The New era. [volume], December 03, 1845, Image 2

About The New era. [volume] ([Portsmouth, Va.]) 1845-1847

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THE NEW ERA.
Whal is it but a Map of busy Life ?— Cowper,
PORTSMOUTH. \ A.
WEDNESDAY, DECKMliER 3, 1845.
OUR FLAG!
FREE TRADE—LOW DUTIES—NO DEBT—SE
PARATION FROM RANKS—ECONOMY—RE
TRENCHMENT—AND STRICT ADHERENCE
TO THE CONSTITUTION.
Virginia LEGisLATUre.
Met on Monday last. Win. O. Goode, of
Mecklenburg, was chosen Speaker or the lower
House, without opposition. The other officers
same as last year. The Governor's Message we
see is given in the Norfolk parers, but we have
not time to analyse it. One gratifying fact it
states, however, that the Stale is oul of debt,
entirely. The Governor s'.ronglv urges the sub
ject of education upon the attention of ihe Legis
lature. A large portion of the Message is taken i
up with the subject of Internal Improvements, and 1
the Governor expects the State will interpose to i
save herself, in the James River and Kenawha
Improvement, but whether by railroad, canal, or
6otne other, this object can be best accomplished, is
a question of some difficulty in his opiniun.
CONGRESS—PRESIDENT’S MESSAGE.
In accordance with our general good luck, or to j
carry out the old adage, “ our platter is always •
Up side down when it rains porridge,” we receiv
ed no letter or paper from our very attentive cor
respondent, containing the President’s Mess.age,
but through the politeness of the proprietors of
both the Herald and Deacon, we obtained a copy
of the lung looked for Message, which, we regret,
its extreme length prevents publishing in our
columns as a whole.
lit the Senate at 12 o’clock, M., forty-three
members present, the Vice-President took the
Chair and called that body to order. After re
ceiving the credentials and swearing in the new
members, and passing the customary resolutions
informing the President and House of their or
ganization, that body adjourned.
The House of Representatives met, 212 mem
bers present, as ascertained by the Clerk's Roll
Call, leaving only 12 absent out of the whole
body. On motion of Mr. Hopkins the House
proceeded to the choice of a Speaker viva tioce,
when John VV. Davis, of Indiana, was elected
Speaker, by 121 votes. Samuel F. Vinton, of
Ohio, was run by the Whigs, and received 70
votes, the whole strength of that party. Wm.
S. Miller, of New York. Native American, re
ceived 5 votes, being the whole strength <»f that
party. The House after adopting the Rules of
the last Congress, for their present government,
and passing the customary resolutions, adjourned.
On Tuesday the two Houses again assembled,
when the Message of the President was delivered
to each. It commences with the expression of
high satisfaction at meeting the Representatives
of the people, and congratulates them on the con
tinued prosperity of the country, with its unex
ampled advancement in all the elements of Na
tional greatness, and a firm hold on the affections
of the people. In reference to our foreign relations
the Message says :
“ I am gratified to he able to state, that, th ough
with some of them there have existed since your
last session, serious causes of irritation and m ^un
derstanding, yet no actual hostilities have taken
place. Adopting the maxim in the conduct <> four
foreign affairs, to “ ask nothing that is not ri ght,
and submit to nothing that is wrong,” it has .been
my anxious desire to preserve peace with all na
tions; but, at the same time, to be prepared to re
sist aggression, and to maintain all our just
rights.”
Our Texas relations are treated of very fully,
but nothing new is slated, except that Mexico
has consented to renew diplomatic relations with
this Country, and a Minister was appointed on the
tenth November, clothed with full powers to
*' settle, definitively all pending differences be
tween the. two countries, including those of boun
dary between Mexico and the state of Texas/’
No money on account of the April and July in
stalments, said to have been paid by Mexico, has
yet been received.
On the subject of our Oregon affairs, we quote
tire Message entire, being of so much general in
terest (hat we cannot consent to curtail it in any
particular.
My attention was early directed to the negotia
tion, which, on the 4lh of March last, 1 found
pending at Washington between the United
Slates and Great Britain, on the subject of the
Oregon territory. Three several attempts had
been previously made to settle the question in
dispute between tho two countries, by negotia
tion, upon the principle of compromise; but each
had proved unsuccessful.
These negotiations took place at London, in
the years 1818, 182-1, and 1826; the two first
under the administration of Mr. Monroe, and the
last under that of Mr. Adams. The negotiation
of 1818 having failed to accomplish its object,
resulted in the convention of the twentieth ol
October of that year. By the third article of that
convention, it was “agreed, that any country
that may be claimed by eithpr party on the north
west coast of America, westward of the Stony
mountains, shall, together with its harbors, bays
and creeks, and the navigation of all rivers with
in the same, be free and open fur the term of ten
years from the date of the signature of the present
convention, to the vessels, citizens and subjects of !
the two Powers; it being well understood that |
this agreement is not to be construed to the pre
judice of any claim which erlher of the two high ;
contracting parties may have to any part of the j
said country, nor shall it be taken to affect the j
claims of any other Power or St3te to any part of
the said country ; the only object of the high con- j
trading parties in thftt respect being, to prevent
disputes and differences among themselves.”
The negotiation of 1824 w;is productive of no
result, and the convention of 1818 was left un
changed,
The negotiation of 1826, having also failed to
effect an adjustment by compromise, resulted in
the convention of August the sixth, 1827, by
which it was agreed to continue in force, for an
indefinite period, the provision# of the third arti
cle of the convention of the twentieth of October,
1818; and it was further provided, that “ it shall
be competent, however, to either of the contract
in'! parties, in case either should think fit, at any
time after the twentieth of October, 1828, on giv
ing due notice of twelve months to the other con
tracting party, to annul and abrogate this conven
tion ; and it shall in such case, be accordingly en
tirely annulled and abrogated after the expiration
of the said term of notice.” In these attempts to
adjust the controversy, the parallel of the forty
ninth degree of north latitude had been offered by
the United States to Great Britain, and in those
of 1818 and 1826, with a further concession of the
free navigation of the Columbia river south of
that latitude. The parallel of the forty-ninth
degree, from the Rocky mountains to its intersec
tion with the northeastcrnmost branch of tho
Columbia, and thenco down the channel of that
river to the sea, had been offered by Great Brit
ain, with an addition of a small detached territory
north of the Columbia. Each of these proposi
tions had been rejected by the parties respectively.
In October, 1843, the Envoy Extraordinary
and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States
in London was authorised to make a similar of
fer to those made in 1818 and 1826. Thus stood
the question, when the negotiation was shortly
afterwards transferred to Washing ton ; and on liie
twenty-third of August, 1844, wa s formally open
ed, under the direction of my immediate prede
cessor. Like all the previous negotiations, it was
based u|mjii principles of “compromise ;” and the
avowed purpose of the parlies was, “ to treat of
the respective claims of the two countries to the
Oregon territory, with the view to establish a
permanent boundary between them westward of
the Rocky mountains to the Pacific ocean.” Ac-*
cordingly, on the twenty sixth of August, 1844,
the British Plenipotentiary offered to divide the
Oregon territory by the forty-ninth parallel of
north latitude, from the Rocky mountains to the
point of its intersection with the northeasternmost
branch of the Columbia river, and thenco down
that river to the sea ; leaving the free navigation
of tho river to be enjoyed in common by both par
ues—me country south oi this line to belong to
the United Slates, and that north of it to Great
Britain. At the same time, he proposed, in addi
tion, to yield to the United Slates a detached
territory north of the Columbia, extending along
the Pacific and the Straits of Fuca, from Bul
finch’s harbor inclusive, to Hood’s canal, and to
make free to the United Slates any port or ports
south of latitude forty-nine degree, which they
might desire, either on the main land, or on
Qoandra and Vancouver’s island. With the ex
ception of the free ports, this was the same offer
which had been made by the British, and reject
ed by the American government in the negotia
tion of 1826. This proposition was properly re
jected by the American plenipotentiary on the ;
day it was submitted. This was the only propo j
wition of compromise offered by the British pleni- i
potentiary. The proposition on the part of Great 1
Britain having been rejected, the British pleni- <
potentiary requested that a proposal should be !
made by the United States for “ an equitable ad- 1
juslmenl of the question.”
When I came into office, I found this to be the '
state of the negotiation. Though entertaining the I
settled conviction, that the British pretensions of '
title could not be maintained to any portion of the S
Oregon territory upon any principle of public law ■
recognized by nations, yet, in deference to what j
had been done by my predecessors, and especially
in consideration that propositions of compromise I
had been thrice made by two proceeding adminis- I
trations, to adjust the question on the parallel of |
of forty-nine degrees, and in two of them yielding |
to Great Britain the free navigation of the Colum”
l>ia, and that the impending negotiation had been
commenced on the basis of compromise, I deemed
it to be my duty not abruptly to break it off. In
consideration, loo, that under the conventions of
1818 and 1827, the citizens and subjects of the
two Powers held a joint occupancy of the country,
I was induced to make another effort to settle this '
long pending controversy in the spirit of modera
tion which had given birth to the renewed die-'
cession. A proposition was accordingly made,
which was rejected by the British plenipotentiary,
who, without submitting any other proposition,
suffered the negotiation on his part to drop, ei
pressing his trust that the Untied htates would
offer what he saw fit to call “ some further propo
sal for the settlement of the Oregon questicto,
more consistant with fairness and equiety, and
and with the reasonable expectations of the Brit
ish government.” The proposition thus offered
and rejected repeated the offer of the parallel of
forty nine degrees of north lattilude, which had
been made by two preceeding administrations, but
without proposing to surrender to Great Britain,'
as they had done, the free navigation of the Co
lumbia river. The right of any foreign Power
to the free navigation of any of our rivers, through
the heart of our country, was one which f was un
willing to concede, ft also embraced a provision
to make free to Grent Britain any port or ports on
the cape of Quandra and Vancouver’s island, south
of this parallel.—Had this been a new question,
coining under discussion for the first time, this
proposition would not have been made. The ex
traordinary and wholly inadmissible demands of
the British government, and the rejection of the
proposition made in deference alone to what had
been done by my predecessors, and the implied
obligation which their acts seemed to impose, af
ford satisfactory evinence that no compromise
which the United States ought to accept, can be
effeted.—With this conviction, the proposition of !
compromise which had been made and rejected,
was, by my direction, subsequently withdrawn,
and our title to the whole Oregon territory assert
ed, and, as is believed, maintained by irrefragable
facts and arguments.
The civilized world will see in these proceed
ings a spirit of liberal coucession on the part of the
United States; and this government will be re
lieved from all responsibility which may follow
the failure to settle the controversy.
All attempts to compromise having failed.it be
comes the duly of Congress to consider what mea
sures it may lie proper to adopt for the security
and protection of our citizens now inhabiting, or
who may hereafter inhabit Oregon, and for the
maintenance of our just title to that territory. In
adopting measures for this purpose, care should he
taken that nothing he done to violate the stipula
tions of the convention of 1827, which is still in
force. The faith of treaties, in their letter and
spirit, has ever been, and I trust will ever be,
scrupulously observed by the United Stajes.'tJn
der that Convention, a year’s notice is required
to be given by either party to the other before the
joint occupancy shall terminate, and before either
can rightfully assert or exercise exclusive jurisdic
dietton over sny portion of the territory. This
notice it would, in my judgment, be proper to
give; and I recommend that provision he made
by law for giving it accordingly, and terminating
in ihis manner the convention of the sixth of Au- i
gust, 1827.
It will become proper for Congreee to determine j
what legislation they can, in the meantime, adopt
without violating this Convention. Beyond all
question, the prolection of our laws aud our juris
diction, civil and criminal, ought to lie immediate
ly extended over our citizens in Oregon. They
have just cause to complain of our long neglect in
this particular, and have in consequence, been
compelled, for their own security and protection,
to establish a provisional government for them
selves. Strong in their allegiance and ardent in
their attachment to the United States, they have
been thus cast upon their own resources. They
art) anxious that our laws should he extended over
them, and I recommend that this he done by Con
gress with as little delay as possible, in the full
extent to which the British Parliament have pro
ceeded in regard to British subjects in that tern
tory, by their act of July the second, 1821, “ for
regulating the fur trade, and establishing a crimi
nal and civil jurisdiction, within certain parts of
North America.” By this act Great Britain ex
leuded her laws ami jurisdiction, civil and crimi
nal, over her subjects engaged in the fur-trade in
that territory.
By it, the courts of the province of Upper Can
ada were empowered to take cognizance of causes
civil and criminal. Justices of the peace and
oilier judicial officers were authorized lobe ap
pointed in Oregon, with power to execute all pro
cess issuing from the courts of that province, and
to “ sit and hold courts of record for the trial of
criminal offences and misdemeanors,” not made
the subjects of capital punishment, and also of
civil cases, where the cause of action shall not
exceed in value the amount or sum of two hun
dred pounds.”
Subsequent to the date of this act of Parlia
ment, a grant was made from the “ British
Crown” to the Hudson's Bay Company, of the
exclusive trade with the Indian tribes in the Ore
gon territory, subject to a reservation that it shall
not operate to the exclusion “ of the subjects of
any foreign States respectively, may be entitled
to, ami shall he engaged in, ( he said trade.”
It is much to he regretted, that, while under
this act British subjects have enjoyed the protec
tion of British laws and British judicial tribunals
throughout the whole ot Oregon, American citi
zens. in the same territory, have enjoyed no such
protection front their government. At the same
time, the result illustrates the character of our
peopie and their institutions. In spite of this
neglect, they have multiplied, and their number
is rapid'y increasing in that territory. They have
made no appeal to arms, but have peacefully for
tified themselves in their new homes, by the
adoption of republican institutions for themselves;
furnishing another example of the truth that sell
government is inherent in the American breast,
and must prevail. It is due to them that they
should he embraced and protected by our laws.
It is deemed important that our laws regula
ting trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes
east of the Rocky mountains, should be extended
to such tribes as dwell beyond them.
The increasing emigration to Oregon, and the
care and protection which iw due from the govern
ment to its citizens in that distant region, make it
oor duty, as it is our interest, to cultivate amica
ble relations with the Indian tribes of that terri
tory. For this purpose, I recommend that pro
vision be made for establishing an Indian agency,
and such sub-agencies as may be deemed neces
sary, beyond the Rocky mountains.
For the protection of emigrants whilst on their
way to Oregon, against the attacks of the Indian
tribes occupying the country through which they
pass, I recommend that a suitable number of stock
ades and block-house foris be erected along the
usual route between our frontier settlements no
the Missouri and Rocky mountains; and that an
adequate force of mounted riflemen be raised to
guard and protect them on their journey. The
immediate adoption of these recommendations by
Congress will not violate the provisions of the ex
isting treaty. It will be doing nothing more for
American citizens than Uniish laws have long
since dune for British subjects in the same terri
tory.
It requires several months to perform the voy
age by sea from the Atlantic States to Oregon;
and although we have a large number of whale
ships in the Pacific, but few of them afford an op
portunity of interchanging intelligence, without
great delay, between our settlements in that dis
tant rpgion and the United States. An overland
mail is believed to be entirely practicable; and
the importance of establishing such a mail, at
least once a month, is submitted to the favorable
consideration of Congress.
It is submitted to the wisdom of Congress to
determine whether, at their present session, and
until alter the expiration of the year’s notice, any
other measures may be adopted, consistently with
the convention of 1827, for the security of our
rights and the government and protection of our
citizens in Oregon. That it will ultimately he
wise and proper to make liberal grants of land to
the patriotic pioneers who, amidst privations and
dangers, lead the way through savage tribes in
habiting the vast wilderness intervening between
our frontier settlements and Oregon, and whocul
tivate, and are ever ready to defend the soil, I am
fully satisfied. To doubt whether they will ob
tain such grants as soon as the convention between
the United Stales and Great Britain shall have
ceased to exist, would he to doubt the justice of
Congress ; but, pending the year’s notice, it is
worthy of consideration whether a stipulation to
this effect may not be made, consistently with the
spirit of that convention.
The recommendations which I have made, as
to the best maimer of securing our rights in Ore
gon, are submitted to Congress with great defer
ence. Should they, in their wisdom, devise any
other mode better to accomplish the same object,
it shall meet my hearty concurrence.
At the end of the year’s notice, should Congress
think it proper to make provisions for giving that
notice, we shall have reached a period when the
national rights of Orpgftn must either be abandon
ed or firmly loamtained. That they cannot be
abandoned without a sacrifice of both national
honor and interest, is too clear to admit of doubt.
Oregon is a part of the Norih American conti
nent, to which it is confidently affirmed, the title
of the United States is the best now in existence.
For the grounds on which that title rests, I refer
you to the correspondence of the late and present
Secretary ofState with the British plenipotentiary
during the negotiation. The British proposition
of compromise, which would make the Columbia
the line sooth of forty-ninedegrees, with a trifling
addition of detached territory of the f Jnited Ststes,
north of that river, and would leave on the British
side two thirds of the whole Oregon territory, in
cluding the free navigation of the Columbia and
all the valuable harbors on the Pacific, can never,
for a moment, be entertained by the United States,
without an abandonment of their iust and clear
territorial rights, their own self respect, and the
national honor. For the information of Congress,
I communicate herewith the correspondence which ,
took place between the two governments during
the late negotiation.
The rapid extension of our settlements over our
territories heretofore unoccupied 5 the addition of
new Slates to our confederacy ; the expansion of
free principles, and our rising greatness as a na
lion, are attracting the attention of the Powers of
Europe; and lately the doctrine has been brooch
ed in some of them, of a “ balance of power” on
this continent, to check our advancement. The
United Slates, sincerely desirous of preserving re
lations of good understanding with all nations,
cannot in silence permit any European interfer
ence on the North American continent; and should
any such interference be attempted, will be ready
resist it at any and all hazards.
It is well known to the American people and to
all nations, that this government has never inter
fered wilh the relations subsisting between other
governments. We have never made ourselves par
t.es to their wars or their alliances ; we have not
sought their territories by conquest; we have not
mingled with parlies in their domestic struggles ;
and believing- our own form of government to be
the best, we have never attempted to propa
gate it by intrigues, by diplomacy, or by force.—
We may claim on this continent a like exemption
from European interference. The nations of
America are equally sovereign and independent
with those of Europe. They possess the same
rights, independent of all foreign interposition, to
make war, to conclude peace, and to regulate
their internal affairs. The people of the United
Stales cannot, therefore, view with indifference
attempts of European powers to interfere with the
independeut action of the nations on this conti
nent. The American system of government ia
entirely different from that of Europe. Jealousy
among the different sovereigns of Europe, lest any
one of them might become too powerful for the
rest, has caused them anxiously to desire the es
tablishment of what they term the “ balance of
power.” It cannot be permitted to have any ap
plication on the North American continent, and
especially to the United States. We must ever
maintain the principle, that the people of this con
tinent alone have the right to decide their own
destiny. Should any portion of them constituting
an independent state, propose to unite themselves
with onr confederacy, this will be a question tor
them and us to determine, without any foreign in
terposition. YVe can never consent that European
Powers shall interfere to prevent such a union,
because it might disturb the “ balance of power”
which they may desire to maintain upon this con
tinent. Near a quarter of a century ago, the
principle was distinctly announced to tho world
in the anuual message of one of my predecessors,
that “ the American continents, by the free and
independent condition which they have assumed
and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered
as subjects fur future colonization by any Euro
pean Power.” This principle will apply with
greatly increased force, should any European
power attempt to establish any new colony in
North America. In the existing circumstances of
the world, the present is deemed a proper occa
sion to reiterate and reaffirm the principle avow-•
ed by Mr. Monroe, and to state my cordial con
currence in its wisdom and sound policy. The
reassertinn of this principle, especially in refer
ence to North America, is at this day but the pro
mulgation of a policy which no European power
should cherish the disposition to resist. Exist
ing rights of every European nation should be
respected ; but it is due alike to our safely and our
interests, that the efficient protection of our laws
should be extended over the whole territorial
limits, and that it should be distinctly announced
to the world as our settled policy, that no future
European colony or dominion shall without our
consent, be planted or established on any part of
the North American continent.
The subject of the Tariff is discussed at length,
and the reduction to a strictly revenue standard
is strongly urged. YVe give, at present the ini
tiatory paragraph on that subject, which covers
the whole ground, elaborated by the President:
“ The attention of Congress is invited to the
importance of making suitable modifications and
’ reductions of the rates of duly imposed by our pre
sent tariff laws. The object of imposing duties
on imports should be to raise revenue to pay the
necee.sary expenses of government. Congress may,
undoubtedly, in the exercise of a sound discretion,
discriminate in arranging the rates of duty on dif
ferent articles; but the discriminations should be
within the revenue standard, and be made with
the view to raise money fur the support of the
government.”
Having discussed the evil and corruption grow
ing out of a bank and government connexion, the
President directly recommends that Congress
make provision for a total seperation, and that a
contlitutional treaturij be created for the safe
keeping of the public money ; and he desires at
the same time “ that adequate provision be made
by law for its safety, and that all executive dis
cretion or control over it shall be removed, except
such as may be necessary in directing its disburse
ment in pursuance of appropriations made by
law.”
Me dwells but lightly on our Army and Navy,
and refers to the reports of the Heads of those
Departments, for full information in relation to
them. The following paragraphs close his re
marks on this branch :
“ It has never been our policy to maintain large
standing armies in time of peace. They are
contrary to the genius of our free institutions,
would impose heavy burdens on the people, and
be dangerous to public liberty. Our reliance for
protection and defence on the land must be mainly
on our citiien soldiers, who will be ever ready, as
they have been ready in times past to rash with
alacrity, at the call of their country, to her de
fence. This description of force, however, can
not defend our coast, harbors, and inland seas, nor
protect onr commerce on the ocean or the lakes.
This most he protected by our Navy.
•* Considering an increased Naval force, and
especially of steam vessels, corresponding with
our growth and importance as a nation, and pro
portioned to the increased and increasing naval
power of other nations, of vast importance as
regards onr safety, and the great and growing ,
interests to he protected by it, I recommend the
subject to the favorable consideration of Con
gress.”
The President refers to the heavy and increas
ing duties of the different Departments, and re
commends an increase of salary to the Attorney
General, whose labors are arduous and severe.
The Message concludes with a proper notice of
the demise of the Hero and Patriot, Jackson. It
is, take it all in all, a masterly paper, and will
fall among the old and rotten monarchies of Eu
rope like a bolt of Heaven’s pure lightning. It is
just such a paper as our political friends will be '
proud of, and our opponents, as we said once be- i
fore, will not be disappointed in, however they
might have wished differently. Hurra, then, for
Young Hickory ?
From the New York Globe.
THE ABOLITIONISTS AT FAULT.
The faction that first commenced the outcry
against the annexation of Texas to tbit republic,
and were supported in their foolish opposition to
a measnre which the wnole people were tho
roughly in favor of, by the VVhig3 of the North,
have lately appealed to the leading Whigs of
Massachusetts for countenance and support in
their opposition to the sdmission of Texas as a
State, and are answered not only to the effect
that • the question is settled—that Texas now j»
virtually s part of the Uuion/ and that it would
be folly to contend any longer against the will 0f
the nation—but one of the persons who has bei>0
written to, replies that the course of the Aboli
tionists * has produced nothing but evil f’ [i
thus that the poor fellows are treated by t|!0
Whigs after the Presidential election, befurt
which they were led to consider that they w,,r9
the lights of the age, and that any resistance they
might, could, would or should make to the De
mocratic party, at least so far the ex-tension of
the area of freedom was concerned,would receive
the hearty and unanimous concurrence of the
Whigs. On this presumption the Abolitionists
raised the banner of ami-annexation, and the
Whigs joined them in the battle cry and as
sisted them in their labor of love to the best of
their ability : but they were * unequal to the
task’ of resisting the mighty current of popular
feeling that swept over the land, and note the
Whigs consider that the annexation of Texas is
not an open measure but a settle point. The
Courier, of this city, acd many other Whig pa.
pers, have for some time given their readers to
understand that it is not only unwise but anti
patriotic to contend against the measure, and here
we have letters from Hon. Nathan Appleton and
Abbott Lawrence, of Massachusetts, whieh are
well worthy of perusal. The whole Whig press
will be out in commendation of annexation in a
short time, and we shall not be surprised to hear
it proclaimed by the Whigs that they were the
originators of the measure. So much for the
power and influence of the American Democracy.
Texas is a part of the Union, and the Whigs ac
knowledged it, notwithstanding the measure is
not consummated, and they have yet an oppor
tunity of trying their strength against its fulfil
ment. Hear what Messrs. Abbott and Law
rence have to say:
To the How. C. F. Adams :
My Dear Sir—I beg to acknowledge the re
ceipt of your note, with a paper for my signature
for the Congress of the United States, protesting
against the annexation of Texas. I have, as you
know, opposed the annexation of Texas, and con
tinued my opposition to that measure, jo long as
it was an open question. I deeui further action
on the subject, on my part, useless; as a majori
ty of the people have decided in favor of annex
ation, and that lexas now virtually composes a
part of our Union. I must, therefore, decline
your proposition, and remain sir, very faithfully,
Your friend and obd’t servant,
ABBOTT LAWRENCE.
Boston, November 7, 1845.
Hon. JYathan Appleton's Letter.
Boston, 10th Nov., 1845.
Gentlemen—I have received a circular with
your signatures, dated the 6th inst., asking my
aid and co-operation in the measures taken by the
Massachusetts Texas Committee, and requesting
an early answer.
With this last request, coming from gentleman
for whom I have individually the highest person
al respect, I feel bound in common courtesy to
comply. 1 cannot, however, take part in this
lexas movement. For all practical purposes, as
far as the people are concerned, I consider the
question as settled. I have opposed it, and con
tributed funds to oppose it, so long as there ap
peared to be a chance of preventing it. Massachu
setts has done her duty, and her Senators and
Represensatives will continue to do theirs. Be
yond that I cannot think it good policy to waste
our efforts upon the impossible.
I observe, amongst the parties to this move
ment, a great number (if not a majority) of those
who have distinguished themselves as members
of the Abolition party. Now 1 believe onr fathers
did wisely in establishing the Union of the States
under the existing Constitution, ft is st least
questionable whether the Abolition movement is
reconcileable with duty under the Constitution.
At any rate, that movement, as conducted, was
calculated in my opinion to produce, and has
produced, nothing but evil. It has banded the
South into a solid phalanx in resistance to what
they consider an impertinent and unjustifiable in
terference with their own peculiar rights and
business. It has thus exasperated their feelings,
and by its operation on their fears, has increased
the severity of the Slave Laws. It has postpon
ed the period of emancipation in the more North
ern Slave States, which were fast ripening for
that event. Finally, by its political action, it has
secured the election of Mr. Polk, and the admis
sion of Texas into the Union.
I cannot sympathize with their cry of " Ac
cursed be the Union I’ and I cannot but regret
some of the sentiments contained in the documents
enclosed to me. I cannot furnish funds to aid in
their dissemination.
VVith much respect, I am, gentlemen, your
most obedient servant,
N. APPLETON.
From the Edgefield S. C. Advertiser.
SAVE THE FIPS.
BY SNAPS.
1 met a man the other day.
Who in his own peculiar wny,
Said *' save Ihc fips, for fips make dollars.
And one wkll madk, a hundred Toilers.
A pinch of snuff may cost a penny,
That penny spent is gone forever
Just like lamented Paganini,
Or snow drops falling in the river.
A merchant broke, will lore his credit,
Yes, wiser men than we have said it;
So broken dollars seldom find,
A friend to treat them very kind.
One fip gone, the charm is broken—
Like taking hair from out a locket,
Those remaining are no t-oken,
They rest uneasy in ihe pocket.
Many fips. well stuck together, ..
Are Barriers strong "gainst wintry wea e ,
And as the old folk used to say.
Prepare us for a " rainy day.’
A child may break some valued
When man wi(h all his skill can t mend itr
So of the fips kiod friends take care
A dollar broke, we’re apt t® spec' '