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Vol. 3. N 0.25. Stillwater, Minn.,'Thursday, Jan. 30,1890. BURNING DRIFTWOOD. JOHN G. WHITTIER. Before my driftwood tire 1 sit, And see. with every waif l burn. Old dreams and lancies coloring it, And folly’s unlaid ghosts return. O ships of mine, whose swift keels cieft The enchanted sea on which they sailed, Are these poor fragments only left Of vain desires and hopes that failed? Did 1 not watch from them the light Of sunset on my towers in Spain, And see, far off, uploom in sight The Happy Isles I might not gain? Did sudden lift of fog reveal Arcadia's vales of song and spring, And did 1 pass, w.tli grazing keel. The rocks whereon the sirens sing? Have I not drifted hard upon The unmapped regions lost to man, The cloud-pitched tents of Prester John, The palace domes of Kubla Khan? Did land wind blow from jasmin flowers. Where Youth the ageless Fountain fills? Did love make sign from rose-blown bowers, And gold from Eldorado’s hills? Alas! the gallant ships that sailed On blind Adventure's errand sent. Howe’er they laid their courses, failed To reach the haven of Content. And of my ventures, those alone Which Love had freighted, safely sped. Seeking a good beyond my own, By clear-eyed Duty piloted. O mariners, hoping still to meet The luck Arabian voyagers met, And find in Bagdad's moonlit street Haroun al Raschid walking yet. Take with you, on your Sea of Dreams, The fair, fond fancies dear to youth, I turn from all that only seems, And seek the sober grouuds of truth. What matter that it is not May, That birds have flown and trees are bare, That darker grows the shortening day, And colder blows the wintry air! The wrecks of passion and desire, The castles 1 no more rebuild. May fitly feed my drilt wood fire, And warm the hands that age has chilled. Whatever perished with my ships, I only know the best remains; A song of praise is on my lips For losses which are now my gains. Heap high my hearth! No worth is lost; No wisdom with the folly dies. Burn on, poor shreds, your holocaust Shall be my evening sacrifice! Far more than all 1 dared to dream, Unsought before my door 1 see; On wings of lire and steeds of steam The world's great wonders come to me. And holier signs, unmarked before, Of Love to seek and PowW to save, — The righting of the wronged and poor, The man evolving from the slave. And life, no longer chance or fate. Safe in the gracious Futherhood, I fold o’er-wearied hands and wait, In calm assurance of the good. And well the waiting time must be, Tho’ brief or long its granted days, If Earth and Hope and Charity Sit by my evening hearth-fire’s blaze. And with them, friends whom Heaven has spared, Whose love my heart has comforted, And, sharing all my joys, has shared My tender memories of the dead — Dear souls who left us lonely here. Bound on their last, long voyage, to whom We, day by day, are drawing near, Where every bark has sailing room. I know the solemn monotone Of waters calling uato me; I know from whence the airs have blown That whisper of the Eternal Sea. As low my fires of driftwood burn, I hear that sea's deep sounds increase. And, fair in sunset light, discern Its mirage-lifted Isles of Peace. —N. Y. Independent, The proper plunder of mankind is man. —Texas Siftings. . “IT IS NEVER TOO LATE TO MEND.” CONCERNING CRIME. Col. Ingersoll Speaks Before the New York Bar Association. Crime Against Criminals the Subject of His Address. Albany, N. Y., Jan. 21. —The state bar association met here to day. President Adnoux addressed the convention. He was followed by Col. R. G. Ingersoll. Col. In gersoll’s address was on “Crimes Against Criminals.” In his most eloquent vein the colonel recounted the cruel treatment of criminals in past times, ami drew attention to the fact that the more severe the pun ishment, the greater the increase in crime, lie attributed this to the brutalization of the people through the infliction and con templation of such punishment. He then suggested the inquiry why men should commit crimes at the risk of torture or deatii or degradation. His answer was that men’s minds and natures may be so deformed that it is just as impossible for them to do good as it is impossible for some men to be sculptors or philosophers. The criminal should not be punished any more than men physically deformed. But society must protect itself against criminals, though it should not punish them. Here Col. Inger soll gave some statistics showing that while in 1850, with a population of 23.000,000, we had between 6,000 and 7,000 prisoners, in 1880, with 50 000,000 population, we had 58,000 prisoners. In 1850 we had 15.000 insane; 1880 we had 91,000 insane. This shows that our system of punishment is not PREVENTING CRIME AND INSANITY from increasing faster than the increase in population. In 18S0, too. there were 57,000 homeless children, and 66,000 pau pers in almshouses. Was there any con nection between this fact and the number of prisoners? The speaker, after arguing that degradation of prisoners is almost cer tain to prevent reformation, went on to say: “For hundreds of years the world has endeavored to destroy the good by force. It was impossible to des troy the longing in the heart of man for liberty and truth. Is it not possible that brute force and cruelty and revenge, impris-' onment. torture and death are as impotent to do away with vice as to destroy virtue? To me it has always been a mystery how the average man, knowing something of the weakness of human nature, something of the temptations to which he himself has been exposed—remembering the evil of his life, the things he would have done had there been opportunity, had he absolutely known that discovery would be impossible should have feelings of hatred toward the imprisoned. It is possible that the average man assaults the criminal in a spirit of self defense. Does he wish to convince his neighbors that the evil thought and impulse were never in his mind? Are his words a shield that he uses to protect himself from suspicion? For my part, I sympathize with all failures; with llie victims of society; with those who have tallen; with the im prisoned; with the hopeless; with those who have been stained by verdicts of guilty, and with those in a moment of passion have destroyed, as with a blow, the future of their lives. How perilous, after all. is the state of man. It is the work of a life to build a great and splendid character. It is the work of a moment to destroy it utterly, from the turret to the foundation stone. HOW CRUEL HI POCRISY IS Is there a remedy? Can anything be done for the reformation of the criminal? He should be treated with kindness. Every right should be given him consistent with the safety of society. He should neither be degraded nor robbed.” After portray ing the pitiful condition of the ex-convict in his struggle to get work and live an honest life, and picturing the usual result—expos ure, discharge, renewal of crime, and re turn to prison—the speaker asked: “Why should the state take without compensation the labor of these men; and why should they, after having been imprisoned for years, be turned out without means of sup port? Would it not be far better, far more economical, to pay these men for their la bor, so that when released the convict will have several hundred dollars of his own, enough to make it possible fur him to com mence business on it is own account, enough to keep the wolf of crime from the door of his heart? Suppose the convict comes out with SSOO. This would form a breastwork: a fortress behind which the man could tight temptation. If this were done thousands of convicts would think of the penitentiary as the place in which they were saved. They would think that the verdict of guilty rescued them from the abyss of crime. The heart of the poor convict, instead of being tilled with malice, would overflow with gratitude. He would feel the benefits of this course, and the results would be good, not only to him, but to the nation. If the convict worked for himself, he would do the best he could, and the wares produced in the penitentiaries would not cheapen the labor of other men. There are, however, men who pursue CRIME AS A VOCATION. as a profession. What shall be done with these men and women? Put 1,000 hardened thieves on an island, compel them to pro duce what they eat and use. Those who worked would not permit those who did not to steal the result of their labor. Such a community would be self-supporting. Let women of the same class be put by them selves. Those who are beyond the power of reformation should not have the liberty to reproduce themselves. They should dwell apart, and dying should" leave no heirs.” Col. Ingersoll then argued against the death penalty for murders, and gave stiiking instances showing that judicial killing not only does not deter from murder, but inspires to further murders. He also remarked that such killing encourages mob violence, as the mob reasons that the crim inal should be killed any way, and might as well be killed without trial as with. Re turning to the question of reforming the criminals, the mator said: “If we are to change’the conduct of men we must change their conditions. Extreme poverty and crime go hand in hand. As long as chil dren are ra sed in the tenement and gutter, the prisons will grow full. The gulf be tween the rich and the poor will grow wider and wider. One will depend on cunning, the other on force. It is a great question whether he who lives in luxury can afford others to exist in want. The value of prop erty depends not on the prosperity of the few, but on the prosperity of a very large majority. The poverty of the many is a perpetual menace. If we expect a prosper ous and peaceful country, the CITIZENS MUST HAVE HOMES. The more homes, the more patriots, the more virtue, and the more security for all that give worth to life. We need not re peat the failure of the old world. To di vide lands among successful generals or among favorites of the crown, to give vast estates for services rendered in war, is no worse than to allow men of great wealth to purchase and hold vast tracts of land. The result is precisely the same. That is to say, a nation composed of a few landlords and of many tenants —the tenants resorting from time to time to mob violence, and the landlords depending on a standing army. It would be well, it seems to me, for the legislature to fix the amount of land that a private citizen might own. The amount to be thus held will depend upon many local circumstances. Let me suppose that the amount of land that may be held for a farmer for cultivation has been fixed at 160 acres, and suppose that A has several thousand acres, B wishes to buy 160 acres or less of his land, for the purpose of mak ing himself a home. A refuses to sell. Now I believe that the law should be so that B can invoke this right to eminent domain and file his petition, have the cause brought before a jury or before commissioners, who shall hear the evidence and determine the value, and on the payment of the amount the land shall belong to B. 1 would extend the same law to lots and houses in cities and villages—the object being to fill our country with the owners of homes, so that every child shall have a fireside, every father and mother a roof, provided they have the in telligence, the energy and the industry to acquire the necessary means. Tenements and flats and rented land are, in my judg ment. the enemies of civilization. They make the rich richer ana the poor poorer. They put a few in palaces, but they put many in prisons. The home is THE UNIT OF CIVILIZATION the foundation of good government, and to secure homes for a great majority of our citizens, would be to lay the foundation of our government deeper and broader and Rive Gents. stronger than that of any nation that has existed among men. No one places a higher value upon the free school than I do. But much that is called education simply unfits men successfully to fight the battle of life. Much valuable time is wasted in studying languages that long ago were dead and histories in which there is no truth. The object of all education should be to in ciease the usefulness of men. Every human being should be taught that the first duty is to take care of himself, and that to be self-respecting lie must be self supporting. To live on labor of others, either by force which enslaves, or by cunning which robs, or by borrowing or begging, is wholly dis honorable. Every man should be taught some useful art. This would give a feeling of independence, which is the firmest foun dation of honor or of character. Every man knowing that he is useful admires himself. In all the schools children should be taught to work in wood and iron, to un derstand the construction and use of ma chinery, to become acquainted with the great forces that man is using to do his work. The present system ot education teaches names, not things. It is as though we should spend years in learning the names of cards, without playing a game. The more real education, the less crime and the more homes, the fewer prisons. Ignorance, filth and poverty are tho missionaries of crime. As long as dishonorable success outranks honest effort—as long as SOCIETY BOWS AND CRINGES before the great thieves, there will be little ones enough to fill the jails. All the pen alties, all the punishments are inflicted un der a belief that man can do right under all circumstances —that his conduct is abso lutely under his control, and that his will is a pilot that can. iu spite of winds and tides, reach any port desired. In all this, in my judgment, we must take into consid eration the nature of man—the facts of mind—the power of temptation, the limita tion of intellect, the force of habit, the re sult of heredity, the power of passion, the domination of want, the disease of the brain, the tyranny of appetite, the cruelty of conditions, the results of association, the effects of poverty and wealth, or of helplessness and power. Our ignorance should make us hesitate. Our weakness should make us merciful. I cannot more fittingly close this address than by quoting the prayer of the Buddhist: T pray thee to have pity on the vicious. Thou hast al ready had pity on the virtuous by making them so.’” A Reformatory Agent. Yesterday morning, exercises of unusual interest were held in the chapel of the Ne braska penitentiary. For the second time the regular Sunday services were placed in charge of the Chautauquans, and several dozen members of the different circles of the city were present. A meeting of the penitentiary circle was held after the services, and it was encouraging to see the interest taken in the work by the forty-five prisoners in this class. ’Hie Chautuaqua influence is just break ing into the penitentiaries of the country. The Nebraska circle is one of the earli est, and thanks to the enthusiasm of the Chautauquans of the city, the wise co oper ation of the prison authorities and the men tal capacity of the members of the class, it promises to soon rank among the best of such organizations. A hint to those in charge of prisons may be found in the effect of this Chautauqua work upon the convicts who have become members of the circle. Nearly all are young men who expect to spend the best part of their lives outside the prison walls. No’ a few are preparing to become good citizens when they are set at liberty, and nearly all are much improved in conduct and appear ance through the inspiration given by their studies. They become better workers in the shops and better men in prison life generally. It is too much to hope that they will con tinue these efforts in self-improvement after their liberation? If they do the time and money required for the work is clearly well expended. Even if the influence does not go beyond the prison walls, it will pay to encourage the organization of these circles as a means of securing better discipline and greater efficiency among the men who labor. The Chautauqua idea seems destined to play an important part in reformatory work iu prisons, and Nebraskans will take pride in the work already accomplished here.— Nebraska State Journal.