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''^THE NEW ERA.
What is it but a Map of bu-y Life?—Cott'ptr. NORFOLK AND PORTSMOUTH FRIDAY, OCTOBER 17, 1845. OUR FLAG! FREE TRADE—LOW DUTIES NO DF.HT—SE PARATION FROM RANKS- ECONOMY—RE TRENCHMENT—AND STRICT ADHERENCE TO TIIE CONSTITUTION. W e are indebted to the New York Morn ing News, and the Tribune, tor Extra containing he news by I he steamer Oreat Britaint. ELEC TIONS IN PHILADELPHIA. The election on 1 uesday resulted in the non choice of a Mayor, a majority being necessary, and three tickets in the field. Swift, Whig, 4.9G2 Page, Dom., 3.928 Keyser, Native, 4,524 That is in the rily, proper. The Pennsylva nian of says the county, “ we have elected our county treasurer, county commissioner, auditor, recorder, register, clerks of the courts of Quarter Sessions, of the Orphans’ Court, prothunotary of the District Court, senators, members of the House of Representatives—commissioners of the districts of the Northern Liberties, Moyatnensing, and we hope for Spring Garden; and have lost South wark and Kensington, or rather the Natives have held them. In the city the Whigs have been successful.” G FX> IlG IA ELECTIONS. Contrary to our expectation Georgia has gone for the whigs. But it is proper for us to state that the canvass was not conducted on party 1 grouuds. The great personal popularity of Gov- ! ernor Crawford, as we have before stated on the | authority of the Augusta Constitutionalist, retj- i dered such a contest impossible, and the Savan- ! nah Republican, whig, says of the result, “we hail it not so much as a party victory, as a victo- | ry of the people who have risen in their might in favor of good government—in favor of the fault less and successful administration of an impartial and honest ruler.” The Legislature stands, so far as we have re turns, as follows: In the Assembly—Democrats 51 Whigs 54 I In the Senate—Democrats 21 Whigs 16 , COL. G. W. HOPKINS, Of Little T ennessee, lias been nominated by ■ the Mountain Whig as a fitting candidate for' Speaker of the next Democratic House of Rep i resentatives, in Congress. If nothing else, this: endorsement of a Federal whig print, would blast his hopes forever. But he stands no chance in ! that body, for good and sufficient reasons, which 1 may be gathered from the analysis below from i the New York Morning News:— i “ Col. George W. Hopkins, of the ‘ Little ! Tennessee* district. Virginia, is warmly urged by the Mountain Whig, as Speaker of the House of Representatives. He was re-elected to Con gress last spring, by obtaining the votes of the Whigs in his district; Col. John B. George be ing his opponent, who received the almost unani mous vote of Democratic Tazewell. Col. Hop kins was a Democrat in *36, a rank Conservative in *37, then a Whig, and now again a nominal Democrat. In 1837 lie also heat Col. George, the Independent Treasury candidate for Congress. He would doubtless he a very acceptable candi- ! date to the Whigs in Congress, but we <mess the De mocrats will take for a Speaker, some man ] who is satisfied to rely only on the Democratic] party. ___ A FEW WORDS ABOUT WOMEN. It was easy for the artist who had a sign to paint, to represent the man lording it over the] lion; but as the beast justly observes in the fable, j “ if lions were the painters, the case might be re- i versed.” Men, who have for many ages been the writers, have taken good care to assert their superiority, by every possible species of attack i and ridicule levelled against the women; and if] the latter, now that they are fairly competing ' the palm of authorship with their male rivals, j have nobly abstained from every attempt at re , taliation, what a proof does it afford of their supe \ rior good taste and generosity ? What so easy as to launch the light shafts of their raillery ! against onr boobies, chatterboxes, and dandies 7 j What so natural, as that they should level their ! caustic satire against our drunkards, gamesters, and profligates; or, morn especially, that ihey should stigmatise and expose our sneering bache lors. who have themselves created that very class of old maids, which they pelt with heartless re proaches, and pitiless ribaldry ? Bui no, our fe male writers have disdained the proffered tri- ! urnph, as if determined to prove rhe superiority of their hearts, at the same moment that they are I establishing the erpiality of their heads. The ' frivolity, love of dress, and loquaciousness of women, have afforded subjects to satirists and jesters, from the literary days of ancient Rome and Athens, down to the present hour. If, how- i ever, their love of finery and garrulity, ever ex | ceeded the same propensities in man, it was, at least, a deviation from the ordinary laws of na- j ture, for it is remarkable that, in (he feathered and animal kingdom, the gaudiest colors, and j lomlcst tongues, are invariably bestowed upon the male. The peacock and the gentlemen pheasant have all the fine clothes, and the proud strutting, to themselves, and, if we may draw any further analogy from this class of cjeation, it is worthy of remark, that the hen bird invariably sits si- i lently at home, attending to her household duties, whilst the male is rhndytying his plumage, and j chattering, crowing, and chirping all day long. So low does this role extend in the scale of exis tence, that the shrill incessant cry which salutes us from the earth, like that which twitters from the air, cornea front the male grasshopper only. This fact was known to the ancients, hut, in stead of it* leading them to distrust, from the analogy that runs through nature’s works, the superior loquacity imputed to women, it furnished Xcimrchus, »he comic writer, with an additional jest at their expense, by enabling him to exclaim, “ How happy are the grasshoppers in having dumb wives!” THREAD LACE. For the Iasi few days, says the New York Morning Nows, in its running notice of the Fair of the American Institute, two young girls from Nottingham, England, have attracted much at tention. They employ themselves there in ma king l bread Lace—the modus operandi we can not explain, hut the fact that one piece on which one was engaged, had 104 spools, and that each spool must be turned three times in making one side to a mesh, and that a smart operative can not make more than 1 yard per week, worth $2, and to do that must work 12 hours each day will need no comment. We can realize the fact that the operatives of England are hardly tasked and poorly paid. We much regret to see the death of Orvile Bradly, Esq., of Hawkins county, East Tennes se, annuuced in the papers, lie had no family, and devises a princely estate to a neice at whose death it is to he applied to the education of the poor children in Hawkins county.—Mr. liradly was a powerful defender of the democratic party and principles in the late Presidential election.— Lynchburg Republican. From the Tribune of Tuesday THE IIOYT AND BUTLER CORRES PONDENCE. Mr. Stoughton, on behalf of Mr. Taylor, book seller. yesterday before Vice Chancellor M’Coun, moved that the Court dissolve the injunction as related to Mr. Taylor, he being one of the par ties against whom .Jesse Hoyt obtained an injunc tion prohibiting him selling' the bonk. &c. Mr. 8. stated that Mr. Hoyt only claims for three let ters written by himself to Marlin Van Horen, and 1 10 letters written to himself (the said Hoyt) by other parties, and for whom lie is trustee. The e aim is based on the said letters being his private property, and not valuable to the public. &,c._ Mr. 8. contended that they were valuable, in showing to the public what is doing by those holding important positions in the affairs of the Government, lie suggested to the Court wheth er or not Mr. Hoyt could claim ownership over the letters sent to him, as lie acknowledges, in Ins bill, that the parties sending them had a right to multiply copies as extensively as they pleased. Mr. 8. also suggested whether it was consistent with public policy, when a parly possesses litera ry matter of such ‘ deep interest’ as is contained in these letters, connected with the stated preach ing of the Gospel, &c., whether they Ind a right to prevent them being given to the public. Hut any rate, even allowing that Mr. Hoyt has a claim to those letters, he was not authorized to ask for an injunction on tlie whole book, the letters only constituting about one third of it, &o. The Vice Chancellor stated that it would have been belter that the injunction had been made in that way, hut even so, the injunction would have had to rest on the whole work, as ii was already printed.— Mr. S. made the motion nearly at the time for ad journment, and will continue his argument this forenoon. Mr. Prescott Hall or Mr. Evarls will reply. _ The Hutchinson Family.—The New York Mirror publishes the following extract from a pri vate letter received in that city by the Cambria : “We are now in Liverpool, at No. 70 Duke street. We had a happy voyage across the At lantic, which we accomplished in eleven davs and a half. We have already given two con certs—the attendance was equal to our first con certs in New York, but the enthusiasm of an English audience is more thrilling and universal. Many of our songs were most rapturously encored. We were terribly scared,however, when we first appeared before the John Bulls, but they cheered us so much, and looked so good natureil (hat we soon felt at our ease, and went through the pro gramme as well as ever we did before a Yankee audience. We were hailed with thunders of ap plause when in the ‘ Old Hay Slate,’ we sung, “ Wo are all Teetotallers.” We give another concert here, and then proceed to Dublin, where we have an engagement for five nights. We intend to visit London during the month of Jan uary, that being the commencement of the con cert season there.” From the Democratic Review for .September. POLITICAL PATRONAGE. The greatest of all things is Place; for all other things are in the world, but the world is in it.— Thales, the Philosopher. The General Government of the United States at Washington controls the appointment of about 14,000 postmasters, about 14,000 deputies or clerks, about 3.000 mail contractors and agents, and about 2,000 revenue and lighthouse officers, making in all some 33,000 public dependents, whose duties are local, and whose residences are scattered through every township and village in our country. Every Stale government has in addition a pa tronage averaging at least 2.000 appointments of a similar character, making 54,000, which added to the 33,000 already mentioned, make 87,000 men. This is of course entirely exclusive of all Cabinet officers, Slate and national, and their troops of clerks and dependents ; of the army and navy lists, embracing tlieir thousands; of the whole diplomatic aod consular corps; I lie regis ters, receivers, surveyors, and other officers con nected with the administration of our public land system ; the Indian agencies, and of a most potent and. perhaps, a more numerous class, the jobbers and contractors upon Government works, and the providers under G ivernment contracts. Exclusive of these last, and confining ourselves, for ihe pre sent. to our first figure, we find 87.000 men dis tribtited over our country, more or less dependent upon public patronage, or. rather, upon those bv whom it is dispensed. This figure includes no women or children. They are, or should be, men arrived at their political maturity, and in the l vigor of manhood. Supposing every sue It man to I support three—and that is a rn (derate estimate of the product of every man’s industry in society_ these 87.000 would represent the capital, the so- i rial and political substance of 261,000 inhabitants I As it has come to he pretty well established i that political, like most other kinds of gratitude is an emotion experienced for fav »rs to he rendered* and that political friends will he preferred in the public service to political adversaries, it is fair to presume that every one of the 87,000 appoint ments we have enumerated will be made, subject to that preference. The public sentiment of the country seems u. "-’stain such a policy, and even tolerates, with marvellous patience, the more re volting practice of ret loving from the most subor dinate office for politi -al defection or differences with which the duties of the office are not con cerned. And when a state of things has thus gradually arisen, in which all, or nearly all, the offices hi the hands of one party are made sys tematically points or nuclei of influence in support of that party, whether by the direction of patron age connected with them, by contributions of mo ney fur political expenses, or by other modes of influence exerted by rnen brought by official posi tion into contact with large numbers of their fel low’ citizens— it then becomes unreasonable to ex pect that a new party coming into power will consent to leave these fortresses of influence in the hands of their opponents, even were it free from the pressure of the great number «>t its meri torious adherents, who often need them for suhtis tence. and urge their claims to them for reward. I'lins goes on the system from bad to worse, by alternate retaliation ; its evils at every step both increasing and multiplying, until it becomes im possible to reach them by any other than some radical, organic remedy, directed not against the abuses, but the system—not against the symp toms, lull the inner, deep-seated home of the dis ease. Besides these 87,000, who will have thus given up their hearts to the administration which had the discrimination to call them to the public ser vice, ihero will be a certain very large number in waiting, apprehensive that their aid will be re ipiired when they are not at hand. What may be the average number of these patient patriots at any given time in the country, it is difficult to conjec ture. We are informed that there were, on the 1st of August last, upwards of 4.000applications tor places in the Custom House at New York City. As there are but 1G0 officers about the es tablishment, including tin* collector', any of the simple arithmetics will furnish a rule to calculate the proportion of candidates to officers in this par ticular case. It the same proportion should main tain throughout the United Stales, there would be at the present time about SOO.OOO Democrats actively engaged in impressing upon those in whose hands are the issues of political favor, the great advantage which the State would derive from securing, with the least possible delay, their valuable co-operation, and also the extreme devo tion with which themselves and their fathers, un til the third and fonth generation, had loved the peculiar opinions entertained by the Government upon whose elevation to power it was at this time the special privilege of the whole world to con gratulate itself. " iinuui caring i<»r any nt the absolute certain ly of figures. we wish only to remind our readers ol what, when stated, their own experience will promptly verify—that the political patronage of our government is annually devoted to populate the land with active partisans, made more active hy influences independent of their convictions. Secondly, that, of these partisans, hut a small proportion hold office, or any official relation with the Government. Indeed, it will occur to all. upon a little reflection, that hy far the must nu merous, noisy, active and devoted politicians are those who are not enjoying, hut are seeking place —who are earning their position—who are nut, hut always “ to he blessed.” Now let us glance for a moment ul some of the consequences of this stale of things. The theory of our Government make its pros perity and success to depend upon the fairness with which the people are represented in the laws. Any tendoney calculated to refract or misrepre sent the popular will, thereby becomes a public calamity. 1 his is a position which no one recog nizing man’s capacity for self-government will presume to deny ; yet to fully appreciate it in all its length and breadth, it requires more amplifica tion than we have space or time to furnish. We fear there is even in this country an imperfect sense of t-he grave importance of having every positive and accountable interest, however obscure it may be, fairly represented in the making and administration of the laws. N. • w will any one for an instant pretend to de ny that the 87,000 incumbents of office, and the 800,000 who aspire to be, are not influenced in their political action by what they do, or hope to enjoy ? Kven supposing them all to he honest, a supposition which, like the geometrical straight line, can only be used hypothetically, still will they not have a selfish interest, separate from that which belongs to them as citizens? and will not that selfish interest lead them to select their opin ions and their allies with some slight reward to other considerations than the public good ? Will they not talk louder, praise more indiscriminately, conceal faults or errors with more than Christian charity; labor and wrestle with neutral and flag ging friends, «.r reclaimahle foes, with a wilder zeal or more contagious enthusiasm, a inure capti vating indifference to private and personal con venience than they would if thoir action had been inspired solely by philanthropy and patriotism ? We shall have done them great injustice all our days if it be otherwise. i>ui IHI ns suppose any considerable portion of these political probationers to be corrupt or cor rnptible—and this supposition lets ns down at once from the imaginary region at which we were sus tained by the last hypothesis—suppose any con siderable proportion of these to be unscrupulous men, and what mischief may they not he compe tent and tempted to do! All that vast floating vote which has no fixed opinion, and which takes Ms hue, like the unsheltered meadow, from the cloud which happens last to he passing over it, tails at once a prey to their solicitations. Bribery is made to take the place of argument, and politi cal influence is offered as proof of character. Men who have never wished lo, or thought of doing anything but attend to their own business, are dis interred from obscurity, and flattered with illusory promises—their ambition becomes a passion, and hurries them on until they fall into some unholy i political alliance, offensive and defensive, where j by the Stale loses perhaps a useful and industri ous citizen, to gain a misinformed, indiscreet, and good fornothing politician. In this way every nook and corner of society is searched In find out any easy friend or susceptible tool who may be availed of, to stronglhen that peculiar party or sei't upon whose success the fate ef ibis “ officin nitniinn nnfin c.andidatorum” are supposed to depend. And again. Ibis imperial patronagp, running through and uniting both the National and Slate (i jvernmenis by the alliance of common interests, common dependence and common faculties of co operation, arid subordinating as it does the judg merits of such hosts of men to their interests, tends to divide the nation into two or three great parties upon a few controlling questions, by which the minor, but not the least important interests of the people are entirely swallowed op. Interested rather in the success of the party than in the | beneficial influence of its measures, these Govern- | ment retainers frown upon everything which savors of insubordination, cherish passive obedi ence to caucus ordinations, and proclaim from every house top that party organization and regu lar nominations are the vitality of patriotism_ The consequence is, that they attach to those questions on which patronage ia to depend, every local question, however distinct in its character* and whoso believes in one, must believe in all, and defend all, or be content to be shouldered aside as an unsafe friend ar a factious disorganizes In this way. parties who might agree perfectly in their county and town legislation, are divided by their differences on national questions, in which the great body of them perhaps, have only a fac titious interest. The party which succeeds may lug with it the county or the town, against the judgment and the interest of all who are concern ed in its affairs, and all through the machinations of men whose only object is to establish that dy nasty from whom they have the largest expecta tions of official bounty. I here is no room nor reason longer to doubt that by influences such as we have indicated, the popular will is often grievously misrepresented or perverted, and the public interests most unscrupu lously sacrificed. When we consider upon how close a vote some of our most important local as well as general elections have turned, that the largest majority ever given on any presidential election since the establishment of the government, was not five per cent upon the whole vote cast, anil when we further consider that these moderate majorities, tlipse tremendous minorities, have de termined the adoption of measures and systems of legislation having the most serious bearing upon the destiny of our country, we feel that we are chargeable with indulging no premature alarm nur groundless anxiety about the consequences which may result from the operation of such disturbing and depraving forces upon our political instilun tions. It is our faith to defy every consequence of popular sovereignty if the popular will is im partially represented in the laws. By virtue of that faith we also distrust every government just in proportion as that will is misrepresented, and we abhor every tendency or institution which contributes to the sacrifice. Again, ii is impossible for one man to dispense the vast patronage of many of onr Stale govern ments, much less that of the general government, with any considerable confidence that'he will do it wisely or fairly. It is not a very bold nor a very novel proposition that in the aggregate of rases every man understands bis own business better than a stranger. That principle might authorize the inference that the residents of a country knew its interests hotter than a non resi dent 5 but lest that might to some seem questiona ble, we will limit ourselves to a statement about which there can be no question, that the inhabi tants of a district are much more competent, in the aggregate of cases, to select their officers to rule over them from among their number than a stran ger can be, who has to be directed by the repre sentations of others. Now the Executive tins either to rely, in the majority of instances, upon the representations of others, if he makes his se lection from the district in which the duties are to be discharged, or he must adopt the infamous system of proconsul a rah ips and satrapies under which the victims of Roman and Persian tyranny were made to groan in elder days. But this lat ter practice need not be. considered, for in our country it would never he tolerated in a second instance. Being obliged, then, to judge of a can didate from the letters and statements of friends and of foes, of parties and of partizans—others rarely trouble themselves with applications for office—what security has the appointing power of making a righteous selection ? Mow can he know all the various interests which depend upon the success or failure of a given suit—how can he (ai rly weigh (he value of recommendations beset with motives of which he knows little or nothing, with certainty? The Executive patronage of the Slate of New* York alone requires the appoint ment at the rale of from seven (o ten officers every day for a whole year. Mow or when is a Gover nor to find time lo make any adequate examina tion for these appointments alone, letting alone all other business? The thing is impossible. But there is another difficulty in the way which prudent statesmen should provide against. VVe refer to the perpetual temptation to ask qualifica cations in candidates which the duties of their offices do not require, to give more consideration to their political availability than to their official competency. VVe shall not trifle with our readers by adducing pr<x>fs of ibis perversion of Executive patronage. It is not so long since the highest as well as the humblest p ditical honors of the nation were openly offered as the price of political devo tion—since the public press was subsidized with scarcely an affectation of concealment, and even the judiciary prostituted to the most scandalous nepotitm—that we need bring proofs of the infa mous uses to which official patronage may he put, when it falls by an act of God, or the blindness of bis creatures into the hands of wicked and de signing men. Nor is this perversion of official influence confined lo those feeble and dishonest men whose elevation is the accident of an acci dent, but it has entered into and become a part of the very science of politics among ns. The availability of a candidate is just as inevitable a condition of his appointment, tube discussed and established, as his constitutional qualifications.— I he number of votes he can control is as sure to be inquired about as his fulness of age or his citi zenship. [To be continued.] From the Haiti more Sun. ARRIVAL OF THE GREAT BRITAIN. Decline, in Cotton—Deplorable state of the Har vest— The Markets, frc., Sfc. Wn jare indebted to Messrs. Adams &, Co.’s Express, per their active messenger, Mr. Gorman, for a copy of the Boston Adas, from which we make up the following summary of the newa re ceived. The steamer had not reached New York when the mail left We have just received intelligence by special ex press, from our attentive correspondent at Holmes’ Hole, that the steam ship Great Britain arrived there at 1 o’clock on Monday, with thn loss of her foremast. She was reported as having been ! seen at 7 o’clock on Monday morning, with stg nils of distress flying, and firing signal guns, within two miles of the shore, to the southward of Long Point Light. The Great Britain left Liverpool on the 27th nit. She has experienced very heavy gales of wind for thn last ten days, and had run short of coal. The schr David Coffin, of New Bedford, happened to be at Holmes’ Hole, from Philadel phia, with a cargo of coal, and at dark on Mon day evening was alongside the Great Britain, tof-mpply her. The Great Britain has 103 passengers, among whom is Leopold De Meyer, the distinguished pianist: The Cotton Market has been dull throughout the week, with the slightest perceptible decline in its (price*. The qnotations can scarcely be said to| have changed, but there had been more incli nation to meet buyers, and the common and mid dling descriptions were freely offered. The de clared prices for the week, by the committee of . brokers, for fair Cotton was4 5-8d : Mobile. 5 3-4d ; Orleans, 5 l-8d. The produce market continued active. For rice, owing to the causes already assigned, there was much inquiry, at greatly improved prices. The stock was getting low, in consequence of the large demand. The iron trade continued brisk, owing to the requirements of the new undertakings, and rail ways bars were consequently much sought after. I* rom the same cause, boiler plates, used in the construction of iron shipping, were improving in valuo. Pig iron was also selling at good prices, ami the make of ihe metal was greater at present tlnn it was ever known. Ihe continental news of the week is without much interest. The King of Saxony has opened the Diet in a speech which reflects his anxiety respecting the recent occurrences connected with* tho religions movement. The Prussian govern ment views the Abbe Ronge with the same sus picion as before, and ho was prevented from* sleeping in Manlieini. when he passed through it. 1 he Queen and the Queen-Mother have arrived at Madrid, and although the capital is quiet, fears of an outbreak existed. Switzerland is like a smothered volcano—an explosion may be looked for. We understand that the Hon. Louis McLane is progressing most favorably in his new position at the Court of St. James. We anticipate the bests results from the honorable gentleman’s mis sion to this country. None more than ourselves desire to see the bonds of friendly and commercial intercourse between the United Stales and Eng land closely cemented. Our friend, Ritchie, of the Union,” thinks otherwise, however._ “ Jyout verront.” Both Upper and Lower Hungary have been completely laid waste by dreadful inundations, at the beginning of the month of August. Upward* of a million of the inhabitants are threatened with all the horrors of famine in consequence of this dreadful misfortune. Accounts from the central province of Russia state, that the potato crop there was free (rum dis ease, hut that the corn was still quite green, and that it was suffering from the ravages of a small ; insect resembling the common flea. The Missing Packet Ship England.—Grett interest has been excited in England, since the departure of the Cambria, in consequence of $ bot tle having been picked up, on the 16th of Sep tember, at sea, four miles southeast of Douglass Head, by the fishing smack Kite, Captain Morri son, containing a piece of paper, on which was written, in pencil, an intimation that the vessel was then in lat 45 10, long. 98 7 ; that she had lost her quarter boats; that there was 10 feet wa ter in her hold, and no vessel in sight. / rospects of the Crops.— I’he reports receiv ed from the northern parts of the kingdom speak m a very desponding tone of the probable efTects ofthe extremely wet and boisterous weather ex perienced during the waek on that portion ofthe crops still outstanding. That injury to au extent difficult to be remedied at this advanced period of the year has been done, is greatly to be feared, and, unless we have an immediate return of dry weather, the consequence may be serious. Even if the northern harvest had been got in well, the yield of wheat could scarcely have been expected to prove an average ; and, under existing circum stances. the deficiency in quality, if not in quanti ty, is likely tube much greater than was previ ; ously calculated on. Notwithstanding the fine weather experienced three consecutive weeks, there is still a «reat quantity of grain abroad south ofthe river Hum ber ; whilst further north much is yet uncut. Of the total produce of the United Kingdom proba bly two-thirds may have been saved ; but it is needless to remark, that the manner in which the other third may be secured must greatly influence the whole. Our previous estimates of the proba ble result of the harvest, have therefore, we fear been too favorable; and wo now apprehend that, besides the already admitted deficiency in wheat and potatoes, the crops of barley and oats, as well as those of beans and peas, may prove inferior to what we were induced to hope. As threshing is proceeded with, the complaints of ,l,e yWd wheat certainly increase; nor do the accounts of the quality improve. The loss in weight alone is a serious consideration; suppose the same to be 3 lbs. per bushel on the entire quantity grown—which is a moderate computa tion and taking the whole produce of wheat of the United Kingdom, in an average year, at 20, 000,000 quarters, this item alone would make a difference of a million of quarters. Not only is the crop short in this country, but the harvests have been defective over the greater i part of the continent of Europe. In Holland and Belgium the fact is so well ascertained that the Government of the former country has deemed it prudent to reduce the duty on Gram to the mini mnin point; whilst all restrictions on the import of Corn into Belgium has been removed for a given . period. Already, numerous orders have been received from Rotterdam, Antwerp, See.; snd the moder ate storks of bonded Corn are likely to be shortly reduced into a very narrow compass, if not ex hausted by shipments to countries from whence we are, in ordinary years, in the habit of drawing some portion of our foreign supplies. In tho Baltic ports. Great Britain mnst expect to be outbid by the Dutch and Belgians; and in the Black Sea. wheat has lately been bought np lO'Xupply Italy, where the crops are said to have yielded indifferently. It seems, therefore, that, unless prices ad vanre materially, in this country, we are not likely to draw any quantity of wheat from abroad. Irei.and— 1 he death of Mr. Davies, the prin cipal editor of the Dublin Nation, in the prime of life—for he had only attained his thirtieth year, has produeed in Ireland a general expression of sorrow. He was followed to the grave by all the leaders of the party in Dublin. The Irish Collegiate Bill is again being revived in all the intensity and virulence of discussion, by the protest, on the part of tho Irish Catholic Bish ops and Archbishops, against the measure. It ap 1 pears that seventeen of these ecclesiastics are I against, and nine in favor of, the bill. The for mer have published their views to the world,snd have thus shown the divided councils to which l the new measure has given birth. Amongst the minority is the Primate. Dr. Crol |y, and the Archbishop of Dublin, Dr. Murray— | The Government, in the meantime, nothing daun ted. are taking prompt measures for the erection of the new seminaries, and in the course of twelve months from this time they will probably be ir» existence, if not in operation. The unanimity which hav long marked the proceedings of the [Catholic body in Ireland it thus broken, and the heart burnings to which tho new act the Bequest Act, have given rise, are pregnant with important consequences as regards tin future.