the ne cessities or the case, such a duty is execu tive, ana tnereiore, in us nature, impossible to be done by Congress except through tho Kxecutive, I proceed to inquire with whom, and in what way, is the President to make that peace which is the object or the war on our part, and which was a condition prece dent to withdrawing the arm)? That in volves this other inquir), who and what was or is at war against the United btates? First or all the rebel army. No one can doubt tho power or tho Presi dent to deal with that to fight It, crush it, capture it, or accept its surrender, with or without conditions If upon conditions, these conditions bind the good faith not only of tho Kxecutive, but of the United States In the terms of Lee's capitulation there was an important condition inserted, binding the good faith of the United States, namely, that, upon condition of their obedienco to the law 8, the officers and soldiers of the rebel armies should not be disturbed by the au thorities of the United States What mem bcr or Congress, what man, in or out of Con gress, would propose u violation, on our,part, of that stipulation? There is, in the second place, the people of those btates, who have been declared in in surrection, who, from giving aid and comfort to tho rebellion, havo incurred tho crime of treason against tho United States, and who aro liable, upon trial and conviction, to for feit their propcrt) , their citizenship, and even their lives What power has tho President, under tho Constitution and laws, to deal with theso uuarvtetl insurgents ? First, under tho Con stitution he has the power to pardon and re store to citizenship, either before or after conviction, ho has tho power of amnesty, upon such terms und conditions as lie shall judge most conducive, to the peace of the country. If, as many contend, tho insurgents are to be treated only in their capacity of indi viduals, and not in their capacity as States, this power of pardon alone would cover the whole case, and ho could restore all to citi zenship But ho had another power over them undc r tho laws or Congress, and I now inquire, upon tho surrender or the armies, what fur ther power had the President to deal with thoso persons who, though not found in arms, were still equally guilty by aiding and abet ting tho rebellion? I answer, all tho power of Gsimmander in Chief exercising military rule in those States for tho time bcuig B) tho law of nations tho commander of a great and conquering army when ho enters a Stato for the time being Biibjeets all tho civU laws to military control, his will bo comes tho supremo law, and ho a temporary dictator Ho may,organl-o a provisional civil government, as tho Supremo Court de cided in tho ease of Cross against Harrison, to preservo order and prevent anarchy lie ) ond all question, before withdrawing or dis banding his urray, ho had the power, and it mis Ms imperative duty, to know whether ho rebels not lounu in arms, who, U3 many insist, were a large majority of tho people of thosu States, had also submitted und surren il red lho rebel cause Had bout once with drawn the Union army upon tho sum nder ol tho rebel army, who knows but that another rebel army would have been raised at oneo to fight against tho Government? It was as much his duty, therefore, under the luw. of Congress, to make sure of their submission before withdrawing the troops as it was to make sure of the surrender of their armies Without their submission Ma work would have been only half done. He therefore had a right ay, sir, It was his Imperative duty to ileal directly with the unarmed rebels as well as with their military forces, which he could dd both as military commander and as holding (he power to pardon. But thero aro some who maintain that tho States, as bodies politic, In their State capac ity waged this war upon tho Government, Without admitting or denying the assump tion, grant, for tho take of the argument, that to be so, what power and duty would, In that flew of the case, bo imposed upon tho President by law of Congress? I answer, to deal with the States as belligerents. If the States, as such, were in rebellion and waging war against tho United States, then, of course, the law authorizing the President to prosecuto the war against the rebellion, of necessity authorized the President to prose cuto tho war against the States, and, as ho was not authorized to disband the army until tho war was over, and as the war could not be over until the States submitted to the conditions of peace, the President had tho with tho States upon the terms andcondi- power anu it uecame ins duty to ueaiuirectiy lions of peace. It was just as much a neces sity for him to know that tho States submit ted and accepted the terms of peace, as that their armies should surrender, Deforo he dis banded the Anny of tho United States. The object or all legitimate war is to conquer a peace. If tho States, as such, were at war against tho United States, the capture of an army would not end tho war so long as 'they should remain hostile. Tho array was to be reduced when "organized reslstaneo" should no longer exist. So long as organized States aro at war against the Government, organized re slstaneo does exist, and he could not disband the anny. Had ho immediately upon tho surrender of the armed forces disbanded our nnn , leaving tho btates still at war, there would bono peace, and could bo no peace, and peaco was to bo a condition precedent to hi disbandment of the army. All the writers on tno law ot nations concur that the only law ful purposo of war is peace. Tho Presi dent, therefore, being authorized by law to make peace, was empowered to deal with all the parties at war against the United States, nainel) , with tho rebel anny; with all the rebel insurgents, whether they aro to bo re garded as acting In their Individual capacity, or in their orgaidzcd political capacity as the people of a btutc. 1 now Inquire, what must be the terras and conditions of peaco in order to put an end to civil war in theso United btates ? I an swer, tho Constitution of the United States is the paramount ond indissoluble bond or union and relationship and pcac6 among the several btates. An attempt to overthrow thai is civil war. Submission to that is peace Thercrorc, neither the President, nor Congress, nor tho Supremo Court, nor all put together, can make any other treaty or peace or bond or relationship among the Mutes Nothing short or successful revolu tion, or of a decision of tho Bovcrelgn peo ple of the United States to amend that Con stitution, can change the relationship between the States ono jot or tittle. T hough men and parties ma) change, the Constitution, as the basis or that relationship in this Union, wiil remain perpetual hat terms had tho President a right to demand of theso States, or of their people, as conditions precedent to pcaeo and the withdrawal or tho Army? First, and beroro all, and as tho basis or all, unqualified submission to tho Constitu tion or tho United States, and all laws or Uongress passed In pursuance thercor Second, tho annulling of all acts, laws, and proeceduigs by which tho Stutes made or pri scented wur against tho United States, un ludmg tho rebel debt T hird, aequiesceneo in the situation which th' wur has brought upon thein, including tho abolition of slavery, for and on account of ulut.li they made tho wur, for the sincerity of such acquiescence, and as tho supremo test of its good faith, the adoption of the constitutional amendment by which slavery, the eauso of tho war, Is surrendered and mado impossible, and liberty made sure, b) being placed under tho guardianship of Con grt ss in every Stato and Territory forever. Fourth, the practical resumption of their political duties, upon those tenns, as States m the Union These are the conditions, in substance, upon which President Lincoln almost thrco ) ears ugo announced to tho people of these btates the terms or pacification to which he pledged tho support of tho Kxecutive Gov ernment '1 hese arc the substance of tho tenns offered b) President Johnson bev eral of these States, or tho peoplo of several States, havo accepted them, and offer now to resumo all their political duties as States in this Uidon, and practically enjoy their rights as such. Shall we allow them to do so? If theso tenns havo been accepted by theso States, or tho peoplo of theso btates, in good faith, is not tho faith of this nation pledged ? Just as much pledged as by tho terms con tained in the surrender or their armies? It is not a sufficient answer to say, this Congress is not bound by tho act of preced ing Congresses, and therefore wo can pass iaws requiring the Prcaidcnt to Lmposo other and new terms or pacification not required by preceding Congresses Technically that may be urged, bat it will not do for a great nation, dealing with a fallen enemy after ho lias surrendered, to uuposo new and other eruis Hud wo been lighting with anv for eign Power, tho treaty made by tho President would havo been most scrupulously kept As between and among the States, tho Con stitution which is the treaty of peaco, and moio than a treaty, which forms a perfect Union, and makes the States ono family Is t ertainly to be regarded with equal sacredness and validity on our part, when after a civil war peaco is mado, and oflending citizen or State makes submission in good faith, and seeks to renew allegiance. Nothing is more clear than that wo havo mado no conquest of these btatis Wo hold them only bv virtne of our original right as States under tho Constitu tion But tho question Is soinctlincsjntt, by what nowcr them if theso States aro still in the Union does tho President appoint theso pro visional or military Governors? That ques tion Is Important, out to mat question tho answer, hi my Judgment, is pcrlcctly clear. '1 ho President noes not make the unnoint- meiit of theso agents, call them by what name you will, provisional Governors, mili tary ijovcrnors, cuiuiiiissiuuers, agents, hcrulds of peueo, generals, anything you nlease. nor does ho employ theso aireneies. by virtue of his authority us a civil magis trate 'i lie y aro not civil appointments 1 hey aro in no senso civil officers, for thero Is no law under which they are appointed at all T hey uro mero military agents of tho Presi dent, as Commander in Chief of the anny, who Is bound to ascertain tho fact, which ho must know beforo ho can dischargo this duty of mustering tho forces out and of withdraw ing the) army Ho sends these agents into tho several States for tho purposo of ascer- ...t.. I. ..--!.. ll.. - 1 l. .!.. llln.. lu -....n-noa. .1 lUlUIIIJj nillMICI IIIO lUUCIIIUI IS BUJf,CMIAI . not only whether tho peoplo havo ceased I armed resistance), but intend to submit in good faith and mako no more resistance to I the authority of tho Government These ;iitenls uro by him authorized toascertain that f let , in substance, to put certain questions to tho people in these States, no matter in what ' form they are to bo answered, whether by an 1 1 lection the casting of ballots, or byanouth Tho qmstion Is, " Are you willing now, In I good faith, to submit to and accept the true situation which tho war has brought upon you?--Are you ready, as free Stales,1 to put on a republican form of government? And arh vnn determined hereafter to bo lawful and Uw-ablding'clti-cos'of the United States?' ii tney answer teat tncy are, wnai men i "Assure me of that," says tho President, "and I wdl withdraw the military power; I will no longer hold you as Commander-in-Chief I will no longer gov em you by mar tial law ; I will withdraw the troops and let the civil laws, which are silent In tho lnldjt of arms, once more come into full play. You may substitute the ballot of the loyal citizen for the bayonet of the soldier which I com mand. I can then safely sheathe the sword and leave you to 'yourselves And when I can do that there is peace." i-iiii me sunsianco 01 it an. xou may say there is on air of the civilian, a scent of tho civil law and civil authority in tho legal forms employed in which to put and answer these questions. What of that? These agents are military agents, although wearing the garb of the civilian. They are called provisional governors, but In reality they aro commissioners to propose tenns of peace or to bco if peace has come In rcalit) , or whether it is a hollow and deceitful appearance of peace only. They are not civil governors, but provisional governors. No matter what ou can tnem; names arc ot nn consequence. f thcv should be sent out siinnlv as spiel. by a commanding general to ascertain the temper of the people, to learn whether they mean to keep the peace, or, as soon as the army is withdrawn, to fight again, for the purpose of satisfying tho President whether he can safely withdraw his military force or not, it is all the same thing. It is, of neces sity, a military question, and clearly within tho scope and duty of a military commander. It is, therefore, no invasion, no trampling upon tho rights of any of those States, to uso such agencies. Now, to illustrate this a little more fully. Suppose the President had not employed anybody, but had gone himself to do all these tilings that his agent, his commis sioner, provisional governor, or whatever vou call liim. is authorized bv him to do. and supposo ho should go around himself among the people, and that all his Cabinet should go along with him, administering oaths of allegiance, and organizing elections by which the people could show their dispo sition toward tho Government, in order that, upon his own knowledge, he could determine whether it was his duty still to keep the army In force or to withdraw it, and say to tho peoplo of the State, "Now you can go on, I leave vou to yourself, reorganize your civ il government, republican in form," what then would Dccome 01 tins objection mat tne President was assuming power? It would vanish m an instant, But snppose he had done this, which inrav judgment would have been tho simplest of an, snppose ne naa aumonzeu mo general In command to act for hun, to do ail this through officers in the army, to test tho Io)alty and allegiance of tho people of thoBe States toward the Government of the United States, to advise them to accept tho situa tion in wnicn tne war has placed them, to abolish the Institution of slavery, to ratify tho amendment to tho Constitution of tho United States which abolishes slavery in every State, and thus demonstrato that they havo accepted their situation as frco States forever as the result of this war? Or, go a step further, and suppose that ho had author ized General Sherman to mako just theso propositions to them; Bnpposo they had been made as a part of tho tenn of tho surrender of tho armies under tho express direction of tho President, who could ever doubt the President's power as,Coramander-!n Chief to make them? Who,' then, I ask, can doubt that the President has pow er to send an agent down mto any ono of those States, and by tho co-operation or tho military commander, do precisely the same thing now ? Who can doubt it? Tho reason, probably, why tho Adminis tration, instead' or employing a general in command, appointed special agents to do this duty, was twofold : first, because it was sup- Soscd that somo person who hud personal in uence among the people, who not been con nected with tne army, might havo inoro In fluence in prcvuiluig upon that peopie to ac cept thosituatlonwarhad brought upon them man ono wno nau passed mrougn tneir coun try in the terrible stonn of war, and whoso red right hand had been to them like tho scourge of God. It was doubtless supposed that a man selected from among their own people, of great Influence among them, might bo listened to, that his counsels would be moro likely to lead them in their ten souls to submit, in good faith, to tho authority of iUU UUVVlkUllC-UW 11 V KI1UW IUUI, 1U UllClC'Ilk times, there were certain persons performing substantially tho Bamo duties, who wcro do nominated heralds, who were scut out to an nounce terms of peace upon the termination of the conflict. It docs not matter by what names theso persons aro called Tho power exists as ono of the necessary incidents of military autnonty anu military operations, a part of which is to make peace as well as to inaito wur. Anotlecr reason, probably, why Mr John son appomted theso provisional governors grows out of the fact that his predecessor mado similar appointments, and substantially adopted the same policy As Mr Johnson's Cabinet is composed of the same men who constituted tho Cabinet of Mr Lincoln, no doubt their advice has been to him tho saino which they gave to Mr. Lincoln, and which he has accepted as the true policy in restor ing civil government in those States You remember, as I havo beforo stated, that Mr. Jolmson himself was appointed military governor of Tenncssco lie had ex perience in that capacity in endeavoring to restore civil government in that Stato. Prob ably no man in tho United States was better prepared to judgo than Andrew Johnson, growing out of the fact of his ability, his perfect knowledge of tho South and of "tho people or the South, and bis actual experi ence while ho was military governor, as ho wassailed, of Tennessee. Therefore ho was likely to follow Mr Lincoln in the lino of policy adopted by him, and which ho had Limself actually tried and put into operation But I now come to tho question of repre sentation in Congress Having shown them to bo States in tills Union, and therefore entitled to representa tion under tho Constitution; having shown that Congress, by the somo law under which tho present House was elected and organlzod, apportioned tho two hundred ond forty-ono members just as much among these eleven southern States as among tho remaining twent) -fivo, and that under that law their right to representation is just as certain us tho right or any northern Stuto, I now como to consider another and wholly ehtTercnt ques tion First, whether they have properly chosen benators and Representatives ; and Second, whether they have chosen right Representatives Although a Stato may have a right to choose Representatives, it may not bo in a condition to choose them A raging pesti lence might suspend elections, a foreign in vasion might make them Impossible, insur rection and civil war might do the same, thing, the temper of a peoplo might becomo so diseased or estranged that for u tlrao they would refuso to choose them. While this would not take away tho right to have Rep resentatives it would deprive them of Repre sentatives in fact Again, in exercising the right to chooso, they may select men incapable, ineligible, or unlit to bo reel it ' ilher House of Con gress. A friend asked mo the other day, shall this Con.ri ess admit us Senators and Repre sentatives rebels fresh from the battle-field, whose swords are yet dripping with the blood nf nnr sons and brothers? No. sin no. Who has ever thought or dreamed of (any such thing? The oath required ci mem manes that impossible. And does any ono supposo that this Senate, which expelled Bright for -lit .,- n 1aII In .Tifrrnn T)ftvt. tin tint. tho power or the courage to defend itself against toe guilty instigators 01 iuis great crime? Have wo no confidence In ourselves? Another asked, what security have wo that the South will not rebel ogam, If wc admit their representatives? I answer this question by another; would thero not be ten fold more danger or their rebelling If wo do not give them representation than if we do? Who does not know that the most Justifiable of all causes for rebellion or revolution Is to tax and goiern a people mthoul rtpraentatton? The old Thirteen rebelled against England for that, and four of thoso thirteen are among tho Stales my coileaguo would now reduce to tho territorial condition. Un to this time tlie South never had any Justifiable cause for're- bcllion. Follow oat tin poller of ths Ss-ator from Muia ehaMtlf aod taj oollMgao, and 70a will xlrt tb-m what all lb- world will 1-7 Is a Joit eiun for w-r By 10 doing , w lb-11 ehtDM positions with thttn vvo shtll pUc ourithol In tho wrong, and giro thtm Jntt cam of eomnUtnt, now that thsj havo t-rrtndorod Wo woro right In tho oojtnnlngi right In ovory Bttpof our progress lath war; right In authorising tho Trosldent to end tbo war wbtn tbo sopromaoy of tbo Constitution wu vlndteatod, -a it,. t,nt-n of tbo fiute.. with tbttr rtshts and tqu-lllj unimpaired, reitoredi right la tendering to lot tenon upon vu.ir eurrcuuwr iu(h-uiui,i-i-pt- -r ri--e. more msenentnoae tbsn wo would offer to a foreign foe, -eosuio the; sro a part of oar people,wltb wnom nj imoreii, oj n-cessnj, u -7 tbo logto of geographical and ootnmerelal poeitlon, wo are forever1 hoand to Uro and bold tho closest r-1.M-n. Tr now direct tbe Tresldont to with draw tbo terms of pwl.catlon ho has offered and they bavo accepted, an-l above all. If wo ibontd In tho spirit of this reiolotloi of my colleagnejdeolare ih.n.n-lM... fiii.-ln t Ml Union, bnt Territo ries, subject to tbe oontrol of ongresi el the other T-.-u-T.-r it,- tTnii.a Ki.t.i wo should place ounelrei in lho wrong, falsify all 'ou.' profession! of aototlon to tuo integrity or the eiulon, "M" -- For one moment consider the condition ,, Territorlei Ibey are not under the Conitltn uon at an air vteoiier in one 01 nil masterly enori air Demon in Lis review 01 tne urea Beotl ease, demonstrated tbat tbo Constitution il for State! and not for Territories at all Territories aro outiido dependencies, and governed by Congress, not under Its power limited by tho Constitution, but by its absolute power The Supreme Court decided in Canter I case, and have often afflrmed tbodootnne, that Congren possessed all legislative power over tbo Territories ai absolute al In the Uiilrict of Co lumbia What, tn effect, dooe tbo Senator from Massa chusetts and my colleague propoee ? To place out side of the Constitution and to govern with bnllm Ited power eleven States and ten million people, nearly ono third of all the States and people of the United Statcl, without any representation. And la tbta the way to pacify a great country and lat lify tbe wish of a great people ? The people of tbe South have been ao completely prostrated by this war (hat tbey would bear almost any humiliation before rising In arme again But If there Is any mode of proceeding moro likely than any olhor to provoke Ihoin to do so It II this proposition tbui to reduce them to be our vasaali n bat effect would it have upon ourselvea ? It would turn tbo North Into a nation ol llavebolderl, tbo people of tbe South belugeur slaves All sla very in tbe end destroys both master and slave This would very soon make the South not tit to be free, and wo ourselrei becomo too much corrupted and demoralized by tbt exercise of snoh power to permit thorn to bo free To hold them tbue would require tbo presence of a large standing army, wbicb, if ke; t ou foot for a long ttmo, Is sure In tbo end to undermine tbo virtue of republican Institutions and prepare the way for a eoooentrated despoil m, perhaps aa em pire It would aubject ui to Incalculable expense, which tbo flnonoial situation of tbo country is In no oou ditlou to bear It would, lu my opinion, and in this I feel tbat I am sustained by the opinion of tbe present able bead of tbe lreasury, affect our national credit most disastrously at home and abroad It Is well known tbnt upon the reception of the President's message at irankfort on the Mala our bonds ad vanced two per cent Iteverse bie polloy and treat those States as subject, conquered provinces, and our national credit would sink at onoe Such a ouurse woutd luclto, if not produce, auotber oirll wsr It would keep the question open, to b tbe source of over increasing irritation, until all hope of union would bo gone It would demoretlse and dilbeartea the friends of tbe Union at tbo South and turn their loyalty Into hatred ' If," said Mr Llncolo, 'wo reject and spurn tbem, we do our utmost to disorgan so and dispone tbem. If, on the oontrary, we recog. nlse and austain tbem, the converse of all this is made true, we enoourego tbelr hearts and nerve their arms to adbero to tbelr work, and argue for It, and proselyte for it, and fight for it, and feed it, and arow It, an I ripen It Into complete success ' It would make those who hated tbe Uolou during tbe war, and who, upon tbe surrender or htt, gave up nil hopo or thought of further resistsnee, and were ready to reuew their allegiance to tbe Consti tution, hate tbe Union more bitterly than over Again, sir, other grave considerations plead to sustain tbo President's policy How ean. wo hope that the great mass of tbo people Sooth will engage earnestly an I noperully lu the production or cotton, the sreat staple of export, unloss tbo pacification of tbe States Is made complete, and la time for tne coming cropr Oar financial situation, therefore, demands peace, and tie&ca as a realltv Sneh a rjeaoo would be Im possible, if -we attempt to reduce thoso States to tbe condition of Territories Some spesk of the wealth of our mines I do not doubt it But for present resources to meet our ongsgemeute they cannot compare with the cotton fields of tho South Lrcry dollar of gold produced in Colorado boa tbui far cost two when the rail road reaches tbe mountains, to carry laborers and supplies, tbat will be rerersedi but not till then But were peace now fully restored the cotton fields of the South, woiked by free labor and free capital, this season would produce all tbat our ne cessitles require, and all tbat Industry should hope Ut to those wbo engage In It I have Just seen a letter from U. illiam A Parker, from Lrergreen, Alabama, under tbo date of Janu ary 3, 1SG0, to tbe Commissioner of Agriculture, in which be says ' As It inir not be uninteresting' to you to know wbst ere tbe asrlcnlleral prospect of tbe preseal year la tble secllou 1 will briefly slate Ibe results of my observe tlous la Ibis and the adlolalae countr ef Itoaroo There le a vigorous sad enterprising spirit preva-st leat The preparations for Ibe coming crop la tne two respects of land euo. isoor are more exieaiive tnaa ever beroro ' rbe froeduoo bare shown themselves willing' aad ready to enter Into fair and reasonable eontracta to p-iform labor Neatly all ef tbem are already em ploys. ' Mauler ant farmers sre esngulne A better slate of thins sen-rally ealata tbaa hsa beea kaowa for a loan time la tbla perl of the country There la leas Idle ness aad more woik 00 the part of all claaaea There la alao belsg exhibited an Increased Interest la education I have the honor to be, Ae " Sir, everything In our power should be dons to secure tbo crop of tbe coming season Again, sir, how do we stand In relation to foreign Powers? Vt ho doee not know tbat during tbe re bellion the Lmperor of France desired and believed tn its success' Boouuse be believed In it he under took tbe Mexioan intervention Lord Palmeraton sympathised with hltu, and would, If bo could, bare committed England to Join with him to estab lish tbo Independence of. the Southern confederacy Hut Kogland saw a few ptratioat orulssrs, built in her ports and manned by her sailors, under the rebel flag sweoi Ing our commerce from tbo ocean She saw ut once, tbat In caso of war with us, our cruisers would swarm In every sea and destroy her commerce in return Therefore from loterest, she refused to accept Ztaj oleou a offer And now, can any man so far blind himself to ths situation as not to know tbat we must close up this civil war and restore tbe union of these States In such a manner as to bare the right to claim tbe al leglanoe of tbe Southern peojle before we can soak with tbe v oioe of a united people, either to hngland about damages or to Fraaoo about Inter vention in Mexico? Tbero is no great consideration worthy of a states man la this crisis wbtcb does not plead for and In slst upon pacification, and, iu uiy Judgment, there is no Letter way than to carry out the Llnooln Johnson policy of reconstruction The war of blood is over It is uow a moral war. farsj a warfare with tbo roasons, hearts, foelings passions, prejudices, and sentiments of that people And of all the propositions which can bo conceived there Is none. In my judgment, which will so shook tho reason, 10 deejly wound tbe sensibilities, and so rouse the pssslons and prejudices of that eo le, aa this proposition to tax and govern tbem without representation I now speak of ths great mass of tbe peojlo in those States Let no man misunderstand my position With those guilty leaders wbo, in this Senate and else- iZ-i", a ia weonls of those BtateTiomolt, when, laelled tf P" lh Tn,. 4lMr-, 1 "" "..."v-f.'-ii. 'billed la Heavea tb.r. none sane ... "-;-, ,ueh erlmo against has been, la my Judgment, V "" God or man. ... them? Do I IV ny eooui. a -- ,i-i. - it remember that If all ths blee-t II v have caused Ike, -act reser- to be shed had been poured, out new , , -,hoI, voir, Jefferson Davis, his oablaet, and IK. t, not rebel Congress eoald have swam la It? V . .-,, remember that oar prisoners as -uasrsonnii a, 4 at other place! have beea starved to death by Ikera. sandl, and that upon tbe authors of such barbari ties do punishment Is too great? Ah ean I over forget, until this heart shall cease to beet, that my eldest son, tho prlds of my life, bu been sacrificed In this war, caused by theso guilty conspirators?' However strong my Indignation toward the guilty leaders, I will not allow myself to forget that tbo great mass of tho people of tbe South werehonesllv milled by the teachings of Calhoun and his disci ples, lbs press, tne aoao-sia, anu u.. .,-,a. , -rv-the right of secession and the blessings ot slavery. Nor will I bUnd my tye to tho fact, equally true, tbat now lho maaa of the thinking men of the Soulh.aud especially those wbo were la tbe rebel army, have not only sumudered tbelr erms, but have surrendered those two Ideal upon which alone tbey toads th. war Upon this subject .the concur rent testimony of Oenerals Grant and 13berman, and all the gnat ofleere of tb army, Is conclusive Tbey have morally e.rreadered their oauee iJward the mass of tbe tpl, then, I do have svmnithr. In my Judgment it ll our duly and IffK I .ll.y t"iy Jut la gojsd frith, lb. term, of pacification tendered h fnMn it Lincoln aad President Johnson, and aoe epted - them .let u at once recognise tbem aa SU'tee la tb. . titled to repreeentatlon, and ta ke P f" ,' IIod each State by lUelf, and In r. Into lb. .lee Hon returns aad qualifications of lb who claim tb. right to represent them. Let a.' b, la wllh tbe Slate of Teoneese.. .-..v. .v. My tolleagae asaumea to ray that ho 'J""' " voice of loyal Wlsconalo. Sir, I do no donM f" sincerity. But I venture t say that, In myopm. Ion, b. wilt findhlmeelf greatly mistaken, "' tbat tb. lata convention of the Union party. "."J" State unanimously resolved tbat the Slates , " South were still Statu of this Union, and '."' Dollher by peaoeful secession nor by foto. of a. m" could tbey be taken out or this Union under t, " Constitution Another resolution adopted by that eonvcntloa reads aa follows 1 nTbetthe nnunws which ceased the late rebellion sgeinat Ibe Unll-d stales wss bora of the pride aad amMUoD ef ea erlatecraey foeaded apon slavery, which the war aad the emancipation proclamation of 1 realdeot Llaeola bee rlfhtf-lly destroyed) but we, deem It esaantlst to the rsgeneratlea ef tbe late elsve, bat sow free States, that they sheald, la good rallh,, ar--t their new altnatloa as free States, aeteoir br abolfahleg elavery la tbalr Bute coaptations, but by e ratlfieitlon-by tbelr Leetsletaree of the ameadmeat . Ne Coaslltatloa of the United Btstea, sabmllled by to u j , . -M,BaiBa- which ferever abollahee Congf imTery Bute, aad empower Coafreas to pass ,!trr ec-aaary u secure liberty to all the people, all lews n w Bj, fu ij-ptlea the cause of the re black aad w , -,m;T,d elavary destroyed, aad lib bellies will be , loondatloa which neither Stale, erly eilsUlabed - ,,.,, .or cearl. nor change ot nor President nor ".nderlng ee the globe Itself par lee, caa shake- - ,,,, , h, by lie adonlloa by the ' ,' , ,d- t,- ,. world wllf knew that lh. ,,J , hop. f leelerlai nstloe, and give up elaveiy r li pouible But when bit olI,p. " b,r" tb pwpU of WlKowia with th r-rot K?0. doc. elereo Stat, to tb UrritorUl eo. .'""J' tax and gorern iren Sulet and ten mllU JtrLt without representation, when he propose! l .v' to do what the rebellion could not do. ten V rational flag In twain, to take eleren etari it tbat flag and reduce tbt number to tweotj Are, h will find, In tn j humble opinion, that he baa ultarl mUtaken the people of WUooniln If he had aald that they look noon treaaonaa a crime, and that tome of tho gulliT leaden ihould be tried ond convicted, If he had eald tbat they loiut that nndar the eonituationai amendment Congress ihould ae that tb freed man la protected In hla civil r.ghta of life, liberty and property! If he had laid tliat, alnoethe abolillon of aiarery In tbe eonthern Statee baa disturbed tbe bull of ap portionment in the Bouie of Representative!, a more Just apportionment might be mado having i-e-ieranea to the vo tin or taxable population of th several Stale, I would agree with htm Bat upon tbt proposition of hla he would find hltnielf In a minority of leu than on third of the voters of Wisconsin j ne loyai vJPlfl D1 "isconsin, mu 01 all the States, bav been lighting for tb Integrity of the Union and the entirety of tbe flng furjael fication upon tb baila of tb union of th btatt ututtrth Conttttnttotu If tbla Congresi will not act upon that basla, the next Congress will That li the coiner stone Whosoever shall fall upon that atone W-.l be broken ltr pieces, bnt upon whomsoever It ib all fall It will grind blm to pow der Men and eh'joei and parttei may oppose and for a time postpone. Butai aurv aa to morrow sun iball rise It will cotf WhaOa oever itandi In its way will be trampled lu plwei. in conclusion, irom wo bemmc u nVU- fore the beginning, any separation i destruetlon of th SUtM, waa mad lmpoulble U ,J" the old Confederation, th Union of lb Statee k V" . perpetual ' And the Constitution wa . 'ormedta make a more "perfect Union " ToadmU "' fore, either th right of Btatea to secede, or.th power of Congresi to expel them, would be to "?" Inlo our lystem a prlnotple of self destro tIon wholly at war with m perpetual or perfect Unl in Tbe Constitution, every part of It, and tb fplr. ' which gives It life ar against peaceable sec est ioo, and that Constitution olotbes tb Government whloh It create! with every human power to pre vent a separation by fore of arms Those gigantic powers, whkh had slumbered ao long that they' war wholly unknown to the world, and barely dreamed of by ourselves, have been lately brought Into full play U baterer may 1 laid of th crime of th rebel Hon, history will record It ai one of th most per tistent, self laorlffclng, and tremendoua struggles the world everiaw, both on th part of th rebels, ani on tb part of tb loyal people of th United States No other peoplo upon earth could have ao resisted, and no other people and no other Govern ment could have overcome such resistance Bat we did overoome it, We did prevent tb separation of these Statei from th Union by force. Every law of Congresi, every act of the Preildoot, every blow we struck, every shot we fired, every drop of blood w Ml, waa not to thrust these States oat, nor to open ft way for them to go out, nor to reduce them to Territorial, but to keep them ai States la the Union, and compel them to remain In the Union under tbe Constitution Th flag of our country bears thirty six atari, as the emblem of a Union of thirty six tStatei. Wherever It floats, over tbla Capitol, at tbe head of our armies, In tho itorm of battle, and In the hour of victory, over tbe lea aa well ai over th land, that lacred ensign, which, next to th God of heaven, w love and rev erence aa representing the good, th great and tho true, everywhere bean thirty ilxitara, and thereby proclaims to the world the great, fundamental, na tional truth, there are thirty six Ftatea In the. Union, under the Conitltutlun. Thlrtv ilx States oonitltut that great Republic which th world calls tho United Btatea of America Upon ' that line," and under that flag, we began the great campaign; upon that line and under tbat flag half a million of our aona and father and brothers have laid down tbelr lives, upon tbat line and under that flag we fought It out to victory, and now, dod helping me, I will continue to light It oat on that line and under tbat flag to th end, whoever else may abandon It (Applause In tbe galleries, which wai checked by th Presiding Officer j TNSURKYOUltrROPEUTYATHOMK TIEI IM8DRANCL THE MATIONit 0M10U IHSUBiNCI COMPANY OF WAtUUNQTOJ CIIABTKUED BY OONOUB88. CAPITAL 11,000,000 BISKS TAKEN AT Till LOWKftT BATL8 LObkES 1'KOUITLY PAID. MO CUAKQK FOB POLICIES. orrickt 131 Fifteenth street, nearly opposite Blggi A Co 'a lUukliia' KtfUie brabtcu orricj. At JOHN 1! JOIIHBON'8 Law Office No 64 Louisiana avetise, near Unk at Watklayloa This CotDpaay Is bow prepared to I more all deacrlp Modi of properly axel-tit low or daiuBjfi by Sre on inch -rros aa cannot full to be acceptable h tbe eltUeoaof lb Diiirlct In tbla Coiopaay to can laaare ruur Ft! K If ITU KB, UlUCn ktii lb L WAHKHOUSJU, 08 DWKLLlNQt. for a year or shorter period This Company it.rli with a CA8II CAPITAL of 100, 000 all paid in, thereby eaablUf I -.era ty offer lotto oltliens of tbe DUtrUt greater security tbaa has ever bttea offurud beroUfore Policies will be Utaed for a ahortei period tbaa oae rear according to the Kew York seale for short lata ranee. Charles Keep, Pra-Heuf, We bird Wallacb. 1 W HlKfi.Vlce Piea't, Daniel Oedd, (leorseS (llJson MUrv-e I UroMu, 11 U yanaeatoek, William Dixon HOBLk D l-HMin, lecrelarr TriUTI'INO l'APKB FOB SALE AT Tins orrici.