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THE NEW ERA.
Whal is it but a Map of busy Life ?— Cowper, PORTSMOUTH. \ A. WEDNESDAY, DECKMliER 3, 1845. OUR FLAG! FREE TRADE—LOW DUTIES—NO DEBT—SE PARATION FROM RANKS—ECONOMY—RE TRENCHMENT—AND STRICT ADHERENCE TO THE CONSTITUTION. Virginia LEGisLATUre. Met on Monday last. Win. O. Goode, of Mecklenburg, was chosen Speaker or the lower House, without opposition. The other officers same as last year. The Governor's Message we see is given in the Norfolk parers, but we have not time to analyse it. One gratifying fact it states, however, that the Stale is oul of debt, entirely. The Governor s'.ronglv urges the sub ject of education upon the attention of ihe Legis lature. A large portion of the Message is taken i up with the subject of Internal Improvements, and 1 the Governor expects the State will interpose to i save herself, in the James River and Kenawha Improvement, but whether by railroad, canal, or 6otne other, this object can be best accomplished, is a question of some difficulty in his opiniun. CONGRESS—PRESIDENT’S MESSAGE. In accordance with our general good luck, or to j carry out the old adage, “ our platter is always • Up side down when it rains porridge,” we receiv ed no letter or paper from our very attentive cor respondent, containing the President’s Mess.age, but through the politeness of the proprietors of both the Herald and Deacon, we obtained a copy of the lung looked for Message, which, we regret, its extreme length prevents publishing in our columns as a whole. lit the Senate at 12 o’clock, M., forty-three members present, the Vice-President took the Chair and called that body to order. After re ceiving the credentials and swearing in the new members, and passing the customary resolutions informing the President and House of their or ganization, that body adjourned. The House of Representatives met, 212 mem bers present, as ascertained by the Clerk's Roll Call, leaving only 12 absent out of the whole body. On motion of Mr. Hopkins the House proceeded to the choice of a Speaker viva tioce, when John VV. Davis, of Indiana, was elected Speaker, by 121 votes. Samuel F. Vinton, of Ohio, was run by the Whigs, and received 70 votes, the whole strength of that party. Wm. S. Miller, of New York. Native American, re ceived 5 votes, being the whole strength <»f that party. The House after adopting the Rules of the last Congress, for their present government, and passing the customary resolutions, adjourned. On Tuesday the two Houses again assembled, when the Message of the President was delivered to each. It commences with the expression of high satisfaction at meeting the Representatives of the people, and congratulates them on the con tinued prosperity of the country, with its unex ampled advancement in all the elements of Na tional greatness, and a firm hold on the affections of the people. In reference to our foreign relations the Message says : “ I am gratified to he able to state, that, th ough with some of them there have existed since your last session, serious causes of irritation and m ^un derstanding, yet no actual hostilities have taken place. Adopting the maxim in the conduct <> four foreign affairs, to “ ask nothing that is not ri ght, and submit to nothing that is wrong,” it has .been my anxious desire to preserve peace with all na tions; but, at the same time, to be prepared to re sist aggression, and to maintain all our just rights.” Our Texas relations are treated of very fully, but nothing new is slated, except that Mexico has consented to renew diplomatic relations with this Country, and a Minister was appointed on the tenth November, clothed with full powers to *' settle, definitively all pending differences be tween the. two countries, including those of boun dary between Mexico and the state of Texas/’ No money on account of the April and July in stalments, said to have been paid by Mexico, has yet been received. On the subject of our Oregon affairs, we quote tire Message entire, being of so much general in terest (hat we cannot consent to curtail it in any particular. My attention was early directed to the negotia tion, which, on the 4lh of March last, 1 found pending at Washington between the United Slates and Great Britain, on the subject of the Oregon territory. Three several attempts had been previously made to settle the question in dispute between tho two countries, by negotia tion, upon the principle of compromise; but each had proved unsuccessful. These negotiations took place at London, in the years 1818, 182-1, and 1826; the two first under the administration of Mr. Monroe, and the last under that of Mr. Adams. The negotiation of 1818 having failed to accomplish its object, resulted in the convention of the twentieth ol October of that year. By the third article of that convention, it was “agreed, that any country that may be claimed by eithpr party on the north west coast of America, westward of the Stony mountains, shall, together with its harbors, bays and creeks, and the navigation of all rivers with in the same, be free and open fur the term of ten years from the date of the signature of the present convention, to the vessels, citizens and subjects of ! the two Powers; it being well understood that | this agreement is not to be construed to the pre judice of any claim which erlher of the two high ; contracting parties may have to any part of the j said country, nor shall it be taken to affect the j claims of any other Power or St3te to any part of the said country ; the only object of the high con- j trading parties in thftt respect being, to prevent disputes and differences among themselves.” The negotiation of 1824 w;is productive of no result, and the convention of 1818 was left un changed, The negotiation of 1826, having also failed to effect an adjustment by compromise, resulted in the convention of August the sixth, 1827, by which it was agreed to continue in force, for an indefinite period, the provision# of the third arti cle of the convention of the twentieth of October, 1818; and it was further provided, that “ it shall be competent, however, to either of the contract in'! parties, in case either should think fit, at any time after the twentieth of October, 1828, on giv ing due notice of twelve months to the other con tracting party, to annul and abrogate this conven tion ; and it shall in such case, be accordingly en tirely annulled and abrogated after the expiration of the said term of notice.” In these attempts to adjust the controversy, the parallel of the forty ninth degree of north latitude had been offered by the United States to Great Britain, and in those of 1818 and 1826, with a further concession of the free navigation of the Columbia river south of that latitude. The parallel of the forty-ninth degree, from the Rocky mountains to its intersec tion with the northeastcrnmost branch of tho Columbia, and thenco down the channel of that river to the sea, had been offered by Great Brit ain, with an addition of a small detached territory north of the Columbia. Each of these proposi tions had been rejected by the parties respectively. In October, 1843, the Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States in London was authorised to make a similar of fer to those made in 1818 and 1826. Thus stood the question, when the negotiation was shortly afterwards transferred to Washing ton ; and on liie twenty-third of August, 1844, wa s formally open ed, under the direction of my immediate prede cessor. Like all the previous negotiations, it was based u|mjii principles of “compromise ;” and the avowed purpose of the parlies was, “ to treat of the respective claims of the two countries to the Oregon territory, with the view to establish a permanent boundary between them westward of the Rocky mountains to the Pacific ocean.” Ac-* cordingly, on the twenty sixth of August, 1844, the British Plenipotentiary offered to divide the Oregon territory by the forty-ninth parallel of north latitude, from the Rocky mountains to the point of its intersection with the northeasternmost branch of the Columbia river, and thenco down that river to the sea ; leaving the free navigation of tho river to be enjoyed in common by both par ues—me country south oi this line to belong to the United Slates, and that north of it to Great Britain. At the same time, he proposed, in addi tion, to yield to the United Slates a detached territory north of the Columbia, extending along the Pacific and the Straits of Fuca, from Bul finch’s harbor inclusive, to Hood’s canal, and to make free to the United Slates any port or ports south of latitude forty-nine degree, which they might desire, either on the main land, or on Qoandra and Vancouver’s island. With the ex ception of the free ports, this was the same offer which had been made by the British, and reject ed by the American government in the negotia tion of 1826. This proposition was properly re jected by the American plenipotentiary on the ; day it was submitted. This was the only propo j wition of compromise offered by the British pleni- i potentiary. The proposition on the part of Great 1 Britain having been rejected, the British pleni- < potentiary requested that a proposal should be ! made by the United States for “ an equitable ad- 1 juslmenl of the question.” When I came into office, I found this to be the ' state of the negotiation. Though entertaining the I settled conviction, that the British pretensions of ' title could not be maintained to any portion of the S Oregon territory upon any principle of public law ■ recognized by nations, yet, in deference to what j had been done by my predecessors, and especially in consideration that propositions of compromise I had been thrice made by two proceeding adminis- I trations, to adjust the question on the parallel of | of forty-nine degrees, and in two of them yielding | to Great Britain the free navigation of the Colum” l>ia, and that the impending negotiation had been commenced on the basis of compromise, I deemed it to be my duty not abruptly to break it off. In consideration, loo, that under the conventions of 1818 and 1827, the citizens and subjects of the two Powers held a joint occupancy of the country, I was induced to make another effort to settle this ' long pending controversy in the spirit of modera tion which had given birth to the renewed die-' cession. A proposition was accordingly made, which was rejected by the British plenipotentiary, who, without submitting any other proposition, suffered the negotiation on his part to drop, ei pressing his trust that the Untied htates would offer what he saw fit to call “ some further propo sal for the settlement of the Oregon questicto, more consistant with fairness and equiety, and and with the reasonable expectations of the Brit ish government.” The proposition thus offered and rejected repeated the offer of the parallel of forty nine degrees of north lattilude, which had been made by two preceeding administrations, but without proposing to surrender to Great Britain,' as they had done, the free navigation of the Co lumbia river. The right of any foreign Power to the free navigation of any of our rivers, through the heart of our country, was one which f was un willing to concede, ft also embraced a provision to make free to Grent Britain any port or ports on the cape of Quandra and Vancouver’s island, south of this parallel.—Had this been a new question, coining under discussion for the first time, this proposition would not have been made. The ex traordinary and wholly inadmissible demands of the British government, and the rejection of the proposition made in deference alone to what had been done by my predecessors, and the implied obligation which their acts seemed to impose, af ford satisfactory evinence that no compromise which the United States ought to accept, can be effeted.—With this conviction, the proposition of ! compromise which had been made and rejected, was, by my direction, subsequently withdrawn, and our title to the whole Oregon territory assert ed, and, as is believed, maintained by irrefragable facts and arguments. The civilized world will see in these proceed ings a spirit of liberal coucession on the part of the United States; and this government will be re lieved from all responsibility which may follow the failure to settle the controversy. All attempts to compromise having failed.it be comes the duly of Congress to consider what mea sures it may lie proper to adopt for the security and protection of our citizens now inhabiting, or who may hereafter inhabit Oregon, and for the maintenance of our just title to that territory. In adopting measures for this purpose, care should he taken that nothing he done to violate the stipula tions of the convention of 1827, which is still in force. The faith of treaties, in their letter and spirit, has ever been, and I trust will ever be, scrupulously observed by the United Stajes.'tJn der that Convention, a year’s notice is required to be given by either party to the other before the joint occupancy shall terminate, and before either can rightfully assert or exercise exclusive jurisdic dietton over sny portion of the territory. This notice it would, in my judgment, be proper to give; and I recommend that provision he made by law for giving it accordingly, and terminating in ihis manner the convention of the sixth of Au- i gust, 1827. It will become proper for Congreee to determine j what legislation they can, in the meantime, adopt without violating this Convention. Beyond all question, the prolection of our laws aud our juris diction, civil and criminal, ought to lie immediate ly extended over our citizens in Oregon. They have just cause to complain of our long neglect in this particular, and have in consequence, been compelled, for their own security and protection, to establish a provisional government for them selves. Strong in their allegiance and ardent in their attachment to the United States, they have been thus cast upon their own resources. They art) anxious that our laws should he extended over them, and I recommend that this he done by Con gress with as little delay as possible, in the full extent to which the British Parliament have pro ceeded in regard to British subjects in that tern tory, by their act of July the second, 1821, “ for regulating the fur trade, and establishing a crimi nal and civil jurisdiction, within certain parts of North America.” By this act Great Britain ex leuded her laws ami jurisdiction, civil and crimi nal, over her subjects engaged in the fur-trade in that territory. By it, the courts of the province of Upper Can ada were empowered to take cognizance of causes civil and criminal. Justices of the peace and oilier judicial officers were authorized lobe ap pointed in Oregon, with power to execute all pro cess issuing from the courts of that province, and to “ sit and hold courts of record for the trial of criminal offences and misdemeanors,” not made the subjects of capital punishment, and also of civil cases, where the cause of action shall not exceed in value the amount or sum of two hun dred pounds.” Subsequent to the date of this act of Parlia ment, a grant was made from the “ British Crown” to the Hudson's Bay Company, of the exclusive trade with the Indian tribes in the Ore gon territory, subject to a reservation that it shall not operate to the exclusion “ of the subjects of any foreign States respectively, may be entitled to, ami shall he engaged in, ( he said trade.” It is much to he regretted, that, while under this act British subjects have enjoyed the protec tion of British laws and British judicial tribunals throughout the whole ot Oregon, American citi zens. in the same territory, have enjoyed no such protection front their government. At the same time, the result illustrates the character of our peopie and their institutions. In spite of this neglect, they have multiplied, and their number is rapid'y increasing in that territory. They have made no appeal to arms, but have peacefully for tified themselves in their new homes, by the adoption of republican institutions for themselves; furnishing another example of the truth that sell government is inherent in the American breast, and must prevail. It is due to them that they should he embraced and protected by our laws. It is deemed important that our laws regula ting trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes east of the Rocky mountains, should be extended to such tribes as dwell beyond them. The increasing emigration to Oregon, and the care and protection which iw due from the govern ment to its citizens in that distant region, make it oor duty, as it is our interest, to cultivate amica ble relations with the Indian tribes of that terri tory. For this purpose, I recommend that pro vision be made for establishing an Indian agency, and such sub-agencies as may be deemed neces sary, beyond the Rocky mountains. For the protection of emigrants whilst on their way to Oregon, against the attacks of the Indian tribes occupying the country through which they pass, I recommend that a suitable number of stock ades and block-house foris be erected along the usual route between our frontier settlements no the Missouri and Rocky mountains; and that an adequate force of mounted riflemen be raised to guard and protect them on their journey. The immediate adoption of these recommendations by Congress will not violate the provisions of the ex isting treaty. It will be doing nothing more for American citizens than Uniish laws have long since dune for British subjects in the same terri tory. It requires several months to perform the voy age by sea from the Atlantic States to Oregon; and although we have a large number of whale ships in the Pacific, but few of them afford an op portunity of interchanging intelligence, without great delay, between our settlements in that dis tant rpgion and the United States. An overland mail is believed to be entirely practicable; and the importance of establishing such a mail, at least once a month, is submitted to the favorable consideration of Congress. It is submitted to the wisdom of Congress to determine whether, at their present session, and until alter the expiration of the year’s notice, any other measures may be adopted, consistently with the convention of 1827, for the security of our rights and the government and protection of our citizens in Oregon. That it will ultimately he wise and proper to make liberal grants of land to the patriotic pioneers who, amidst privations and dangers, lead the way through savage tribes in habiting the vast wilderness intervening between our frontier settlements and Oregon, and whocul tivate, and are ever ready to defend the soil, I am fully satisfied. To doubt whether they will ob tain such grants as soon as the convention between the United Stales and Great Britain shall have ceased to exist, would he to doubt the justice of Congress ; but, pending the year’s notice, it is worthy of consideration whether a stipulation to this effect may not be made, consistently with the spirit of that convention. The recommendations which I have made, as to the best maimer of securing our rights in Ore gon, are submitted to Congress with great defer ence. Should they, in their wisdom, devise any other mode better to accomplish the same object, it shall meet my hearty concurrence. At the end of the year’s notice, should Congress think it proper to make provisions for giving that notice, we shall have reached a period when the national rights of Orpgftn must either be abandon ed or firmly loamtained. That they cannot be abandoned without a sacrifice of both national honor and interest, is too clear to admit of doubt. Oregon is a part of the Norih American conti nent, to which it is confidently affirmed, the title of the United States is the best now in existence. For the grounds on which that title rests, I refer you to the correspondence of the late and present Secretary ofState with the British plenipotentiary during the negotiation. The British proposition of compromise, which would make the Columbia the line sooth of forty-ninedegrees, with a trifling addition of detached territory of the f Jnited Ststes, north of that river, and would leave on the British side two thirds of the whole Oregon territory, in cluding the free navigation of the Columbia and all the valuable harbors on the Pacific, can never, for a moment, be entertained by the United States, without an abandonment of their iust and clear territorial rights, their own self respect, and the national honor. For the information of Congress, I communicate herewith the correspondence which , took place between the two governments during the late negotiation. The rapid extension of our settlements over our territories heretofore unoccupied 5 the addition of new Slates to our confederacy ; the expansion of free principles, and our rising greatness as a na lion, are attracting the attention of the Powers of Europe; and lately the doctrine has been brooch ed in some of them, of a “ balance of power” on this continent, to check our advancement. The United Slates, sincerely desirous of preserving re lations of good understanding with all nations, cannot in silence permit any European interfer ence on the North American continent; and should any such interference be attempted, will be ready resist it at any and all hazards. It is well known to the American people and to all nations, that this government has never inter fered wilh the relations subsisting between other governments. We have never made ourselves par t.es to their wars or their alliances ; we have not sought their territories by conquest; we have not mingled with parlies in their domestic struggles ; and believing- our own form of government to be the best, we have never attempted to propa gate it by intrigues, by diplomacy, or by force.— We may claim on this continent a like exemption from European interference. The nations of America are equally sovereign and independent with those of Europe. They possess the same rights, independent of all foreign interposition, to make war, to conclude peace, and to regulate their internal affairs. The people of the United Stales cannot, therefore, view with indifference attempts of European powers to interfere with the independeut action of the nations on this conti nent. The American system of government ia entirely different from that of Europe. Jealousy among the different sovereigns of Europe, lest any one of them might become too powerful for the rest, has caused them anxiously to desire the es tablishment of what they term the “ balance of power.” It cannot be permitted to have any ap plication on the North American continent, and especially to the United States. We must ever maintain the principle, that the people of this con tinent alone have the right to decide their own destiny. Should any portion of them constituting an independent state, propose to unite themselves with onr confederacy, this will be a question tor them and us to determine, without any foreign in terposition. YVe can never consent that European Powers shall interfere to prevent such a union, because it might disturb the “ balance of power” which they may desire to maintain upon this con tinent. Near a quarter of a century ago, the principle was distinctly announced to tho world in the anuual message of one of my predecessors, that “ the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects fur future colonization by any Euro pean Power.” This principle will apply with greatly increased force, should any European power attempt to establish any new colony in North America. In the existing circumstances of the world, the present is deemed a proper occa sion to reiterate and reaffirm the principle avow-• ed by Mr. Monroe, and to state my cordial con currence in its wisdom and sound policy. The reassertinn of this principle, especially in refer ence to North America, is at this day but the pro mulgation of a policy which no European power should cherish the disposition to resist. Exist ing rights of every European nation should be respected ; but it is due alike to our safely and our interests, that the efficient protection of our laws should be extended over the whole territorial limits, and that it should be distinctly announced to the world as our settled policy, that no future European colony or dominion shall without our consent, be planted or established on any part of the North American continent. The subject of the Tariff is discussed at length, and the reduction to a strictly revenue standard is strongly urged. YVe give, at present the ini tiatory paragraph on that subject, which covers the whole ground, elaborated by the President: “ The attention of Congress is invited to the importance of making suitable modifications and ’ reductions of the rates of duly imposed by our pre sent tariff laws. The object of imposing duties on imports should be to raise revenue to pay the necee.sary expenses of government. Congress may, undoubtedly, in the exercise of a sound discretion, discriminate in arranging the rates of duty on dif ferent articles; but the discriminations should be within the revenue standard, and be made with the view to raise money fur the support of the government.” Having discussed the evil and corruption grow ing out of a bank and government connexion, the President directly recommends that Congress make provision for a total seperation, and that a contlitutional treaturij be created for the safe keeping of the public money ; and he desires at the same time “ that adequate provision be made by law for its safety, and that all executive dis cretion or control over it shall be removed, except such as may be necessary in directing its disburse ment in pursuance of appropriations made by law.” Me dwells but lightly on our Army and Navy, and refers to the reports of the Heads of those Departments, for full information in relation to them. The following paragraphs close his re marks on this branch : “ It has never been our policy to maintain large standing armies in time of peace. They are contrary to the genius of our free institutions, would impose heavy burdens on the people, and be dangerous to public liberty. Our reliance for protection and defence on the land must be mainly on our citiien soldiers, who will be ever ready, as they have been ready in times past to rash with alacrity, at the call of their country, to her de fence. This description of force, however, can not defend our coast, harbors, and inland seas, nor protect onr commerce on the ocean or the lakes. This most he protected by our Navy. •* Considering an increased Naval force, and especially of steam vessels, corresponding with our growth and importance as a nation, and pro portioned to the increased and increasing naval power of other nations, of vast importance as regards onr safety, and the great and growing , interests to he protected by it, I recommend the subject to the favorable consideration of Con gress.” The President refers to the heavy and increas ing duties of the different Departments, and re commends an increase of salary to the Attorney General, whose labors are arduous and severe. The Message concludes with a proper notice of the demise of the Hero and Patriot, Jackson. It is, take it all in all, a masterly paper, and will fall among the old and rotten monarchies of Eu rope like a bolt of Heaven’s pure lightning. It is just such a paper as our political friends will be ' proud of, and our opponents, as we said once be- i fore, will not be disappointed in, however they might have wished differently. Hurra, then, for Young Hickory ? From the New York Globe. THE ABOLITIONISTS AT FAULT. The faction that first commenced the outcry against the annexation of Texas to tbit republic, and were supported in their foolish opposition to a measnre which the wnole people were tho roughly in favor of, by the VVhig3 of the North, have lately appealed to the leading Whigs of Massachusetts for countenance and support in their opposition to the sdmission of Texas as a State, and are answered not only to the effect that • the question is settled—that Texas now j» virtually s part of the Uuion/ and that it would be folly to contend any longer against the will 0f the nation—but one of the persons who has bei>0 written to, replies that the course of the Aboli tionists * has produced nothing but evil f’ [i thus that the poor fellows are treated by t|!0 Whigs after the Presidential election, befurt which they were led to consider that they w,,r9 the lights of the age, and that any resistance they might, could, would or should make to the De mocratic party, at least so far the ex-tension of the area of freedom was concerned,would receive the hearty and unanimous concurrence of the Whigs. On this presumption the Abolitionists raised the banner of ami-annexation, and the Whigs joined them in the battle cry and as sisted them in their labor of love to the best of their ability : but they were * unequal to the task’ of resisting the mighty current of popular feeling that swept over the land, and note the Whigs consider that the annexation of Texas is not an open measure but a settle point. The Courier, of this city, acd many other Whig pa. pers, have for some time given their readers to understand that it is not only unwise but anti patriotic to contend against the measure, and here we have letters from Hon. Nathan Appleton and Abbott Lawrence, of Massachusetts, whieh are well worthy of perusal. The whole Whig press will be out in commendation of annexation in a short time, and we shall not be surprised to hear it proclaimed by the Whigs that they were the originators of the measure. So much for the power and influence of the American Democracy. Texas is a part of the Union, and the Whigs ac knowledged it, notwithstanding the measure is not consummated, and they have yet an oppor tunity of trying their strength against its fulfil ment. Hear what Messrs. Abbott and Law rence have to say: To the How. C. F. Adams : My Dear Sir—I beg to acknowledge the re ceipt of your note, with a paper for my signature for the Congress of the United States, protesting against the annexation of Texas. I have, as you know, opposed the annexation of Texas, and con tinued my opposition to that measure, jo long as it was an open question. I deeui further action on the subject, on my part, useless; as a majori ty of the people have decided in favor of annex ation, and that lexas now virtually composes a part of our Union. I must, therefore, decline your proposition, and remain sir, very faithfully, Your friend and obd’t servant, ABBOTT LAWRENCE. Boston, November 7, 1845. Hon. JYathan Appleton's Letter. Boston, 10th Nov., 1845. Gentlemen—I have received a circular with your signatures, dated the 6th inst., asking my aid and co-operation in the measures taken by the Massachusetts Texas Committee, and requesting an early answer. With this last request, coming from gentleman for whom I have individually the highest person al respect, I feel bound in common courtesy to comply. 1 cannot, however, take part in this lexas movement. For all practical purposes, as far as the people are concerned, I consider the question as settled. I have opposed it, and con tributed funds to oppose it, so long as there ap peared to be a chance of preventing it. Massachu setts has done her duty, and her Senators and Represensatives will continue to do theirs. Be yond that I cannot think it good policy to waste our efforts upon the impossible. I observe, amongst the parties to this move ment, a great number (if not a majority) of those who have distinguished themselves as members of the Abolition party. Now 1 believe onr fathers did wisely in establishing the Union of the States under the existing Constitution, ft is st least questionable whether the Abolition movement is reconcileable with duty under the Constitution. At any rate, that movement, as conducted, was calculated in my opinion to produce, and has produced, nothing but evil. It has banded the South into a solid phalanx in resistance to what they consider an impertinent and unjustifiable in terference with their own peculiar rights and business. It has thus exasperated their feelings, and by its operation on their fears, has increased the severity of the Slave Laws. It has postpon ed the period of emancipation in the more North ern Slave States, which were fast ripening for that event. Finally, by its political action, it has secured the election of Mr. Polk, and the admis sion of Texas into the Union. I cannot sympathize with their cry of " Ac cursed be the Union I’ and I cannot but regret some of the sentiments contained in the documents enclosed to me. I cannot furnish funds to aid in their dissemination. VVith much respect, I am, gentlemen, your most obedient servant, N. APPLETON. From the Edgefield S. C. Advertiser. SAVE THE FIPS. BY SNAPS. 1 met a man the other day. Who in his own peculiar wny, Said *' save Ihc fips, for fips make dollars. And one wkll madk, a hundred Toilers. A pinch of snuff may cost a penny, That penny spent is gone forever Just like lamented Paganini, Or snow drops falling in the river. A merchant broke, will lore his credit, Yes, wiser men than we have said it; So broken dollars seldom find, A friend to treat them very kind. One fip gone, the charm is broken— Like taking hair from out a locket, Those remaining are no t-oken, They rest uneasy in ihe pocket. Many fips. well stuck together, .. Are Barriers strong "gainst wintry wea e , And as the old folk used to say. Prepare us for a " rainy day.’ A child may break some valued When man wi(h all his skill can t mend itr So of the fips kiod friends take care A dollar broke, we’re apt t® spec' '