The dollar weekly bulletin. [volume], October 16, 1862, Image 1

About The dollar weekly bulletin. [volume] (Maysville, Ky.) 1862-1864

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DOLLAR WEEKLY BULLETIN,
.Ti
ROSS & ROSSER, Publishers.
MAYSVILLE, KY, THURSDAY, OCTOBER 16, 1B62.
VOLUME 1 NUMBER 17
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THE BULLETIN.
rUBLISIIED EVERY THURSDAY BY
RO.SS .Sc ROSHER,
Editors and Proprietors.
MATSVU.LE.
OCTOBER 1G,
THE EMANCIPATION BALL.
6IVKM TO FOUR MILLIONS OF NEGROES, BT THE
BEPCBLICAN P-A-B-T-Y.
Another Great Ball is soon to be,
De like of which yon nebber did see,
De bids is out, I's seen a few,
De guests I know, and so do you.
Lubly Kosa ! Sambo come !
Don't you hear de banjo ?
Turn! Turn! Turn I
Do fust on de list is Mis tali Snow,
And de next is Jcemes and Dinah Crow;
. Chalk and ivory ! heels and rdiins !
White man wait till the dance begins I
Lubly Rose ! Sambo come I
Don't yon hearde banjo?
Turn I Turn ! Turn !
Sompcy Smash and his lady fair !
Yon may bet yonriifedey will bofo be dare I
And MHtah Duck legs bully for he!
Such a gizzard foot you ncber did eee.
Lubly Rose ! Sambo conic !
Don't you hearde baujo ?
Turn 1 Turn ! Turn 1
And Gnmbo Sqnash, wid his bressed grin,
Tlf . IT 1. 1 1 " . -1 . 1
jus curling iimr uuti mi euu mimi
De King ob Hearts will come to de Ball,
Let de galls look out for dare fecks-huus all !
Lrtb'y Rosa ! Sambo como 1
Don't you hear de banjo ?
Turn ! Turn ! Tuiu !
Old Tuncle Ned, fro down dat hoe !
And Dinah, drop dat kitchen dough !
All Dixie's free, wid noSn to do
But to dance all night, and all day too.
Lubly Rcsa 1 Sambo come !
Don't you hear de banjo !
Turn ! Turn I Turn !
De white trash have noflln to say,
But to work ! work ! and de taxes pay;
"While de bressed darkies dance dere fill,
Let the white tra-m foot do fiddler's bill !
Lubly Rcsa! Sambo cornel
Don't yon hear de banjo I
Turn I Tural Tumi
WhiteMcn! White Men! Sure as you're born,
The crows are going to take your corn !
They surror.n 1 your fields on every tree,
And they blacken the sky as far as we see,
Lubly Rosal Sambo stay 1
In the land of Dixie 1
Far away.
Artemus Ward on the War.
If Stonewall Jackson will get religion and
come over to our side, I'll give him ten dol
lara a Itinntli nil t nf TT1V OWn Docket.
We hear verv much, too much, about great j
.... .t .
plans of battle. I he only plan oi came
should be to lirktm.
Unless there's different management right
off. the American Eagle will have to dis
guise hiKself 8S a Sbanghi Rooster, and
make tracks for Canady; while the Goddess
of Liberty will have to go out (loin' gen'ral
house work at two dollars a week.
As for Pope, I can only say that I like
hid poeiry a good deal better tban I do bis
gen'ralsbip.
A bansum young gal in our town was sot
up with one night by a noble young speci
men of the true American, with scissors in
his pocket I mean a dry goods clerk and
the young gal's mother hearin' suthin pop,
arose from her couch under a impression
that her oldest boy, who wa8 given to frisky
urns linldino n wild revel on root beer
in the west rooro But on open in' the door, I
she diskivered it was buggm and kissin
which bad awokeD her from her peaceful
rC?My daubter, Omv daughter!' this fond
parrink did cry; 'Oh! That I should live to
to see this doing in my housen!'
- I know, mv dear mother.' tbt3 sweet vil
lage maiden did unto her mother quikly re
ply, 'that it is quite improper, but tt is orul
scolhen!' . ,
So the subscriber isn't qnite sure that it
ribt to speak so freely as this about public
affair, but it kinder soothes him to do it
A Scsap of Secret Histoby. We sup
pose it to be a fact that four members or the
cabinet signed a written communication to
the President statin that unless General
McClellan were deprived of bis command
they would resign. Apparently in conse
quence of this demand and through bis
body-guard were sent away from him on the
afternoon of Saturday, August 30. and be
was left without a solitary private soldier,
even for an orderly. He was so left not,!
Tuesday, September 2, when President Lin
coln went to him and said that unless he
took command of the army the government
was gone. It the occurrences we have re
cited reallv took place, as we suppose they
did, tbey" probably form the most curious
and remarkable chapter in the secret history
of the war, and perhaps the most extraordin
ary instance of sudden depression and promp
re-elevation that ever occured to a military
commander. New York World.
It will be traitorous tt suppose that Mr.
Greely's twenty millions do not endorse the
President's emancipation ediot.
Important Correspondence,
We take the following from the Harris
burg Patriot and Union, of October G:
tt , Clearfield, Sept. 27, 1862.
Hon. W.Eigler Dear Sir: Tbe Ilon.L.
W. Hall, at present the candidate of the Re
publican party for the State Senate in this
district, in the course of his address to the
people on the evening of the 22nd instant,
stated that 'some Republican members of
mo udiico stales &eriate bad voted for the
Crittenden Compromise, and somo voted
against it, and that it would have been car
ried had all the Southern men voted for it,'
or words to that effect. Ilo also complained
kiiiuiu ucuiuuia Mum wie uouon states
had withheld their votes on the Clark
amendment, by which the Crittenden Com
promise was defeated.
As you were a member of the United
States Senate at the time, and acted a con
spicuous part in favor of that and other
measures of adjustment during the memor.
able session of 1SG0 and 18G1, and must be
very familier with the facts, we respectfully
request that you furnish us, for public use, a
brief history of the proceedings of the Sen
ate on the resolutions familiarly know as the
Crittenden Compromise, and of thesurrouud
iitgcircurnstances: Jas.T Leomaed,
and 35 others.
Clearfield, S?pt. 29, 1862.
Gentlemen: I am in receipt ol your let
ter, and with pleasure proceod to comply
with your request. In doi.g this, I shall
endeavor to be brief, though it must bo ob
vious that any thing like a full history of
the procee. lings of the United States Senate
on the resolutions familiarly known as the
Crittenden Compromise, and the occurrences
incident thereto, cau not bo compressed into
a very short story.
You can all boar me witness that in the
addresses I have made to tho people, since
my reliracy fram the Senate, I have not
sought to press this subject on their consid
eration in any party light; I have held that
the Government and country must be s.ivod,
no matter whoso folly and madness had im-
peri'fd the.n; that we should first extinguish '
the flames ta.it aro consuming our national
fabric, aud afterward look up an 1 j unish the
incendiary who had applied the torch; but,
as the snlject has boon brought before this
community by a distinguished member of
the Republican party, for partisan ends, and
statements mode inconsistent with the re
cord, it is eminently prpur that the facts
at least al! tho essential facts should be
given to the public.
It is not true that some Republican mem
bers of tho Senate supported tho "Crittenden
Compromise" and some opposed it. Thev
opposed it throughontand without an excep
tion. Their efforts to defeat it were in the
usual shapo of postponements and amend
ments, and it was not until within a few
hours of the close of the session that a di
rect vote was had on the proposition itself.
Ou the 11th of January, they cast a urited
vote against its consideration, and on the
15th they did tho same thing, in order to
consider the l'acific Railroad Dill.
Dut the first test vote was had on the 17th
day of January, on tho motion of Mr. Clark,
of New Hampshire, to sti ike out the Critten
den proposition, and insert certain resolu
tions of his own, the only object manifestly
being the defeat of the former. The yeas
and nays on this vote were as follows:
Yeas Messrs. Anthony, Daker, Bingham,
Cameron, Chandler, Clark, Collamer, Dixon,
Doolittle, Durkee. Fessenden, Foot, Foster,
Grimes, Hale, Harlan. King, Seward, Sim
mons, Sumner, Ten Eyck. Trumbull, Wade,
Wilkinson and Wilson 23.
Navs Messrs. Bayard, Bigler, Bragg,
Bright, Clingman. Crittenden , Fitch. Green,
Lane, Litbam. Mason. Nicholson, Fearce,
Polk, Powell. Pugh. Rice, Sau'.sbury aud
Sebastian 23
So Mr. Claik's amendment prevailed and
the Crittenden proposition was defeated.
On the announcement of this result the
whole snl ject was laid on tho table.
This was the vote on which soma six or
eight Senators from the Cotton States with
held their votes, acd of this I shall speak
hereafter.
It is true that within a few hours after
these proceedings, as though alarmed about
tbe consequences of what had been done,
Senator Camiron moved a reconsideration
of the vote by which the Critteudeu propo
sition has been defeated.
This motion came up for consideration on
the lS'.b, and to the amazement of every
body not in tho secret, Senator Cameron
voted against his own motion, and was join
ed by evcryotber Senator of his party.
The vote is recorded on page -143 of 1st vol.
ConoreasionnI Olole, and is as follows:
Yeas Messrs. Bayard, IVglcr, Bragg,
Bright, CI ir.gman.Crittenden.Douglas, Fitch,
Green, Gwin, Hunter, Johnson of Arkansas,
Johnson of Tennessee. Kennedy, Lane. La
tham, Mason, Nicholson, Pearce, Polk,
Powell. Pugh, Rice, Suulsbury, Sebastian
and Slidell 27.
Nays Messrs. Anthony, Baker. Bingham,
Cameron, Chandler. Clark, Collamer, Dixon,
Doolittle, Fesseuden, Foofe, Foster, Grimes,
Hale, Ilarlam, King. Seward, Simmons,
Sumner, Ten Eyck. Wade, Wigfall, Wilkin
son and Wilson 24.
This vote was regarded by many as con
clusive against the Crittenden proposition,
for tbe reason that the Republican Senators,
nftpr full deliberation and consultation, had
cast a united vote against it. I shall never
forget the appearance and bearing of that
venerable patriot, John J. Crittenden, on
tho announcement of this result. His heart
seemed full to overflowing with grief, and
bis cniir.tpn.mce bore the unmistable marks
of anguish and despair. The motion of
Senator Cameron to reconsider had inspired
him with hope, strong hope; but the united
vote of the Republican senators against h's
proposition showed him too clearly that his
efforts were vain.
The final vote was taken directly on agree
ir to the Crittenden proposition on the 3d
of March, one day before the noal adjourn
ment of Congress, and is recorded on page
1 405 of the Congressional Globe, second part.
On this vote every Democrat and every
Southern Senator in. luding Mr. Wigfall,
who voted against the reconsideration of
Mr. Clark's amendment voted for the pro
position, and every Republican against it.
As for the Cotton State Senators who
withheld their votes on the 16th of January,
so that Mr. Clark's amendment might pre
vail, I have certainly no agology to make
for their mischievous and wicked conduct
on that or any other occasion, but if they are
blameworthy for withholding their votes and
not sustaining the Crittenden proposition,
what shall we say of the Republican Sena
tors who, ac the same time, cast a solid vote
against it, as I have already shown. It was
no half-way business with tbem they aim
ed direetlv at its final defeat. Some of tho
Southern Senators, on the other hand, who
had withheld their votes on tho 16th
Messrs. S'idell, Hemphill and Johnson, of
Arkansas by the 18th had repented their
error, and cast their votes to reconsider and
vive the compromise proposition, but tho
Republicans persisted in their hostility to
tbe end.
Nor is it true that tbe votes of the Cotton
State Senators, with those of all tho other
Southern Senators and those of all the
Northern Democrats, could have saved and
secured the Crittenden Compromise. They
could have given a majority, but everybody
knows that the Constitution requires a vote
of two thirds to submit amendments to the
Constitution for the ratification of the States.
These could not bo had without eight or ten
Republican votes. But suppose the Consti
tution did not so require, what could it have
availed to have adopted a settlement by a
niero party vote? It was a compromise bo
tweeu tho two sections that the exigency re
quired. The Republican was the dominant
party in the North, and no compromise or
adjustment couid bo successful, either iu
the Senate or before the people, without
their active support. They constituted ona
of tbe parties to the issue, and it wou'd have
been folly, worse than folly, to have at
tempted a settlement without their sanction
and support before the country.
But no one can misur.derstand the real
object of tho Republican orators in parading
the fact that six or eight southern Senators
had, at one timo, withheld their votes from
tho Crittenden proposition. It is to show
that the South was not lor it and did not
lesire a compromise, and hence tho Repub
licans are not responsible for the horrible
consequences of its failure. Oa this point
t'le testimony is very conclusive, and I shall
give it at some length, please or displease
whom it may. If Republicans choosa to
take the responsibility of saying tha they
were against tho proposition and determined
to make no settlement, however we may la
ment their policy, no one could object to
that position, as matter of fact; but they will
forever fail to satisfy the world that the
South was not fairly committed to a settle
ment on the basis of the Crittenden proposi
tion, or that the Northern Democrats would
not have compromised on that ground, had
they possessed the power to do so. I am
awaro that there aro plenty of Republicans
who would still spurn to settle with the
South on such conditions, as thero aro also
radical fanatics who would not take that
section back into tho Union even on the
conditions of the Constitution. They cer
tainly can have no complaint against my
views aud auutiments.
Wht n Congress assembled in December,
18G1, it was obvious to every one who was
at all willing to heed the signs of the times,
that the peace of the country was in immi
nent peri!; the natural consequences of a
prolonged war of critnination aud recrim
ination between tho extreme and impracti
cable men of the North and the South.
Tho anxious inquiry was heard every where,
"what cau be done to allay the agitation and
save the unity and peaca of our country?"
Among thoso who were willicg to make an
effort to compromise and sttle, regardless of
sectional party or personal considerations,
consultation after consultation was held.
The first great task was to discover whether
it was possible to bring the Sjuth up to
ground on which the North could staud.
Many and various were the propositions and
suggestions produced. But it was linally
concluded that the proposition of the ven
erable Senator from Kentucky (Mr. Critten
den), was most likely to command the req
uisite support in Congress and beforo tho
people. These, together with all others of
a similar character, were referred to a select
committee, composed of tho following sena
tors: Messrs Crittenden, Powell, Hunter, Sow
ard, Toombs, Douglas, Collamer, Davis,
Wade, Bigler, Rice, Dooliltla and Grimes
five Southern men, five Republicans and
three Northern Democrats. The Southern
and Republican Senators were recorded as
...... ,
was adopted that
1 . . . ' - - i . i I
no tiriiiios non siinii.ti ue ,
reoorted to the Saoate as a compromise uu
i i
less it received a majority of both sides.
All the Southern Senators, save Mr. Davis
and Mr. Toombs, were known to favor the
Crittenden proposition. Ou the 23J oI'Da
cmber this f ropo-iiion came up for consid
eration, and it became necessary for Mes rs.
Davis and Toombs to take their positious in
regard to it, and I shall never forgot the sub
stance of what both sai l, for I regarded
their couiso as involving the fate of the
compromise. Mr. Davis said, "that for
himself the proposition would bo a bitter
pill, for he held that his constituents had
an equal right vith thoso of any other Sen
ator to go into tho common Territories aud
occupy and enj y them with whatever
might be their property at the time; but
nevertheless, in view of the great stake in
volved, if the Republican side would go
for it in good faitb.he would unite with
them." Mr. Toombs expressed nearly the
same sentiments and declared that his State
would accept the proposition as a final set
tlement. Mr. Toombs also, in open Senate,
on tbe 7th of January, used the following
language:
"But although I insist on this perfect
ilitv in the Territorv. vet when it was
proposed, as I now understand the Senator
from Kentucky to propose that the line of
Sft-Sft cball ba extended .acknowledging and
protecting of property on the south side of
that line, for the sake of peace permanent
peaca I said to the Committee of Thirteen,
- . . .l nulla fa
as 1 say nere, inai wua oiucr cat
Congre!3ional Globe, Ut.
In addition to my own testimony of what
occurred in the Committee of Thirteen, I
present extracts from speeches of Mr. Doug
las and Mr. Pugh, bearing directly on this
point.
On the 31 of January, in the course of an
elaborate speech, Mr. Douglas used the fol
lowing language:
"If you of the Republican side are not
willing to accept this nor the proposition of
the Senator from Kentucky, pjay tell us
what you will do? I address the inquiry to
the Republicans alone.' for the reason that in
the Committee of Thirteen, a few days ago,
every member from the South, including
those from the Cotton States, (Messrs. Davis
and Toombs,) expressed their readiness to
accept the proposition of my venerable
friend from Kentucky, as a final settlement
of the controversy, if tendered and sustained
by the Republican members. Hence the sole
responsibility of our disagreement, and he
only difficulty ini the way of an amicable
adjustment is with the Republican party."
These remarks were made, as well as I re
member, before a very full Senate, in the
presence of nearly, if not quite all. the Re
publican and Southern Senators, and no one
dara to dispute the facts stated. j
Mr. Pugh, on the 2d day of March, in the
course of a very able speech, remarked:
"But suppose that Senator does promise
me a vote on the Crittenden propositions; I
have followed him for three months; I have
followed my honorable friend from Ken
tucky (Mr. Crittenden) for three months; I
have followed mv friend, the Senator from
Pennsylvania, (Mr. Bigler) for three months;
I have voted with them on all the38 propo
sitions at a time when there were twelve
other Senators in this chamber on whose
votes we could rely; and what came of it
all? Did we ever get a vote on the Critten
den propositions? Never. Did we ever get
a vote on the peace conference propositions?
Never. Did we ever get a vote on the bill
introduced by tho Senator from Pennsyl
vania, (Mr. Bigler) to submit these proposi
tions to a vote of the reople? Never. They
were not s-irong enough to displace the Pa
cific Railroad Bill, which stood here and
defied them iu the Senate for more than a
month". They were not strong enough to
set asido this plunder bill you c ill a tiriOf.
Ihey were not strong enough to beat a pen
sion bill one morning. For three long
months have I followed the Senator and
others, begging for a vote on these ques
tions; never can wo get it never; and now
I am to be deluded no further; and I use
that word delusion cortainly in no unkind
sens to my friend.
'The Crittenden proposition ha3 been in
dorsed by the almost unanimous vote of the
Legislature of Kentucky. It ha3 been in
dorsed by the Legislature of the noble old
Commonwealth of Virginia. It has been
petitioned for by a larger number of electors
of the United States than any proposition
that was ever before Congress. I believe in
my heart, to-day, that it would carry an
overwhelming majority of the people of my
state; aye, sir. ana or nearly every otner
State in the Union. Before the Senators
from tho State of Mississippi left this cham
ber, I heard one of them, who now assumes,
at least, to bo President of tbe Southern
Confederacy, propose to accept it and to
maintain the Union if that proposition could
receive the vote it ought to receive from the
other side of tbe chamber.' Therefore, of
all your propositions, of all your amend
ments knowing a3 1 do, and knowing that
the historian will write it down, at any time
before the 1st of January, a two-thirds vote
for the Crittenden resolutions in this cham
ber would have saved every State in the
Union but South Carolina. Georgia would
be here by her representatives, and Louisiana
also thoso two great States, which at least,
would have broken the whole column of
Secession."
Mr. Douglas, at the same time said in re
ply : "I can confirm tho Senator's declara
tion that Senator Davis himself, when on
the Committee of Thirteen, was ready at all
times to compromise on the Crittenden
proposition, I will go further and say that
Mr. Toombs was also ready to do so."
Cut if this testimony were not in exist
ence at all, do we not all know that the
great State of Virginia indorsed this propo
sition and submitted it to th6 other States as
a basis of a final adjustment and permanent
peace? It was this basis on which that
Stato called for the Peace Conference which
assembled soon thereafter.
It was also indorsed by almost the unani
mous vote of the Legislature of Kentucky,
and subsequently by those of Tennessee and
North Carolina. But it is useless to add
test-.mon v. TliB Itrtniihlican members or the
'
Senate were against tho Crittenden proposi
tiou, and tha radicals of that body were
against any and every adjustment. When
the Peac8 Conference had assembled, and
there wa3 some hope of a satisfactory settle
ment, it is well known that Mr. Chandler,
Mr. Harliu and others urged their respective
Governors to send on impracticable fanatics
as Commissioners in order to defeat a com
promise. In what I have said I have not intended to
extenuate or excuse the wickedness of the
Secessionists. Bad and impolite as was the
the policy of the Northern radicals, it fur
nished no sufficient reason for Secession, re
rebellion and war; but I believed most sin
cerely then, as I do now, that the acceptance
of Mr. Crittenden's proposition by one-third
of the Republicans in Congress, at the right
time, would have broken down Secession in
nearly all the States now claiming to be oot
of the Union; and it might have been ac
cepted without any sacrifice of honor or
principle. So far as the common territory
of the United States was concerned, it pro
posed an equitable partition, giving the
North about 900.000 square mile3 and the
South about 300,000. No umpire that could
have been selected would have given the
North more. If, then, it was a material in
terest and value we were contending for, it
gave us our full share; if it was the appli
cation of a political principle the Republi
cans were struggling for, it allowed the ap
plication of their doctrine to three-fourths
of an estate that belonged to all the States
It expressly excluded
elareT from 9W.j
square m:iae of this
estate, and allowed it in the remaining 300,
000. The Republicans, it is true, had iust
elected a President, and were about to take
possession of the Government; but still the
popular vote in the several States showed
that they were over a million of votes in
the minority of the electors of the United
States. Being a million in the minority, if
they seenred the application of their prin
ciples to three-fourths of all the territory,
was that not enough? Could they not on
that have boasted of a great triumph? For
a time these arguments and considerations
seemed to have weight with the more mod
erate and conservative of the Republican
Senators. Indeed at one timo I had strong
hopes of settlement But tbe radicals ral
lied in force, headed by Mr. Greely, and the
current was soon changed. We were then
met with the argument that the people in
the election of Mr. Lincoln, had decided to
exclude slavery from all the territory, and
that the members of Congress dare not at
tempt to reverse that decision. We then
determined to go astep further and endeavor
to overcome this obstacle; and it was to this
end, after consultation with Mr. Crittenden
and others, that I myself introduced a bill
into the Ssnate providing for taking the
sense of the people of the several States, on
the Unttenden proposition for the direction
of members of Congress in voting for or
against its submission for the ratification of
the States, as an amendment to the Constitu
tion. This was an appeal to the source of
all political power, and would have relieved
the members of all serious responsibility.
The vote of the representative would have
been in accordance with the votes of his con
stituents, either for or against the propo3i- j
tion . The only objection made was that it
was somewhat irregular and extraordinary.
But tbe same men could not make that ob
jection at present. Too many extraordinary
things have since been done by their chosen
agents. I believed with the Senator of Ohio,
as I believe still, that the proposition would
have carried a majority in nearly all the
States of the Union, but it shared tbe fate of
all other efforts for settlement. Would to
God our country was now in the condition
it then was, and that the people could bo
allowed to settle the controversy for them
selyes under tho lights of eighteen months'
experience of war and carnage, and countless
sacrifices of national strength and character.
Very truly, your obedient servant,
WM. BIGLER.
QrWe make the following extract from
a speech of Hon. Horatio Seymour, de
livered beforo tho Democratic Stato Con
vention, at Albany, N. Y., September 10th'
on receiving the nomination for Governor:
At the last session, Congress not only
abolished slavery in the District of Colum
bia, but, to quiet clamorous men, an act of
Confiscation and Emancipation was passed,
which, in the opinion of leading Republi
cans, was unconstitutianal and unjust. By
this act, the rebels have no property nor
even their own lives and they own no
slaves. But to the astonishment and dis
gust of those who believe in the policy of
statutes and proclamations, these rebeu still
live and fight and hold their slaves. These
measures seem to have reanimated them.
They have a careless reckless way of appro
priating their lives and property, which, by
act of Congress, belong to us, in support of
their cause.
But these fanatical men have learned
that it is necessary to win a victory before
they divide the spoil and what do they
now propose? As they cannot take the pro
perty of rebels beyond their reach they will
take the property of the loyal men of the
Border States. The violent men of this
party, as you know from experience, my
conservative Republican friend, in the end
have their way. They now demand that
the President shall issuo a Proclamation of
immediate and universal emancipation!
Against whom is this to be directed?
Not against those in rebellion, for they come
within the scope of Congress. It can only
be applied to those who have been true to
tbe Union and our flag. They are to be
punished for their loyalty. When we con
sider their sufferings and 'their cruel wrongs
at the hands of the secessionists, their reli
ance upon our faith, is -not this proposal
black with ingratitude?
The scheme for an immediate emancipa
tion and general arming of the slaves
throughout tho South is a proposal for the
butchery of women and children, for scenes
of lust and rapine; of arson and murder un
paralleled in the history of the world. Th9
horrors of the French Revolution would
become tame in comparison. It3 effect
would not bo confined to the walls of cities,
but there would bo a wide rpread scene of
horror over tbe vast expanse of great States,
involving alike the loyal and seditious.
Such malignity and cowardice would invoke
the interference of civilized Europe. His
tory tells of the fires kindled in the name of
religion, of atrocities committed under pre
texts of order or liberty; but it is now urged
that scenes bloodier than the world has yet
seen shall be enacted in the name of philan-
th ropy
Refused to Take the Oath. Under
recent instructions to tho commanding offi
cers of all arsenals and armories in the Uni
ted States, to administer the oath of alle
giance to the employees under the'r com
mand, nineteen refused to take the oath at
Springfield Armory, Massachusetts, on the
ground that they are foreigners. Tbe Sec
retary of War gave orders for thoir imme
diate dismissal.
Invention of the Compass In Du
halde's 'General History of China' it i3
stated that tbe magnetic Deedle (compass)
was used in China 1,040 years B. C , and
was employed in navigation and the direc
tion of armies during war. In I860 A. C.
Pal us Venetus brought the compass from
China to Italy. Some writers state that the
captains of vessels sailing on the Mediter
ranean sea employed a simple compass long
before the Chines"e one was brought to Eu
rope. It consisted of a common sewing nee
dle, touched with a natural loadstone, moun
ted upoD a piece of cork, and permitted to
float ia water placed in a bowl of earth-ware.
From the Burlington (Iowa) Argus.
Freeing: the Slaves by Proolamation.
The proclamation of President Lincoln
emancipating all tho slaves after the first of
January next, wiil probably bring into the
field a host of negro soldiers, but they will
be on the side of their mastersl There is no
use in fooling ourselves in regard to this.
The Southern men are masters of tbe blacks,
and the extreme radical measures of the
present administration have driven tho peo
ple of the South as a unit against tne gov
ernment. They know how to avail them
selves of their advantage over the blacks,
and will not scruple to avail themselves of
all means in their power to resist tho govern
ment. They will emancipate where they
choose; they will constrain and coorca and.
cajole wherever it is necessary; but they
have tho population in their hands, and ona
wav or another they will use it.
The experiment is to cripple an enemy by
abolishing slavery, and cut their own throat
by it The negro regiment of Rhode Island,
so often referred to, was a body of slaves
fighting by the side of their master, so says
the Providence J'ost, which quotes also from
Botta's History of the Warof Independence
of the United States, vol. 1, page 230, the
result of an experiment upon the slaves in
the Revolution.
' Lord Dunmore proclaimod martial law;
tho effect of which would have been tosus
pend all civil authority in tho. province.
He exhorted the loyalists to repair to the
royal standard; to retain in their hands tha
contributions duo to the crown, as well as
other taxes until the establishment of peace.
Moreover be declared fro all slaves or ser
vants, black or white, provided they shou.d.
take arms and joiu the royal troops.
"This proclamation, and especially the
clause concerning slaves, proved that Lord
Dunmore was a man extremely deficient in
prudence and moderation, butproduced none
of the effects be had expected. In thecolo
nies, and even iu all other couutries, an uni
versal cry arose against a measure which
tended to disturb society in its very founda
tions, to destroy domestic security, to en
gender mortal suspicions, and to excite a
race, naturally ferocious, to vengeance and
to murder. In fact this step of the Governo?
was not merely useless, it was pernici us: 15
irritated the minds of tbe greator number
and gained over none."
The Historian adds, that of the few who
were enlisted by Lord Dunmore, and wero
pressed into a fight at Norfolk, "they be
haved very shabbily, and saved themselves5
by flight."
As to the morality of a rcsourco'of such a
weapon let us cite tbe authority of John
Qutucy Adams, Sacretary of State iu 18ii,
who, referring to similar attempts of tbe
British in the War of 1812 wrote:
"They (tho British) had no right to make
any such (emancipation) promise to the ne
groes. The principle is that the emancipa
tion of an enemy's slaves is not amoDg the
act3 of legitimate war; as relates to tbe own
ers, as it is a destruction private property
nowhere wairaoted by the usages of war."
Again, five years afterwards, Mr. Adams1
most emphatically doniod the right of a be
ligerout to emancipato slaves. lie said:
"No such right is acknowledged as a law
of war by writers who admit any limitation.
The right of putting to death all prisoners
in cold blood, and without special causa
might a3 well be pretended to be a law of
war, or the right to use poisoned weapons or
to assassinate."
The President might have Icarnod a little
wisdom by the records of the history of his
country and the legacy left by her most dis
tinguished statesmen. It might have struck
him that we live in a civilized ago and the;
dark days of barbarism were in the coursor
of past events. But he has scon fit to dis
regard the principles of tho constitution of
the nation and fall into tbe Jacobin schemes
of tho enemies of the government. It is but
another of the long series of foolish and hurt
ful State papers, wherein the evidence of
the incapacity of our ruler is patent.
A Fable from Esop. Esop relates the
truthful history of an aged lion, the King of
beasts, who, being sick, calls in a wolf as a
physician. The wolf examined the case?
with attention, and prescribed that tho only
thing that would save tbe patient's life, was
the surrendering of his teoth and claws.
Reluctantly tha patient consented, and tho
wolf, with all expressions of sorrow for the
necessity of the act, extracted his toeth and
cutoff his claws. The luckless beast bore
tho infliction with resignation, and was
placed in a condition of perfect helplcssnesB.
No sooner was this accomplished, than tha
wolf called in his relatives and friends,
pounced upon the nnlucky lion, and he be
ing unable to resist, or do any thing elso but
growl, fell an easy prey to thoir voracity.
Our government ha3 boen undergoing a
similar course of treatment. In tho midst
of her affliction, tho abolitionists, under tha
ploa of "State necessity," have boen cutting
tbe claws and extracting the teeth bv which,
the people have heretoforo defanded their
rights, and they aro now left helplessly In
the bands of tho military power. The lib
erty of speech, the freedom of tha Press, the
writ of Jabeas corpui. have all boen given up
under tbe plea of militirv necessity, and now
the rulers iu power boldly override tho Con
Ktitntion, and threaten with a military pris
on and a court martial, all who dara disi?nt
from t bo decrees of power.
The people, unable to resist, can do noth
in but "growl," and a few moro turns of
tho screw will deprive them of tlie power of
even uttering a complaint.
TnE Debt of Exglaxd. The weight of
England's national debt is estimated in gold,
to be 6.282 tons; in silver, 120 000 tons.
To transport it across a tea, in gold, would
f fl . f f . e n t .Ana V...
one-horse carts; these wou'd extend, in a
single line, 55 miles; 381,709 men might
carry it, each man to carry 50 lbs. Put M
in five-dollar gold pieces, ind pilo it one up
on another, and it would ba 710 mi!e3 in
length.
H 1
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