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Yol. YL —No. 6. For The Mirror WHAT THE ROBIN SAID TO ME. One cold day in early springtime not so very long ago. Came a robin to our garden "neatli my window, in the snow; There he watched my grated window, and his bead eyes glanced me o'er And the little fellow knew me, he had seen me there before. Some three years the little robin in the elm-tree o’er the wall. Had his home, his mate and children—and my window facing all; And his seeming recognition, as I breathed the prison air. Lured my thoughts from darkest brooding, from dee'p sorrow and despair; For the robin, that dumb creature, nothing but a little bird, Came to see me; and his gladness, all my noblier nature stirred. Still remained he. and soft chirpings from his merry throat did flow; Till my heart through the hai r'd window went to robin, in the snow. “Robin.” said I, “can you tell me, if. within your high domain Some angelic touch has taught thee to lead man toward heaven again?” Nearer hopping came the robin, and more cheer ful seem'd to be; Tn communion I will tell you what the robin said to me. Once upon a time—in the long. dark, hazy vista. “In what now is Rattle Hollow, dwelt Necoma and his sister: Orphans of the Mohawk nation—of that pure blood, non alloy. Held as hostage by the I’equods, by the waters of St. Croix. “ From the warmer climate southward came the Blackfeet to this shore; Came the Objiways, Sacs and Foxes, and from Maine the Sagamore; Came to free that virgin maiden, to demand her restoration— Lovely sister of Necoma; and the goddess of her nation. "Softly changed the murmuring lakelet to Still water. hushed in awe! At this mighty horde of nations all arrayed in ghastly war! In the midst and heat of battle, lightly touched the maiden's ear. footsteps of the l’ecgiod, with his poi soned arrow near. “ Onward sped the fateful arrow, like a venom’d flashing dart. And it pierced the mammal’d bosom, touched the life spring in the heart; Broke the spirit of Necoma; cursed the ground they battled o’er; Sealed the doom of Rattle Hollow, for chained spirits ever more. “Then the pure and sainted maiden, on her breast the carmine stain. Was transformed into a robin, for Necoma’s guide again; For Necoma loved that sister; poured devotion on her throne; Pure affection of a woman is a kingdom of its own. “Cheer thee up. be not disheartened! Others have their sorrows too; Tell Tom Hanley, for the robin, that his serfdom is most through. in those clouds of darkest sorrow, some small ray will meet the sight; For Lloyd Porter and James Irwin deepest gloom was turned to light. “Popple Grove— ])oor Rose, the farmer, robin will bring news to him; And Cole Younger, in the library, also to his brother, Jim— That the sister of Necoma brings this mystic message, heard; Nothing but a little robin—nothing but a little bird. Bringing balm to the afflicted, and the mission is his joy To the world he sends glad anthems—through the valley of St. Croix.” And now to tell you how the masses are to blame for the corrupt uses of money in politics. It is a truth beyond contradiction that a man cannot buy anything for money unless the article is for sale, whatever it may be; so that if a man gets any political office through the corrupt use of money he must find men who are willing to be corrupted by selling to him their support, otherwise his money would be of little use in gaining the end sought. It is to-day not only a custom but a necessity for the man who desires a public office to make a thorough canvass among the people to whom he looks for support. This canvass cannot be conducted with out money. There was a time, you know, in the history of our politics (tl)c flrieou JUirror. Shorn' Poet. Something; about Politics. BY 808. N. ROUND. (Coutiuued.) “ IT IS NEVER TOO LATE TO MEND.” STILLWATER, MINNESOTA, SEPTEMBER 15, 1892. when the office sought the man, that the people or parties picked out their candidates from the best and purest men they had, men whose qualifications especially fitted them for the duties of the office to which they were called. That time has passed away, and to-day instead of being a rule it is an excep tion. This canvass then begins before the caucus is held. The candidate who wants the nomination goes over his dis trict or county or manages in some way to communicate to the various commit tees, whose business it is to call the peo ple together in caucus or convention, and gives them to understand he is a candidate for the office to which some one must be elected, Right here begins the trouble. The caucuses are called and attended by a few politicians and wire pullers, as they are called; most of the people who should have an equal interest, take no interest, pay no atten tion to the call for the caucus and hard ly know when it is held -too careless or lazy to attend and trouble themselves with its duties. But rest assured some one will attend whom the candidate wants, and has arranged that they shall attend, and who, as it generally hap pens, are the men who should not at tend unless as a minority. These get together in the caucus and name the delegates to the county convention who go there pledged to our candidate, who, we can suppose, is a candidate for the legislature, though this way of mani pulating elections applies to all the other offices in.county, state or nation al campaigns as well. The county con vention meets, and from among the as pirants (of whom our Mr. Jones is one), proceeds to nominate a candidate for the legislature. The nomination of our Mr. Jones is not due to the eminent qualifications of our Mr. Jones over the other candidates for the legislature, but to the fact that our Mr. Jones is the most popular man with his party by his successful campaigning hereto fore and his donations of funds to the party for political purposes. But rest assured, that whatever other reasons may have influenced the convention the main one will be the amount of money he has to put in the campaign, and in nine cases out of ten he has freely used his money in the caucuses and conven tion to secure the nomination. But he has not completed his investment of money, for such it is no matter how much we try to cover up the fact. He must now commence the canvass which means that he must first go and “ sweet en ” the newspapers, that being of his own party would perhaps say nothing against him (unless well paid by the op position to do it), but which (unless their editors are well “tipped” again) are not going to say much for him; so he must grease their wheels with a little of the “ useful ” in order to get them moving along, and the more grease used the larger the headlines, the longer the col umns and the more fertile and strong becomes the editorial brain in advanc ing reasons why our Mr. Jones should be elected to the legislature. Then next he must secure another factor whose importance in contributing to his suc cess depends somewhat on the charac ter of his constituents, which in most counties in the northwest (sad to say) will be and is, one of the largest factors he can call to his aid. Of course then some heavy investments must be made in this agency. I refer to the saloon Sums of money must be placed with each saloonkeeper so he can “set ’em up to the boys” and yell, “hurrah for Jones.” Not only must Jones keep a balance on deposit there but when he is in town he must take the boys in and do the treat act himself, he must add a little more each time to the sum—there must be no show of stint or economy either or he will be set down as a “ sordid and stingy cuss.” lie must not take a five-cent drink himself while the crowd are taking ten-cent ones, and if the drinks are one dollar for the round, and he throws down a two dollar bill he must not expect any change back, that would be too small in him for the saloonkeeper to tolerate. Xor is this all, he must have a jug under the bug gy seat, a long necked bottle in his grip, a box of cigars in his overcoat pocket, to give out with his tickets and campaign literature as he travels through tfle country districts. (To be Continued.) Railway Problem. BY A RAILROAD MAN, Railway managers of the present day have to face two distinct problems. With those who use the roads there are disputes about rates and facilities; wilh those who operate the roads there are disputes about wages and organiza tions. The question of railroad rates is con stantly under discussion and there has been a decided though slow progress towards its solution. No such pro gress can be observed in the relations between the railroads and their em ployes. A period of labor troubles comes and directs public attention to to this matter. But when the strikes are over the public and the railroad managers forget all about them, and go on in the same heedless way as be fore. Yet railroad strikes involve a more vital problem than disputes about rates. The question, what we are to pay for a given service is less serious than the question whether we are to have that service at all, and it is in this last form that the matter comes before the pub- Kc in the event of a wide spread rail road strike. A railroad corporation must perform without serious interruption the work for which it is chartered. Whatever re servation the courts may make, the pub lic demands continuous service. If the present system does not secure such serv ice, there will be a demand too power ful to be resisted for a change of system. But may the workmen be allowed to take advantage of this necessity and thus impose upon the corporation'what ever terms they please ? Obviously not. Such a cause would make people justly unwilling to divest their money in rail roads. It w<mld interfere with the sup ply of capital necessary for the develop ment of the country. It would actually injure the employes themselves, by diminishing the chance for employment. The case would be parallel to that of the granger legislation with regard to rates, fifteen years ago, when the ship pers, by depriving the railroads of all chance for profit, deprived themselves of the railroad facilities which they needed for conducting their own busi ness. The problem we have to face is this: How shall we enforce upon the corpo rations the necessity of performing continuous service without, at the same time, enabling the employes to take an unfair and destructive advantage of this necessity? Some say by stricter laws with regard to combinations. The difficulty cannot be overcome in that way. It has often been tried, and has as often failed. While it is not true that a thousand men have a right to do what one man has a right to do, it is generally true that the attempt to sup press the thousand men by sheer force proves worse than useless. There is reason to hope that combination laws may be improved, and that the mutual responsibilities of employer and em ployed under the labor contract may be better defined. Others hope to see the difficulty solved by a system of com pulsory arbitration, unfortunately no general solution is likely to be attained in that way. There are certain rather narrow limits within which arbitration is useful, when a trouble arises from a misunderstanding, rather than from a controversy over a vital point, the mere chance to talk things over calmly may prevent a conflict. The French courts of arbitration about whose success so much has been written, are not com posed of men selected for their technic- al knowledge, whose chief duty is to make an award on disputed points; but men who will try to bring the parties at issue to mutual understanding. When an arbitrator can accomplish this it is well; but when he has patched up a forced agreement it is generally useless, and sometimes worse. An ar bitrator’s award differs from a legal de cision in that it deals so largely with future events as distinct from past ones. A court makes a decision about the past, and enforces a penalty. An arbitrator makes an order for the future, before it goes into effect either party can claim that the conditions have changed, and can refuse to abide by it; and a penalty cannot easily be enacted for such re fusal. Under these circumstances the demand for arbitration is a mere ma neuver for position. How then can our fundamental difficulty be met ? Only by process of prevention. For the failure to adopt these means, the corporations are gravely responsible. Their leaders are in a position of public trust and responsibility; even if they do not meet this responsibility they are to blame. Even where men are technically wrong on the subject matter of a strike, it in dicates a deeper failure of duty on part of the general management * to have allowed such a state of affairs to arise. Great as are these difficulties, we need not regard them as inseparable. They must be met, unless managers are pre pared to accept state ownership of rail roads as alterative, for the public is not likely to allow the continuance of a sys tem which involves from time to time absolute stoppage and paralysis of busi ness. If our railroad managers can pre vent this stoppage, well and good; if not, they must not expect to hold their present position of leadership. It is not so much a question, whether the change would be an improvement as whether we should be able to resist the demand for such a change. For the United States there is the strongest reason for believing that such a result would be indesirable. We know how public business is habitually mis managed; and their is no instance, even among foreign countries with the best civil service, of state railroad systems conducted on the American standard of efficiency. But a large section of the public more or less misled as to the evidence, believe in state railroad own ership, and desire to see it introduced into the United States. As long as this is merely a vague popular demand there is little to fear from it. The con servative forces of society are strong enough to resist it. But iJ the leaders under the present system confess their inability to meet a vital public necessi ty, that confession will go with over whelming force to demand a change. For this purpose it must bring to the front not merely leaders of dollars, but leaders of men. Thus and only thus can the corporations fulfil their respon sibilities to the public, and at the same time return the rights which they at present hold. IE L. Tis better to die an infidel than live a hypocrite. ’Tis just as easy for a real gentleman to be polite and well mannered when dressed in stripes as when arrayed in purple and fine linen. There are Christians here (as else where) who only read the Bible in times of literary famine. They might be classed with those Kentucky temper ance people who only drink water when whisky cannot by any possibility be ob tained. We have all heard of people who have become insane through studying relig ion, but the first has yet to be heard of who lost his reason practicing the pre cepts of Christianity. One bad minister of the gospel will make more infidels than one hundred Col. Ingersolls. If the saloonkeeper was as particular as the preacher in shutting up on sched dule time, he wouldn’t make as much money as he now does. t cduo . ( SI.OO per year, in advance i ckmo. j Months 50 Cents. Miscellaneous Musingrs. Cosmos.