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STATE CAMPAIGN OPENS IN CITY OF SPARTA Mil KG (COXTIXI"ED FROM PAGE 1) Robertson, et al., would not have wanted a better opportunity in the days of good stealing,'' he said. "I am not making any accusation, but he was tvery indiscreet, to say the least." The candidates for railroad com missioner presented their claims. & shower of rain broke up the out door meeting while Lieutenant Governor Bethea was speaking. The crowd went back into the court house and heard the others out. Ex-Governor E Governor Ma His Record as Governor ai His Platform? Favon Day Lawle On the 11th day of April, 1914, 1 delivered a speech in the town of Walteriaoro, in which I said: "Those of you who believe in a government 'of the people, by the people, and for the people' should vote only for a man who will carry out the principles and policies which the majority of the people of this State endorsed by reelecting me in 1912. This is no small matter, because all of my friends will be kicked out of office if the opposition wins. They will treat you just exactly as 11 yen were itepuDiicans, or as if you belonged to some other party. Mark the prediction. If an anti-QBIease man is elected governor of South Carolina, every Blease office-holder in the State, whether he be high official or low, whether lie hold a salaried position or an honorary position, as soon as the time comes he will be dismissed and one of the other faction placed in his stead." That speech was addressed to the Democratic voters of South Carolina, and now, two years and two months after its delivery, I ask you, what of the prediction? Your answer is, and can only be, that it has come true to the letter, and that every man known as a Reformer?or, as some call them, a "Bleaseite"?has either lost his position by expiration, or by being kicked out by the present governor, just as I predicted in that speech more than two years ago. To this and the proof of it I shall refer at'various times during this campaign. Now, my fellow citizens?and when | J say fellow citizens I am addressing | all of the people of my State?1 am J a candidate for governor. 1 want the j support and I want the vote of every j white man in the State of ISouth Caro- j lina who believes in equal rignis to ; all and special privileges to none; i who believes in an honest administration of all laws fairly and impartially to all citizens alike; who 'believes in enforcing all laws upon all subjects, I and obedience to the constitution of the United States and the constitution of South Carolina, and who believes in giving to the laboring people of this country the same rights as are given to the wealthy, and who j believes in dealing with the corpora- j firms fairlv and iustlv. but in makins ! them know their places and in keeping them from encroaching upon the rights of the people, or in any manner or form oppressing them. And I promise you that if elected governor that I will toe the governor of all the people of my State, regardless of any past differences, and shall perform the duties of that office fairly and squarely with equal regard to the rights of all alike. I 'believe, from the experience which the people have had with me in the legislature of their State and in the governor's office, that they will believe and that Li 1? > a.i T ~ -n-vr.* T iney uo ueneve wai 1 ma uu mwi * say I will do, and will not do what I say I will not do. I said, in a message to the general assembly, on the 15th day of January, 1912, in speaking of the mill merger in this State, that this merger would prove very injurious to the people of the State as a whole, and that it was tafer for the authorities to take charge of the matter at that time than it would "he to wait until like the Standard Oil Case., the people would have to appeal to their supreme court to relie\e them from the burdens which would be brought upon them. Today law suits are in progress before the court in Pickens, whereby people are trying to save; themselves from the very injury i which I warned them of, and they | are appealing to the very court that! 1 said they would ultimately go to, | and, as is shown there, this merger has cost the stockholders of those ?in? i fii'o mms iue IUSS ui IUUI mniiuu hundred thousand dollars. That prediction, my fellow citizens, was made more than four years ago, when I was asking your general assembly to direct your attorney general to take some action to save the people harmless in this matter. I do not claim to Ibe a prophet. I mention this to call your attention to the fact that I was studying the questions that were before the people of my State. One other matter, if you please. At A rr/}T"? nrol OC. , LUC opc^iai OCOdlUU \JL iuc 5^u^/i ui uo j sembly of 1914, a bill was passed au-' thorizing the issuing of twenty-four million dollars in five per cent, coupon bonds, payable semi-annually for a term of twenty years. I knew if I vetoed that bill that the legislature would pass it overwhelmingly over my weto, as they were bitterly opposed to me, and had been on all occasions doing whatever they could to over-ride my vetoes. For that reason I held this bill until it was too late for it possibly to become a law, and l"~ 1 ' ? {'(( {tie Are Thinking1. { The meeting today does not evidence a lack oi interest; it emphasizes that the people are thinking; that they have determined to take a more intimate part in a government which is theirs, and which they fight for when the occasion demands. For, as was stated in the beginning, while the meeting was in progress, South Carolina boys, on the streets of iSpartanburg and other towns in South Carolina were on their *av to the Mexican border. This being the opening meeting, the speeches of the gubernatorial candidates are given in some detail. 'lease Reviews ruling*s Record nd Legislator?Blease Gives ? Decrease of Present ssness. conditions did not warrant it, that the financial situation would work itself out and adjust itself. What, gentlemen, has (been the result? Just as I said, the situation was relieved; conditions were improved; the people got along without this enormous amount of money; and if it had not been for my standing between you, the tax payers of this State, and that i legislature, you would today have I saddled upon you a twenty-four mil lion dollar debt, and would be paying interest on it at the rate of five per cent., when you can now borrow all the money you want at half that rate of interest. Without desiring to appear egotistical, I ask you tax payers, what think you of my action in your behalf in this matter? Possibly you will be more interested in knowing what I stand for now, and I shall therefore proceed to tell you: 1. The warehouse system, which was enacted into law while I was governor, which was ifccommended by me in my message, and which was approved by me as soon as it was presented. 2. Biennial sessions of your genj eral assembly, which would 'be a savj ing of thousands of dollars to our I people. j 3. The making of six per cent, the ? 1 x- - ? Z 4- ^ ? 4- -J Q/MitV| IpOT legai rate 01 mici wi iu >juuiu olina. 4. The establishment of a rural | credit system for the State. | 5. The abolition of all useless offices. 6. The reduction of taxation. 7. .Amending the constitution by striking out that section which provides for the payment of $2,000 to the family of a negro who commits rape on a white woman, and providing that in such cases a jury may be drawn immediately and a special court held within such time as the governor may direct. 5. Liberal support for the State institutions for the education of our I boys and girls. 9. Building up the free school system so that every white child in South Carolina may <be given an edupofinn | 10. Laws that will favor and pro; tect labor in all of its legitimate pur! poses, and such laws as will protect 1 capital in its lawful investments; so ! that capital and labor, each necessary to the other, may work in harmony for the material advancement of all our people. 11. A law that no officer elected by the people shall be removed from office unless convicted by a jury. 12. The decrease of present day lawlessness. 13. Local option by counties for the control of the whiskey traffic. 14. Confederate veterans. There are fe\^ real, genuine Confederate iveterans living. If you will rememI ber when the war closed, and place j the age of a man coming out even j as low a^ eighteen years, you will see that, to have been in tnat war irom its beginning, he is a very old man, and even if he was engaged in only the last of it, he is an old man. Now. I favor getting the true records and giving to the bona fide Confederate soldier a sufficient amount of money to make him comfortable during the balance of his life. If you will remove the stragglers from the camp I and give the money only to the true ' soldier, we can make them at least I comfortable, and the balance of their days pleasant, and it will tbe no hard-! i ship upon the tax payers, and no tax payer in South Carolina would object I to the amount borne by him for car- j rying out this most honorable and worthy purpose. J These matters and others I shail discuss in detail at the various campaign meetings, for, as everybody j knows, it would De an aDsoiuie impossibility to take them all up and discuss them at any one meeting. Upon this platform, and upon my record as legislator and as governor and as a private citizen of my State, I ask the support and the assistance of the Democrats of South Carolina. I shall have nothing to say against the Dersonal or private record of any candidate in this campaign, unless he I first attacks me, in which event I ' shall defend myself and spare nothing in reply. Public records are public property and are always open, and it is legitimate to criticise them in such terms as we may see fit. Therefore, I invite the freest and fullest discussion of my record as a , legislator, as senator and as governor, and in any other capacity that I I have ever served, and have no ob! jection to the truth being told as to I my private or "personal life. I, therei fore, call your attention to the fol | arid sciiate. a:.d in the governor's o:- ! ' ! lice, by Richard 1. .Manning. I t .Manning voted in 1!H>2. as senator. ; : j when a bill was introduced to pi oh-! bit trusts, against the bill and lor i the trusts. See Senate .Journal, 1902, i pages 462 and 472. j At the same session, (1902), when 1 the railroad relief bill for employees ! was offered, he voted to kill the bill j f j and against the interests of the em- f ! ployees. See (Senate Journal, 1902, e | pages 262, 276 and 504. By voting to u j kill this bill he voted to prevent the c i family of the railroad employee who < I v as killed by negligence of the rail- j IN j road, or its servants, from recover- j t j ing any damages from the railroad t j corporation. ?C ! At the same session, when the l j senate was endeavoring to repeal the j a ! charter of the Virginia-Carolina1 c ! 'Chemical company, a trust throttling,! ^ ! or attempting to throttle, the farm- j a j ers of South C?rolina, and which At-1 i torney General Bellinger and his as- j f j p.istants wore fighting with all their ; c power, Mr. Manning 'voted against s the bill to suspend this corporation j s and against the interests of the far-; s piers and laboring people. See Jour-;g nal, 1902, page 360. ; ^ In the session of 1900, Journal, ^ page 206, you will see where Mr. > | Manning voted against the child f | labor bill and against the interest of the cotton mill employees. : c In 1906, Senate Journal, page 216. v as senator, he voted against the bill j, | to prevent strikes and lockouts, n j which was introduced to meet emer- e | gencies and to help the cotton mill j. employees, thus voting against the j. laboring man and in favor of the cor- t poration. If this bill had been pas- p sed and allowed to 'become a law, the ^ many strikes which have occurred, j under his administration, in the cot- n ton mills could not have taken place, ( and labor and capital would have ? 'been working together in harmony, and the lives which have been lost | on account of the riots caused by these strikes, would ha.e t>een sav- J ed. Hencet to himself and his coli leagues in the senate, can he lay the " blame for the strike which have ~ taken place during his administra- tion. He also voted against the bill for t ten hours in cotton mills?see 'House ^ Journal, 1892, page 358. When this bill, to limit the hours of labor in j cotton mills, was up for discussion, ^ Mr. Blease moved to strike cu; -i* after 'South Carolina.' in (Section 1. 1 which was?"Provided, That nothing ! herein contained shall he construed r | to prevent any of the employees in ^ the aforesaid manufacturing estabj lishments from engaging to work or I working such time in addition, not to | exceed one hundred and ten (110) ' ! hours per annum; as may be neces| sary, to make up for lost time." JVIr. v : Manning voted to leave that proviso I in the 'bill, which, as every cotton v ! mill man in the State knows, nulli- * i tied the law, for this section was used '> I to impose upon labor and to force t j them to work just about as many c hours per week as they had worked n heretofore. a You will find that in the session a of 1893, House Journal, page 186; al- r so in the Senate Journal of 1900. c page 365, he voted against separate t coaches for the two races, thus 'vot- i o ! ing for white ladies to be thrown in j ( the same coaches with negro men. j ? It will thus be seen that this man, j ^ j who was the president or a Dank in i i I Sumter, and a director in many other! i large corporation in this State,; 1 I on every occasion, as senator \ A j and representative, voted against the j t interests of the laboring man and for j s the corporations, and he is today the \ candidate of corporations and their f officers and attorneys. g In addition to this, he was in the i Sheppard convention, which met in o March, 1892, as a delegate from Sum-! v ter county, which convention de-! t nounced Ben Tillman's administra- j a tion in these words: "We pledge our- i] selves to the most rigid economy in | c the administration of the govern-: a ment, made more than necessary by j f the misfortunes of the people and the { s j impending deficiency in our treas-jn I urv, resulting from the unwise man-! a j agement of the present administra- i o j tion." At another place, in speaking j o of B. R. Tillman, their platform sajd: j t J "iW'e submit that the course of the n ! head of our present administration, s both before and since his election, t' has been unwise and unjust." And c this platform goes on?it is too long, u for me to quote it all to you?in de- j t nouncing Tillman and the reform j a movement in no uncertain language, j t' Now, Mr. 'Manning claims to be a ; a friend of the farmer and the labor-1 n ing people. If so. why was he in | d I this convention denouncing Tillman | o j and the farmers' movement in such j c 1 terms as T have ouoted to vou. and ! t: as can easily be verified by the rec-; I ords? And, he continues this de- j f nunciation of the farmers and their j tl movement as will tie evidenced by ij the following communication addres- | p sed to him after he had said in a 1: public speech that "These secret or- p ! ganizations never did the farmers i: any good, but were used for the po- j n litical preferment of some man or set j tl of men:" J 'sGrOV. R. I. Manning, Columbia, S. C. u My Dear Sir: The members of the I Farmers' Secret association consider s themselves honorable and patriotic a men and with sober and serious h minds, have organized and are or- tl ganizing for purposes which they L deem commendable. What these pur- e poses are and by what means and ii methods they are to be accomplish- f; ed none but the members of this or- b der have any knowledge. o The right to assemble and discuss a measures either in public or private a is regarded by English speaking peo- t< pie as a fundamental principle of t< liberty. It is to he regretted that the governor of a great State has e seen fit* to use the influence of his C ; high office, as you did in Leesville, i to belittle and disrupt a hody of far- w mers who are organizing for pur- j v, , po|es which the mature judgment de- j -w lares i.) be v,i..o an,! who are cerainly acting within their constituional rights. Respectfully. \V. A. Stuckey, Z. Z. Barfield. Newton Kelley, Committee." He further showed his friendship or the farmer when a committee rem the South Carolina State Farmrs' Union called upon him in Janlary, 1915?said committee being om posed of Wade Stackhouse, W. A. stuckey, J. H. Claffy, and Silas ? V? A oa! _ rtllllHJS III CUIlIltJL'llUXl \> Itli Liic on acreage reduction act. Resoluions had been passed by the South arolina Farmers' 'Union urging the egislature not to repeal the cotton .creage reduction act. Mr. Manning, >n January 31st, 1915, announced. I vill sign the bill repealing cotton creage reduction." Mr. 'Manning, when he was senator rom Sumter county in 1902, voted to :ompel all parents or guardians to end their children or wards to chool, a bill known as the compul;ory education bill. Mr. Brice, the enator from York, moved to kill the ?ill. Mr. Manning voted '"So," thus 1 * - ' AO+lAM 'Oling ior eoxiipuisuj v cuu<~a.nu*j. Cow he says he favors local option or compulsory education because the leople as a whole are not ready for ompulsory educa .on. Yet fourteen ears ago, when they were very much ess ready then than are now, he did lot vote for local option compulsory duc-ation, nor did he vote to leave t to the people whether they wanted t or not, but he noted to force it on hem. In speaking of this subject, tepresentative Harper is reported by The Columbia :State, February 12t'n, 915, as having said. "Governor Manling had drawn Section 9 of the bill iontaining the local option proviions." Another artful change in this orporation candidate's political life. When Mr. Manning was a member if the house of representatives in 893, a bill was introduced to change he legal rate of interest in this State iy reducing it, which was a bill in avor of the money borrower, the toor man. When a motion was made o kill- the bill, Mr. Manning voted o Mil it. and against reducing the ate of interest which the banks ^ere receiving from the poor man. ':uz arain he shows his interest in O-'f "f Ahe corporations?he being corporation director and a corporaion president?by refusing to vote to educe the rate of interest, which rould have been of great assistance o the poor people?those who borow money. This will be found on >a?e 334 of the House Journal of 893. Another place whi. a Mr. (Vanning oted directly for the interests of the orporations, and against the people, .'ill be found on pase 4Sfi. House ournal of 1^92. when he voted to ill a bill which was to provide for he forfeiture of the charter of any orporation created under the laws f this State, whenever such corpor,tion shall refuse, to pay the taxes ,s assessed and levied upon the iropertv of such corporation for ;tate and county purposes. On a mo?or to strike out the enacting words f the bill, there were twenty-two 22) voles in favor of the motion? ne of them being cast by Mr. R. T. .Tannine:. There were eisthy-four 841 votes against the motion?one f them bein<? cast bv Cole. L*. 'Blesse. Phus. it will be seen asain where Tr. Manninsr came to the service of he corporation interests, as he is e^ving them yet. Time will not here permit me to go urther into this man's record as overnor, but I shall, at future meetngs, discuss his action in turning ut of office every man who he knew ^as not a p?Vtical follower of his hat he had the power to remove, .nd his attempted removal1 of Sherff Huckabee of Kershaw county beause he knew he was a 'Bleaseite,' s he saw fit to call him. And, I shall urther show his refusal to commision men to office because they were iOt political friends of his. I shall ,lso show the extravagance of his ffice by the creation of many useless ffices, all of which have been filled iy him with his political friends? Qost of them appointment of himelf and some few by election. By he raising of the tax levy; by the inrease of tax assessments; by the seless and wasteful expenditures of he people's money. His pardoning nd commuting of the sentences of lie very worst type of criminals, and bove all the non-prosecution of the lan who was cashier of the bank uner him. when he came up thousands f dollars short in his accounts. I annot, in this short space, but menion only a few of the things, but as - T ?T, ? 1 1 proceed on tne campaign i auan ally discuss other matters which he people of the iState have not been iformed about, because the newspaers have refused, or failed to pubish these matters when thfey took >lace, or not commenting on them 11 such manner that the people light have their attention called to nem. I repeat, gentlemen, that I do not <ish to get personal in this matter; am only speaking of records, and hall only speak of the political acts nd doings of this man. For instance, +r\ lifp im/nrisonment IS luiuuiauug tN-r tie sentence of a negro brute who, in ,aurens county, murdered a Confedrate veteran -who was sleeping out 1 a little shack near a spring on his arm; robbed his body, and then " * ' * 1 - 1 1? ? ? -3 il. - "Vi rt /] TT ' urned Dotn tne snacK auu me uuuv f the old Confederate soldier to shes. in order to hide this crime; nd, after his commutation of sendee, he led three other prisoners, | Dok a Winchester rifle and pistol rom a guard, and made good their scape. I refer to the murder of ~1 ^1 nnr\-r%cra Vnnrff nf T ?\ 11 TPfl S UIUIICI UCUib\i ^Another instance?where a young j hite man, in Newberry county, who as sitting with his wife and mother, 'hen a negro slipped up to the win- j [dew and ?h:)t him down like a wild | oust. This ne:-rro. alter a free and j fair triui. was sentenced to be elec- | trocuteJ. I positively refused to take ! any action in the case, but when this ; man comes into the office of gover- : nor he commuted this negro murder- | er's sentence to life imprisonment, i j 1 refer to the case of Mr. Spurgeon \ Johnson of Newberry county. I And. then, in another case?one of I incest, one of the most horrible of crimes?a case which even I, while governor, turned down and refused! to have anything at all to do with? j this man gives him a free, a full and j an unconditional pardon. i'.Vhy, gentlemen, it is nauseating to go further?1 will leave the bal-. ance for some other occasion. We have heard a great deal about law and order, and law enforcement, i within the past seventeen months,' j but if the records are looked into it j will be found that there has been | more lawlessness in the State of South Carolina since Richard I. Manning has been in the governor's chair than has ever been known in the history of the State within the same length of time, and more than there was during the entire four years of the Blease administration. As proof, I call your attention to the Charlesj ton riot, one dead and several injured, and fourteen true bills return| ed by the grand jury for lawlessness j on that occasion, and which riot cost the tax payers eleven tnousana dollars to pay the militia to stand guard with bayonets over a white man's primary; the Anderson riot at Broson's mill; the Pageland riot, where one man was killed and five wounded and three others were expected to die from seriousness of their wounds; the Greenville riot, where one man was killed and others injured; the Haiiipton riot, where two men were killed and four or five others seriously wounded; the Mullins riot, where two men were killed; the Olanta riot, where one man was killed and three seriously wounded; the riot near the North j Carolina line, above Bennettsville, where one man was killed; tne Columbia street car riot, where some were injured, but luckily nobody was killed; and last, but -by no means I least of these, the Winnsboro riot, ' where tlie sheriff of the county and j his deputy were killed; where Mr. j Clyde Isenhower. the brave and daring young farmer, who was standing there as the defender of the virtue of his wife and of the womanhood of j his State, was murdered like a dog. land the negro brute who had commit! ted the crime met a speedy death, | SEAS! ROUND TF FROM NE | Summer Exci To Wrightsville Beach To Isle of Palms To Sullivan's Island To Myrtle Beach To Norfolk _ An cnin fiCAm Mox ilCiTCtd UII C? as \s xx vau iuui m sive, limited returning un stop-over privileges. Schedules and further p nished upon aplication to Ticket Age | ATLANTIC C TL? D*;l? me outiitidiu mum \ ? and in addition, several oihers ceived wounds. As further proofjfl r::is lawlessness, i call your att"!itii^B particularly to the I'aut tiiat seven* teen white women have been crimi-W nally assaulted by negroes, and two^B white women by white men, during JP? his administration, and that sixteen white men have been killed or se riously injured as the result of wounds received at the hands of negroes. And as further proof I call ^ your attention to the several strikes and clashes which have taken place between capital and labor; the extra terms of court that have been called , in the State for the purpose of trying criminals in order to relie.e the con gestion of the dockets,*%nd two extra terms for the trying of negroes who had ravished white women, to prevent lynching. And the reports of the solicitors will show that there have been more criminal cases tried under this administration than under any other. Why, in the city of Columbia alone, the solicitor at the last summer term had ninety cases, and at this sumer term seventy-five? tne Heaviest aocKets ever Known m i the circuit. I cannot think of taking up all | these various things and calling them J to your attention. Time would never permit. But in addition to these things I specially call your attention to the many, many convictions of blind tigers throughout the State, and especially the recent convictions in the city of Sumter, the city of Charleston, and the city of Columbia, right where the newspapers have been saying to the people of the State that prohibition was being enforced and that no blind tigers were in existence. * j This entire cry of law enforcement and law and order, my friends, is but the 15-cent cotton cry of 1914, and is being used ifi the same manner, to attempt to draw your minds away from the main issues of this campaign, and to deceive you, as many of you were deceived then in the casting of your ballots for those who were not in sympathy with you and your cause. ? v Whenever You Need a General Tool; Take Grove's The Old Standard Grove's Tasteless chill Tonic is equally valuable as a General Tonic because it contains the well known tonic properties of QUININE an J IRON. It acts on the Liver, Drives cut Malaria, Enriches the Blood ana ttr>i!ds up the Whole System. 5.fi cents- ^ / I THE HERALD AND NEWS ONE I YEAR FOR ONLY $1.50. The man who uses Fisk Non- I Skids knows he cannot buyvH greater tire value, more mileage or fl .1 the same service. Present Low Prices jfl On Fisk Grey Non-Skid Casings^^fl 3 sSO. 10.40 41x35.31A^^| 31x30.13.40 41x36.31.5 J 4 x33.22.00 S x37.37.3<V-v4 ?less than the plain tread styles of several -other standard makes. 125 Fisk Branches insure prompts attention to dealer and user. McHAKDY MOWER Fisk Branches *'n More Than 125 Gtks HORE I. MP FARES jl =?V iivcinn Farac LtA C1V11 A Ml V0 f 15 to October 15, inclu- jH til October 31. Liberal^jflO I ^ PM articuiars cneeriuny iur- m snt C. N. & L. R. R., Jfl Newberry, M * yHH IM J i\( fka QaiiH jgu ui iiiv