The dollar weekly bulletin. [volume], October 30, 1862, Image 1

About The dollar weekly bulletin. [volume] (Maysville, Ky.) 1862-1864

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;7
LME WEEIEY BILLETO
ROSS & ROSSER, Publishers.
MAYSVILLE, KY., THURSDAY, OCTOBER 30, 1862.
VOLUME 1 NUMBER 19
TH.
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RATES OP ADVEKTISINO.
A oqnare is Twelve lines of this size type
equal U about 100 words of mauuscript.
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1 Insertion
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Two Months
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Six Months
One Year
$1.00 $1.75 $2.50 $3.00 frt.OO 10
1.50 2.50
8.50 4.00 8.00
2.00 8.00
2.50 8.50
4.00 6.o
4.50 5.50 10.00
5.00 6.50 15.00
8.00 10.00 20.00
5.00 7.50 10.00 12.50 25.0(1
7.50 1O.0II 12.50 15.0' S5.00
10.00 15.00 20.00 25.00 50.00
Farewell !
Taretheewell ! hut not for ever;
We miiy part but f..r a while;
Absence uiieves. bnt cunnot sever,
- Love would greet it with a smile.
Faretheewell ! bnt. when I leavo thee,
May my thoughts forever bo
True to one wh. will not grieve me,
As my heart is true to thee.
Though my thoughts may wander often
From the one I loner to see;
.Mayhap 'twill please, mayhaj. "twill softer,
To know that heart is t-till with thee.
FarcMicewell ! and if in sadness
You t-Iionld feel forgot bv me,
Perhaps 'twill soothe yon r heart to gladness,
To know that heart Hill dings to thec.
What sweet things are gentle words,
sweeter than the first young rose of summer
time! Words that breathe of love and ten
derness ami comfort to the troubled spirit
and the broken heart, are a soothing balsam
a treasure to be cherished fondly as riches
sweeter than anything earth can bestow.
"It is not much the world can give,
With all its subtle art,
And gold nnd ircms are not the things
To satisfy the heart;
Bnt oh! if those who clnter round
The nltor and tl; hearth,
Have gentle words anil loving smile,
Jlow beautiful is eirth!
Decision.
If you gently f-troke a nettle,
Mark! it stinsrs you for your pains;
But seize it like a'man ot met lie,
And it soft as .-ilk remains.
To dally much with subjects mean and low,
Proves that the mind is weak, or makes it so.
Neglected talents rust into decay,
And every effort ends in push-pin play.
The man that means success, should soar abovo
A soldier's feather or a lady's glove.
CURIOUS FACTS.
The following curious facts with regard to I
our Presidents, appear from history :
George Washington, the first President,
died without child ren. He was re-elected.
John Adams, the second President, had
children. He was not re-elected.
Thomas Jefferson, the third President,
died without children. He was re-elected.
James Madison, the fourth President,
died without children he was re-elected.
James Monroe, 5th President, died with
out children, lie was re-elected.
John Q. Adams, 6th President, had chil
dren. He was not re-elected.
Andrew Jackson, 7tb President, had no
children. He was re-elected.
Martin Van Buren. 8th President, had
children. He was not re-elected.
William Henry Harrison, 9th President,
had children. He died in about one month
after he was sworn into office.
John Tyler, 10th President, bad children.
He was not re-elected.
James K. Polk, 11th President, had no
children, and declined the nomination for a
second term.
Zacbary Taylor, 12th President, had chil
dren. He died before the expiration of bis
term.
Millard F'lmore, 13'h President, had chil
dren, and was not re-elected.
Franklin Pierce, 14th President, had
children, and was not. re-elected.
James Buchanan, loth President, has no
children, and nos verrons.
From the above facts, it appears that no
President who ever had children has been
re-elected to tbe Chief Magistracy of the
Nation, while with the exception of Mr.
Polk, who declined a re-nomination, a!'
those having no children have been re-elected.
The Risk of the Rothschilds. When
George the III, came to the throne there
was a little boy at Frankfort who did not
dream of ever having anything to do, per
sonally, with the sovereigns of Europe. He
was in the the first stages of training for the
Jewish priesthood. His name was Meyer
ADselra Rothschild. For some reason or
other he was placed in a counting house at
Hanover, and he soon discovered what he
w as t for. He began humbly as an ex
change broker, and went on to bo banker of
the Landgrave of II ese, whoso private for
tune he saved by his shrewdness, when Na
poleon overran Germany. How be left
large fortune and a commercial character ol
the highest order, and how his five sons set.
tied in five great cities of Europe, and hav.
had more authority over war and peace, and
the destinies of nations, than the sovereigns
themselves, the world pretty well knows
Despotic monarchs must be dependent on
money-lenders, unless they aree Irom debt
and can command unlimited revenues for
BDtold purposes, which is never true of des
potic sovereigns.
OirWben a Spaniard eats a peach or peai
by the roadside, wherever he is, he digs s
bole in the ground with his foot, and cover?
the seed. Consequently, all over Spain, by
:the road-sides and elsewhere, fruit in grea
abundance tempts the tatte, and is ever free
jLet this practice be imitated in our country
.and the weary wanderer will be blest, am!
will bless the" hand that ministered to hi:
comfort and joy. We are bound to leave tin
world as good, or better than we found it
And he is a selfish churl, who basks uude
the shadow, and eats the fruit of trees wbicl
other hands have planted, if be will not al.-(
-plant trees which shall yield fruit to comiD.
generations.
EXTRACT FROM THE SPEECH OF THE
HON. JAS. BROOKS,
Before the Democratic Union Associa
tion, September 29, 1863.
Hod. James Brooks, on rising, was re
ceived with great cheering. As soon as
silence was restored, he said:
The next proposition of the proclamation
is compensation for slaves. Here I plant my
foot clown on the steps of my fathers, in this,
and other Northern States, and tell the
South to abolish slavery there as our fathers
did, and pay for their slaves when they
alxilish the institution, and not force taxa
tion upon us to pay for the emancipation of
their slaves. Applause. I will not tax the
poor man of the North nor the rich man nf
j the North to p-iy for the emancipation of
j slaves in Texas, North Carolina, Georgia.
Tennessee, or auy-whfre elan There is"no
.such authority in Congress to appropriate
: money for anv snr-h purpose whatever. All
jof thes Northern States h:.ve abolished
i slavery by their own free will, and under
1 their own laws have compensated tho nun-
j pie or not compensated them as the people j
j of the States willed. And yet the President i
j of the United States, in tho exercise of tl
power of the Executive, promises to call no-
on Congress to tax the people of tho North
, e
j J ,
tor the compensation of slaves, loyal or dis
arm we, who are about to be
more and moro overriden bv taxation, to be !
I faxed even as the people of England and '
: Franco are taxed on every thing we eat. j
drink, wear and move about in? Are we to '
; tax the laborer of the North, earning for his '
family, a dollar or two dollars a day, for the '
emancipation of slaves in distant States of!
the Union, over whoso local interests, over
; whose municipal nuthori'ips, in whose debts I
or credits, or in whose systems of govern- !
' nieiit we have no earthly right to exercise J
, anv power, and in which we have but little j
I interest? Cheers. j
; The next proposition of tho President is a
j huge system of colonization for these slaves.
. Coming as he loes from the State of Illinois, I
, his own Republican State w hich gave him 1
j the Republican vote, imbued with the idea;
I of the Western people that they will not
' have negroes to live and dwell among them i
! he proposes to tax the Treasury of the i
j Unitcil States millions upon millions to col- j
on:ze, in Lhmiiii or elsewhere, some , three j
or four millions of negroes, at the expense j
of the North. Why, never did a dreamier!
idea enter the head, it seems to me, of any :
wild Utopian scheming philosopher Laugh
ter nnd applause. j
Tho abduction, the emancipation, the col- i
omzauon 01 lour minions oi numau neings i
from the cotton and rice fields of the South
from the tropical districts of that region,
where or.ly tho negro can work, where the
w hite man cannot pos-.ibly labor under that
tro-ical sun, the colonization of three or four
milliot.s of once happy human beings to
some foreign country, on some wild prospect
of emigration, ami the taxation of twenty
millions of Northern people to pay the ex
penses of th is nero color ization, is utterly
impossible and never will take place. What-
.i. I : l . . 1.
ever 1110 i resiuem may say, or wnamvur no
may iream ot, tne souinern negro win re
main hero in the land of his adoption and
now the land of his birth, and the only ques
tion left for us to settle is, whether remain
ing, States shall be left untrammeled, un
noticed and undisturbed by us, as they have
been, from the foundation of the Govern
ment, or whether we shall ue the pewer of
tho army tosubvert and destroy the authority
of their masters and install these slaves as
masters of the Southern States of this Union,
'never, never, and when thus installed,
whether we shall have partnerships with
them.
For one, I am ready to say that if the
time ever arises when Georgia or Alabama,
or Virginia or Louisiana, is governed by ne
groes, with a negro judiciary, negro senators j
:n Congress, and negro representatives, it is i
quite time for the white people of the North i
to dissolve partnership; with any such State, j
Loud cheers. All these, however, are!
dreams of nero liberty, equalitv and frater- :
rnty; and if tho schemes of the President are
carriad out, there must inevitably follow ,
what the Abolitionists now demand of him,
he tinning of the slaves, their adoption in- i
to the army of the United States, and our!
recognition of them, not only as fellow-
soldiers, but as fellow-citizens also. Ap- j
plause and laughter. In Louisiana there ;
re now thousands of slaves supported on I
Government rations, nnd every negro costs :
the United States forty cents a day for his:
rations. Something must be done with these
negroes. Tho Abolitionists proose to bring !
them into the armv of the Unim.l States. I
, ' :i4 i' Ktata5
-.rv... Un; f tbt.
to give negro suffrage "to negro voters, and, ;
.u.u .K!o o ir-nnhlinan State, oin? I
for Mr. Lincoln bv fifty thousand majority,
he Republicans themselves had good sense
uie ll"ul,t''uiV . , j
enough to vote down that proposition by an j
immense majority
But what meau these
propositions? They are nothing new,
Let
us see.
Look at Spanish America Spanish Amer
ica was settled by the lofty and proud Hi
dalgos of Spain; New England was settled
bv tbe Puritans; Jamestown, Virginia, by a
different class of people, not all Chevaliers,
as some of them far different from gentle
man. These three classes of people settled
on this continent of America; the Puritans
in tho East. Virginians 'n tne center auu
. -i . . . .. . j it.,
Spanish Americans in the South God never
made a nobler race of men than the old
prnish Hidalgos. Tru
rue to their God am
rheirold flag from tbe banks of tho Gttadal-
piiver far aeross tho Atlantic Ocean, from
rhe shores of Florida through South America
.. Patagonia, and from thence to Chili. Peru
.nd California, or across the Cordilleras
Fhev wen tup the Rio de la Plata; nnd every-
?A " their God and King, they
a uag 01 opam in glory irom
to the Pacific Oce-an- Ap-
long as the pure white blood
he Atlantic
plause. 1 As Ion
t Spain COUrsea in meir veins, iuy were
. .at. i-
n nninnnnnran In anil lDVlOClUlO UBUD B.
peopie.
The lofty Armades of England, the proud
Drakes of oar ancestors, the fleets of Queen
n,iizaboth and Queen Anne, all thundered
in vain against this pure white blood of the
Spanish people. Butwhen Spain committed
the error of marrying and intermarrying with
the Indian and with the negro, when Spain
adopted into her armies the black blood of
the negro and the copper blood of the Indian.
thee, no longer, did the pare white blood of
Spain rule in glowing grandeur from the
moun tain-peaks of the Andes, but the negro
and the Indian at last revolutionized and.
drove out the lofty Hidalso to the home
whence he emigrated, so that now. when a
Northern or Southern regiment, as in recent
M. . . . . '
i..imo iuu mu.aiiu ui
npain its mongrel, negro and copper blood,
one tierce look
OI a ionnern or OOUttiern
man would demolish
a whole regiment of
inese mongrels. Ana vet. the proposition
of the Abolitionists is to arm our negroes, to
introduce them into our armies, to take yon
and me, by draft and conscription, from our
wives and children, and march us to the
Mississippi, shoulder to shoulder, with the
seething, sooty negro. Applause
There is a philosophy in arming men, and
none know it better than the Abolilionists.
Whomsoever you fight side by side with,
whoever is your fellow-soldier "is your fellow-man,
whoever meets von face to faco
I wll,,.,1'e enemy with him you must share
he right of suffrage, the rights of societv.
the right of domicil. You must sit on ju
ries with him and you must elect him to of
fice. He becomes here, as in Spanish Amer
ica, your equal in society and before the eyes
of the law. I scorn Abolitionists for the ir
Government, 'What are we to do?' If this
country was not in the midst of a civil war,
I would have no hesitancy in saying, as
Patrick Henry said, in the Revolution, 'Ue
s;stanco to tyrants is obedience to God.'
Enthusiastic anil long continued cheering
lyapiaiu uy riders 'three cheers for that
it it is the last three cheers that freemen
have to give. Tho cheers were given
What are we to do? TAn auditor 'Where
are tho tyrants? 'Put him out.' All 1
propose to do is to appeal to the ballot box.
That has hitherto been a sufficient court ot
appeal for all the people of the United
States. If they will permit us to have it,
arouse and inspire yourselves for action at
the ballot. Applause.! The ballot box is
your only, your lofty and sublime remedy.
, . . , , .. ,
Will hey let us have the ballot box?- ,
Go to tbe ballot box and make a trial there
for tho redemption of this people from all
: it. i i.i .
, "r".e present, protest! .lf,tjBnK Turn over tho ,la!?eg of history,
loud.y against all t us arb.tary exerciso of; M of ,he toml)3 anJ SCpUlcher3 of Repub
power y e will do it.' If I, or any of j hat have fallen. w'ilh th9 exce,)lioa of
me rroncn uni in tne midst ot tne devo
lution, form large processions with the red
cap of liberty lifted over every freeman's
head, great applause march to the Bastile
unarmed, and on bended knees, if necessary,
implore the commander to liberate your
fellow-citizen. 'No, sever in America'
Freemen should always, before resorting to
any uhinvl ratio, petition, beg and implore.
There are rights aud obligations in a coun
try like this, as the ballot box is open for
the redress of wrongs. 'You are right."
When you have assembled before this Bas-
I. .1 .1 t
tilo, read to the ot.ulotto, iu the lofty sono-
rous L-iUrj
of the dark ages, tue Mtqna
Charier of your English fathers, thunder
the habeas corpus ia the ears of your fellow
citizens and soldiers, aud then read and re
read there, the Constitution of the United
States, which guarantees to every man the
right of free speech, of free discussion, trial
by jury, and security for his property and
person. Cheers.
Fellow-citizens, I did not come here only
to complain against the administration of
tho Government this evening, but also to lay
before you, in this freo spoech I am making,
my ideas upon the subject of this war. I
have no sympathy with rebellion iu any
shape or form whatsoever. The Constitu
tion of the United States onco was enough
for our Southern countrymen; the Congress
of the United States afforded every remedy
for the redress of their grievances under that
Constitution. They were terribly provoked
and goaded, but their duty was, with the
Senate of the United States theirs, with the
House of Representatives almost theirs, with
the Judiciary theirs, their duty was to do
what I urge upon i'ou this evening to pe
tition and to go to tho ballot box. The
right of pettition is the birthright of every
American. The ballot box is the remedy
for every American. Arms, artillery, tho
cartouch-box are not elements of American
progress or civilization. Cheers. I have
my own ideas on this war. 'Sok out."
No, no, I shall not speak out, when armies
are contending, when fraternal blood is being
shed." But (here tho speaker paused for
some time, as if considering) this I will say,
I was born in the State of Maino. On one
sulo w the British province of .Nova Scotia,
aod on the other is that of Lower Canada,
with wide navigable
otate to the navies ot
rivers, opening tne
the world; and yet
h such " unconquerable invincible,
Anglo-Saxon spirit, and such a high sense
of independence there, that I do not believe
i TT .. , Qt, t
gether could ever subjugate the people.
Subjugation or extermination is not au
American idea; it is not a theory to which
the Anglo Saxon blood in our veins willever
surrender. If the oath of subjugation were
forced upon the citizen of Maine, ho would
strike at the administrator of that oath iu the
rear; but whoever held out to him the rights
of self-government, according to the Consti-
i tution of the United States, he, with a single
! . r -VT V-l- M" oloai.ikars
reirimeni irom new xui, ui oia..noio,
. , i M,in tn
ua.,T,. T do' not oroooie. if any
i fpir lnv,Hv ! v draw such an inference, that we shall
to to their loyalty ; . BurrenJer our Constitution and Govern -1
King, they carried s.hern States.-
But I propose to carry on the war upon a
different principle with the sword in tho
"S nau'V auu. 111 V J ' "f a " V
great applause and under that panopl, and
protection, not a million of solute n,. but two
IfVb-
, T , . r v,f
ess ary for the subjogaUon of that crad.e
' rebellidn, where this unhdly war first be-
! iii. nrnii.l flu nf'ourcountrv was
- , , r . , , ., if volnn.
nrst. Ktrnek down bv rebel Canuon, it voiun-
first Ktrnek down bv rebel Canuon, if volun-
: , .'.1 ... it..i,. T
" .
"ere oe ceuea-o reaoi mi
think I may say two millions of volunteers
would go from the Northern Slates. Cheers
My theory of the war, then, is to use only
those powers which the Constitution gives
us. And for what was our Constitution
mainly formed? What were its purposes?
In the main, exteriorparposes purposes out
Of and beyond the domain of the United
States. It was commerce, self-interest, that
created the Government of the United
States; it was the desire of the people of the
Chesapeake Bay to have free trade with the
Hudson River! it was the desire of the peo
ple of Rhode Island to import and export
: iiuiii uipuui viiiuima niuinub Lusbuius. x1 I
trade, tree commerce, and selr-interest were
the main-springs which, in 1787. formed
, hn OovernTnnt. of tho United Status Tn
j the prosecution of this war I would, then,
have the Government hold on to New Or
leans, repossess Mobile, take Galveston, con
quer or subjugate Charleston at any expense.
L?t the Government hold on to all the
Southern ports for the collection of revenue.
I would have tbe army of the United
States occupy the great points of the Missis
sippi River, and the bunting points on the
railroads, and I would have those points for
tiGed, and then I would leavo the rebellion
thus surrounded to sting itself to doath, to
crush itself out by the violence of its own
. mi I - ,
tends from the Potomac to the Kio u-rande,
protected in many parts by an infernal cli
mate this idea of overrunning with North
ern people not habituated to that climate,
that vast extent of territory, is a theory that
iu the end must fail. Our great, duty cer
tainly is, not to rest till the Constituiion of
tho United States is re-established, and the
Union restored as it was, not as the Aboli
tionists would have it. L?t no man, there
fore, pervert what I say. I have no svm-
with treason or Secession. Ij
abhor Secess onism and Abolitionism both,
Great applauso.l I have no more respect
tor Wendell Phillips than 1 have for Jeff,
D avis. Jeff Davis is but a rebel two years j
ohi, and Wendell Phillips is a rebel, by his
venom. I Applause. 1 nis geograptueai war j aujumcauon ot a jury upon our sin3 or ln
of overrunning a people whose territory ex- i iquities, on any allegations which maybe
own confession, twenty years eld and more, j tyranny, and his Government suppressed Dy
Laughter and applause. j Cromwell that which our fathers have had
Fellow citizens, I have detained you too . since their reign, is now subverted, over
lonK. 'So, no, go on,' but I felt it my duty j thrown, destroyed, by a mere proclamation
to discuss the bunting, primary, fundament-1 from the President of the United States, an
ill iiiiiLiuica in i.hi;uj in'j in, aim uu icaa
they niaint!line)1 and vindicated, we
al principles of this Government, and unless)
shall become here what all other Republics
have been, tho victims of tyranny and des-
the little Republic of Can Marino, on a peak
of the Appenines, wo are the only Republic
on the face of this broad earth. Wa are
trying two great experiments first, if the
pronunciamento of a people, dissatisfied with
the constitutional result of an electioD, can
subvert tho Government; and, secondly, if
tyrants in heart and spirit, can fasteu upon
us, a Northern free people, a tyranny which
will put our Republic in the same category
of the tombs and sepulchors of all other Re
publics that have gone before it. 'Never,
never.' Freedom is 3 precious boon, a
liirthriht lovotil all prlco anJ ctiTculatiou.
Demagogues, tyrants and monarchists, the
hypocrisy in the North, for while they
preach the equality of the negro, they will
not sit side by side with him in the same
pew, or even in the same church. They
will not worship God scarcely at the same
altar. They bury him away in some corner,
thoy hide him in some dark gallery, and
when God has removed him from tho earth,
I trust to a better world, instead of honoring
him in the grave with some equality, they
put him away in some dark corner of a
Potter's Field". They will not marry or in
termarry with negroes. I can not persuade
my friends of the Tribune to make negroes
associate editors with them; I can not in
duce them to employ negro reporters, com
positors or pressmen, and yet they preach
negro equality and fraternity out of the Tri
bune domain. 'How are you, Greeley, and
the white coat and hat?' followed by hisses
for Greeley.
Let us look, now, at Proclamation No. 2.
I approach this topic with more apprehen
sion than I have any of the others, for there
is more threat iu its promulgation. 'Don't
be afraid, go on.' This proclamation is a
corollary of Proclamation No. I. It sub
stantially says to the free white people of tho
North, if you discuss and agitate this sub
ject of emancipation, if you mike war against
the Administration upon this snbject, you
shall be incarcerated in Fort Lafayette.
Go on, let them try it.'J The proclama
tion forbids all disloyal practices, and among
other thing, 6tates that all persons who are
guilty of disloyal practices shall be subject
ed to martial law. But who is to judge of
this guilt of disloyal practices? The courts
of law judges and juries? Oh, no. Dick
Busteed.' The Provost Marshal of the city
of New York Superintendent Kennedy, the
head of tho police, f Hisses. And if I have
an enemy, and that social enemy approaches!
the Provost Marshal and whispers that 1 am j
rtiillfrirnf A iclnfTrtl ,-irin if? fa(J Via havinor stud ipd 1
Fnto th Burets nf some 'familv r-hW the:
Provost Marshal without process, without j fathers handed down to us, in the Constitn
jude or jury, can call to his aid two thou- i tion and in the Declaration of Independence,
sand policemen and can arrest and incarce-! Let me end, than, by repeating, now mora
rate me in Fort Lafayette, and I am there I important than ever to ba impressed upon
bevond the hone of habeas conms and the 1 the Norther mind, the sentiment of a great
- j
protection of law. 'No, never.' There are j
two points in the Proclamation. First is the I
suspension of the civil, and the establish-
ment of martial law, and the second is the
suspension of tho habeas corpus. You all
know what the civil law is judges, juries,
courts, and the process by which you have
boeu accuotomed to see law administered,
but the martial law you do not kuow. It
bus been our happy lot, siuce the founda
tion of this Government, never before dow
to know what martial law was in this coun
try, and v'e can not kuow what it is now,
but as we read of it in the history of des
potic governments over the Atlant'C Ocean.
Martial law is the law of the bullet, the law
of the drum-head court, of the epaulette, the
absolute law, the law from which there is
no court of appeal,-but to the jurisdiction of
which there must be implicit obedience; and
redemption, from which there is no hcrpe
for, except-at the pleasure of the adminis
trators of that martial law. The next point
in that Proclamation is the suspension of the
habeas corpus-
Now, friends, there arecertain Latin words
which come down to us from the history of
our fathers, almost made English by con
stant use, which can not well be translated,
but which, nevertheless, are full of mean
ing. All English liberty, and all our liber
ties as descendants of Englishmen, come
from what is called Magna Charta. It was
extorted by the barons of England from I
their despotic King John, in the j'ear 1215,
for themselves and their serfs, .under the
threat of the sword, if he did not sign that
i ki Dab tuanci 1UI uu"l l&Ll u uerty. iruui w u It u
! have sprung, in tbe mam, all the rights and
! liberties of Englishmen. From thence
I enmea nnr rirh of trial inn inrl nn, o-
curity in the possession of our property.
'JSuiius liter homo capielur vel tmprisonetur
'No free man shall be taken or imprisoned.'
'No freeman shall be disseized of his free
hold, imprisoned and condemned, but by
jadgment of his peers, or by the law of the
land.' That is the right and the liberty
which the English people have had since.
Anno Domini, 1215. Now, for the first time
here, and only with occasional exceptions,
in the history of English liberty, we are de
prived of the right of trial by jury; we are
seized, arrested and imprisoned without any
-l",- .. i. . '
i rnaae against us, and our property mav be
seized or disturbed without, any adjudication
wnatsoever. 'Shame'J
There followed, in the reign of the two
Charl eses of England, (despotic kiDgs.) what
is called the writ of habeas corpus, the right
which an English subject had, whenever he
was taken prisoner and incarcerated in a jail,
to have a writ from a Jude of the Court of
K'ng's . Bench, commanding tbe jailor to
bring the body of the subject before him. to
have his case adjudicated upon according to
the laws of England. And yet. that which
i has been English liberty since the days of
tne uarK ages, LZlo,) that wbicn tne aes-
potic Kings of England, the two Charleses,
accorded, one of whom was executed for his
nulling both the right ol trial by jury and
the habeas corpus, by which every person has
a right to know, before some judge, why be
has been incarcerated. Tbe President claims
that he has authority, under the Consti
tution, to issue this power of suspending the
habeas corpus. Believe you that Washington,
rebelling against the tyranny of the execu
tive power of King George, that Madison,
Jefferson, Franklin, old John Adams, or any
of the fathersof the Revolution , ever created
a Constitution by which one more man, hav
ing the same flesh and blood that you and I
have, is, without act of Congress, to have
authority over thirty millions of people?
that he can take any of you, by day or by
night, from your wives and children, and in
carcerate you in Fort Lafayette or Fort War
ren, beyond all hope of redemption? 'lor
famous.' Never did the framers of the
Constitution give or grant such powers to
the Executive of the United States. 'We
will never stand it.' If it were given,
there is no liberty any longor for the people
of the United States, for that Executive has
but by the exercise of arbitrary power to in
volve this country in war with England or
France, and in the suspension of the habeas
corpus, after creating an army of a million
of men, to ride, rough shod, over thirty mil
lions of hitherto free white men. 'Never,
never.'
Our own Judge Hall, in the western part
of the State, but the other day liberated a
person, a reverend gentleman who may, or
may not, have been guilty of something I
know not what on a habeas corpus, and in
doing so, declared that, as Congress had
given the President no such power, he had
no such power. Applause. Notwithstand
ing this decision of Judge llall, this person
was taken the moment he was liberated (a
whitemau kidnapped) to the Central Rail
road depot, put in a freight car, isolated from
the people, and secretly and stealthily taken
from Buffalo to Albany, thence to Washing
ton, a State prisoner. 'Shame.' And they
tell me that for this free speech , this free
and fundamental discussion of all these
things, I may be imprisoned and incarcer
ated. 'No, you won't.' But I do not at
all feel certain that oue or two thousand po
licemen may not take me any hour of the
day from the midst of my fellow-citizons,
and incarcerate me. 'Never,' and protract
ed cheers.
A man in the audience proposed three
cheers for Judge Hall, which wero enthusi
astically given.
Now, fellow-citizans, I dare say I shall
be asked by Republicans, after these com
plaints against the administration of the
earth over, in Europe as well as. here, are
using all their cunning to subvert free insti
tutions and the great principles of human
liberty. If, in our hostility to rebellion, we
forget our own rights and our own liberties,
we"are untrue tothesacrod trust which our
Northern statesman, in trying times bafore,
'Liberty and Union, now and forever, ono
and inseperable." .
Mr. Brooks resumed his seat, amid enthu
siastic cheers.
MousTAisd of SiLvsa. Tb.3 Silver Age,
of California, says:
"From a neltv reliable source we learn
that the Ophir Compauy aro shipping weekly )
from their works in Washoe tounty iu
sum of not loss than SsGO.000 in bullion, and
some weeks it amounts to nearly $100,000
in value. At this rate the yield of the mine
will probably reach the enormous sum ol
.i ;u:., r AnMnr this vear. lnera
l u rets tukiLiuua vi u w ..... e-t .
are hundreds of mines in eur viomity equally
as good: which are undeveloped, but which
only require the capital to make them yield
similarly."
Reputation is often got without met it, and
lost without crime. . -
From the Columbus (Ohio) Crisis.
To George D. Prentice, Greeting.
Just as our elections were transpiring yoa
sent into Ohio your venomous missiles, aim
ed at the editor of The Ceisis, as though
yoa had been recently appointed DICTA
TOR by the Abolitionists of this State,
either to annihilate us at once, or send as to
some bastile for such punishment, taking
your billingsgate as an evidence of voar
heart, as tyrants, of the extermination school
only know bow to inflict.
As a return for your choice language, we
send you back greeting from Ohio, the vic
torious shouts of a redeemed people, from
the rule of just such bragadocia jackasses as
yourself! WJiat do you think of it? If ft
sweats you, it is to bo hoped that it will care
you.
You use the words 'traitor' and 'treason'
with as much fluency as though yoa were
on very intimate terms with both. A tree
is generally known by the fruit it bean. Yoa
had two sons in the Southern army, one of
whom was recently killed at Augusta, Ky.
The editor of Tub Cbisis has a son in the
Northern army, who wa3 in Kentucky at
the time your son was killed fighting on tho
other side!
'Sow, in the chances and accidents of war,
your sou might have killed our son, or vies
versa, and yet you call us a 'traitorl' Now,
were you in such straits, that to clear your
skirls of the charge of teaching your sons
treason, yoa were driven to this vulgar ex
hibition of yourself to save your reputatioo
among your abolition friends, who have you
in their pay? We stand in need of no such
defense, for we despise the Abolitionist, just
as much as you can hate a Democrat! You
went begging amongst these abolitionist not
long since, and in Philadelphia alone they
raised you forty thousand dollars! How much
do you expect to get out of them for your
vile abuse of tbe editor of the Criris, who
sent a son into Kentucky to save your rot-
j ten carcas3 from tho daggers of your own
nesn
j We speak thus to you only from the fact
that you forfeited, by your most contemptt-
ble language, all consideration as a man by
descending to the. level of a brute. Less
than a year ago you sent to us letters of
friendship and kindness, in regard to your
unfortunate neighbors who had been arrest
ed in their houses and sent to Camp Chase.
We treated your letters as coming from
gentleman, and saw and conversed with your
unfortunate neighbors.
From this and like acts of kindness, we
were hounded by a heartless crew who are
incapable of appreciating a decent act to
friend or foe. Despising in our very aonl
such contemptible meanness, such a spirit of
savage brutality, we, of course, paid not the
least attention to such clamor.
Now you set up the bowl of brutality, to
make yoursalf equal to 'your associates ia
the lower level chosen for your pathway.
We hope you will have a pleasant journey,
and we ask forgiveness for stooping so low
as to make ours elf heard iu conversing with
you. A friend of yours was anxious to make
us believe you kuew nothing of the article
published in your paper. We gave you full
time to take it back if you did not approve
of it. You have made no explanation or
retraction, and we, therefore, have felt con
strained, greatly against our inclinations, to
show to the public, in our own defence, just
what is known to many people to be true.
We now commit you to the mercy of the
public.
A pious old gentleman, one of the salt of
the earth sort, went out into the field to
catch a mare that was wont to bear him to
town. Ho moved on the most approved
mode. He shook a measure of corn at her
to delude her into th3 belief that she was
to get it; but she was not to be diceivod by
any such specious act. She would come
nigh and then dash off again, until the good
man was fretted very badly. At last ho got
her in a corner among some briars and made
a dash at her, when she bouuded over the
wall and left him sprawliDg among the bush
es. His Christian fortitude gave way at this,
and gathering himself up, cried, 'Oh, belli'
The ejaculation had passed bis lips before
he thought, but immediately conscious of its
wickedness, he said, 'lelujah! and translated
tbe profane word into a note of triumph.
Bread is the staff of life, had liquor the
stilts the former sustaining a man and the
latter elevating him for a fall.
Diplomacy may work as much calamity
as a battle; a few ink-drops may cost a na
tion more misery and exhaustion than a river
of blood.
It would bo better if young ladies would
encourage young men mora on account of
their good characters than their good clothes.
A good reputation is better than a fine coat
in almost any kind of business, except woo
ing a fashionable lady.
All maidens are good,' says one moralist
'but where do the bad wives coma from?'
Men are generally like wagons; they rattle
prodigiously whan there ia noth'.Dg in thorn.
Don't undertake to kiss a furious woman;
risk not a smack in a storm.
'Why don't you wear your ring, tay daugh
ter, when you go out walking? Beoause,
nana, is hurts niv hand ivheo any one
x i w
squeezes it.
An absent minded enf!einan, on retiring
at ni"bt, put bis dog to bed, and kicked
himself down stairs! He did not dlscorer
his mistake till ho went to yelp, and the
dog tried to make a snore.
Julius, did you attend da last maattng go
do debating society?' 'Yes, sir,' 'Well,
what was do fust tiling dat cum afore de
house?' Why, it was a charcoal cart!'
AsALoar. -Whea is a uUnt like a bog?
When it 'oBgias to rout. Vbea is It like
soldier? Whea it bajjia to sh,ot. And
whan is it like an editor? When it begin
to blow. . j
Three fresh crinolioe sacrifices are report
ed from England. Two bar raaide beret to
death by their distended skirts taking flr
and one factory girl drawn !oto machinery
by the. same mean and crushed to death.
ti