The New era. [volume], December 04, 1845, Image 2

About The New era. [volume] ([Portsmouth, Va.]) 1845-1847

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THE NEW ERA.
What is it but a Map of busy Life?—Cowper.
PORTSMOUTH? VA.
THURSDAY, DECEMBER 4, 1846.
OUK FLAG!
FREE TRADE—LOW DUTIES—NO DEUT—SE
PARATION FROM BANKS—ECONOMY—RE
TRENCHMENT—AND STRICT ADHERENCE
TO THE CONSTITUTION.
To Correspondents.—“A Voter ” shall ap
pear to-morrow.
“FREEDOM OF THE PRESS.”
For publishing that little article of our " free
thoughts” and fact, last Tuesday, headed,
What are ye going to do?” We received
from a very good friend of ours, who keeps a Re
fectory, and is preparing a Ten Pin Alley, the
article cut out from the paper, with a message to
“ 8top our paper and send in your bill,” both of
which we 6hall comply with. But with the
message conies a reflection, that in this country
the boasted “ freedom of the press” is all a hum
bug. We endeavor to arouse the people to a
sense of duty to themselves, to promote virtue and
morals, and in so doing we touch the pecuniary
interests of some individual who, if successful,
will, of necessity make miserable the hearts of
many an innocent wife ar.d child, and spread ruin
and desolation among our citizens, and for this our
friendships are to be severed, and so far as those
can affect it, our business is to be checked, and
our press silenced. Well, if the community of
Portsmouth, desire to build up the former, and
pot down the latter bo be it, we came here to do
our best for the cause of truth, and to pursue our
calling in good faith and honesty ; we cast our
lines here to make a living for ourselves and our
family, by laboring in our vocation, and if it is
me win or those we have depended on for sup
port, that we should be disappointed, why, we
have only to say, so let it be. But we say again
to the property holders here, if industry is not
promoted, enterprise cherished, and morality en
couraged, your property will become valueless,
your town deserted, and your population, what
remains, enervated and depraved. These are
solemn facts, worthy of your most serious and
speedy consideration, gentlemen of Portsmouth;
for the wines and liquors cannot flow, the lights
of the len Pin Alley cannot blaze, without cus
tomers, and without pay ; and while these are
active, the work bench, the lawyer’s office, and
the Physician’s duties will be neglected. And
lest we may he misunderstood here, we stale,
that we allude to no one in particular j we but
assert a truism, for no man has the power of abi-'
quity.
U. s. SENATOR.
I lie election for a Senator to supply the vacan
cy in the Senate of the United States took place
in the Virginia Legislature yesterday. We see
no intimation in the Enquirer of Wednesday
morning of who will be the man, but the Richmond
Whig says that at a caucus on Monday evening,
Judge Pennybacker, of Shenandoah, was deter
mined on. A correspondent of the Norfolk He
rald confirms this statement, and both agree that
he is “ a man of pure character, sound and good
talents, and will be elected without meeting any
organized opposition. Could our vote, however,
have made a Senator. William Smith, of Fau
quier, would have been the man. But if our
friend, that gallant and unflinching Republican,
Robert G. Scott, Esq., is chosen Governor we
shall say amen, to the action of our party, with a
hearty good will.
CONGRESS.
VYre have nothing of importance from YY'ash
ington. Mr. Davis, of Kentucky, on Tuesday,
affored a resolution
“ That a committee of five be appointed to let
the printing of the House to the lowest bidder,
after ten day’s advertisement, in the newspapers
printed in this city ; the person or persons to whom
it rnay be let being required to give bond with
sufficient security for the proper execution of the
work; and the necessary printing, in the mean
time, the elerk of this House is required to have
done by the printers for the last House.”
This resolution was discussed by Messrs. Davis
and Bayly of Accomack, during that part of the
day which was not occupied in reading the mes
sage, but without coming to any conclusion._
There is no doubt that Messrs. Ritchie & Heiss
will be the Printers, as they received the caucus
nomination on Monday evening. Mr. B. B.
French the present clerk was nominated over Mr
YVefler, he receiveng 78, and the other 26 votes.
Mr. YVhitney, of Indiana, received the nomination
of Doorkeeper.
The correspondent of the Baltimore Sun says:
“ The greatest harmony appears to prevail in
the democratic p«Tty, notwithstanding all the ru
moT8 of its dissensions. They are certainly agreed
as to men, and we shall soon see how far they
may differ as to measures.”
SOUTH CAROLINA.
We rejoice to see that the Legislator of this
State has entered its protest against the absurd
recommendations of the Memphis Convention, as
it has done in the following resolutions:—
“ Resolved, That South Carolina still adheres
to her principles on the subject of internal irn
provements, and holds that the Federal Govern
ment has no right to make appropriations in aid
of railroads, public highways, canals, cleaning
out rivers, or any other improvements, within
the limits of any Slate or States, or communica
ting from any one portion of the Union to anoth
er—unless plainly and absolutely necessary for
the defencoof the Union.
“ Resolved, That in the proceedings of the
Memphis Convention, we regret to see much that
is in violation of the foregoing principles.”
“ Mr. Northrop has also submitted a aeries of
resolutions denying to Congress the power of
constructing roads and canals, or clearing out
navigable rivers in any of the States, with or
without their consent; and also declaring that
“ l*,e ownership of the public lands by the Gens*
rsl Government, as a trust under the Constitution,
does not authorize any appropriation from the na
tional treasury by Congress to railroads or other
works of internal improvement.”
MR. CALHOUN.
^R neglected to announce before, that the
lion. John C. Calhoun had been selected by the
Legislature of South Carolina, to supply the va
cancy in the Uniled Slates Senate, occasioned by
the resignation of Mr. Huger.
PROMOTION OF EDITORS.
The foreign correspondent of the United States
Saturday Post says, “ the editors of newspapers,
both in England and Franee, are brought out by
the people as their Representatives. In Paris,
the conductors of the leading public journals, are
members of the Chambers, ami in England, the
leading proprietors of the Times, the Morning
Chronicle, the Weekly Chronicle, the Morning
Herald, and those of the several Provincial pa
pers are members of Parliament.” In France it
is well known that many proprietors and editors
of papers have long occupied a position inferior to
no other class of persons. Several of the most
distinguished persons of the kingdom, has been
connected with the press.
[In this country very few editors are ever
thought flf for any public station. They are
made the stepping stonbs to the elevation of men
who are dependent upon them for character and
knowledges The people of this country, do not
look to those who know and would maintain their
rights, but seek aid from lawyers, generally the
offspring ot some family, who having obtained a
little money, become ashamed of honesty and in
dustry, and in their children sifik all the res
pflcmbilty they ever possessed, by bringing them
up to a profession of some kind or other, without
thinking for a moment, whether the child has
capacity for the duties they destine him for or not.
It the people were to select more Representatives
from the mechanical and agricultural ranks, look
ing once in a while to the press and the mer
chant 8 desk, they would belter subverse their
interests, than they do now, in forming them
selves iuto parties to support this lawyer against
that on a mere abstraction, that is lost the mo
ment the one or the other is mounted on the
shoulders of his condiments, when self-promotion
and aggrandizement, becomes the sole object for
which they 6lrive.—New Era.J
THE CONSTITUTION.
As heretofore announced, this excellent Demo
cratic paper, under the editorial management of
Messrs. Harris &. Heart, made its appearance in
Raltimore on Tuesday last. This does not seem
to corroborate the fact that our old friend Harris
had received an appointment as Charge d’Affaires
to some Government in South America. Io their
first paper they have been obliged to correct some
of the stupid reports put in circulation regarding
their intentions, as follows:—
“ Errors Corrected.—We are informed
that reports are in circulation, connecting our pa
per with the pretensions of one of our most prom
inent statesmen for the next Presidency. We
expect to live out and live down these idle and
unfounded rumors, but we most be permitted to
say they are unkind and ungenerous as thev are
unfounded. Nothing in the past course of our
paper gives a color of foundation for them, and
the future, we trust, will be permitted to speak
for itself. We wish to be understood explicitly
and emphatically, that, in regard to the next can
didate for the Presidency, we are uncommitted
and untrammelled. We are the advocates of no
particular individnal for that high office. We
are the advocates of principles—measures—of
that course of policy which the reason and the
judgment of the Democratic party, enlightened
and instructed by experience, have pointed out as
the safest and bpst for the country. We leave
the party themselves, whoso duty it is, to call
forth at the proper lime such eminent citizen as
they may deem worthy, in order to clothe him
with the power, and the honor, and the responsi
bility of administering the affairs of our great re
public. This is their peculiar business, and we
shall wait for their lead. When they have made
their selection, we shall be ready to aid their
purposes with all the ability and influence we
possess.”
Bdndglcund.'—Over the foregoing signa
ture, twelve very able articles on the subject of
the Tariff have lately appeared in the Washing
ton Union. The editors, in making their ac
knowledgements to the author for the serviee he
has thus rendered the public, express a willing
ness to republish the whole series in a pamphlet
form, if a sufficient demand to warrant it should
he found to exist. The articles, from their neces
sary length, have found their way into but few,
if any , newspapers out of Washington, and conse
quently have been read only by a comparatively
small number of the people. The work, in pam
phlet form, is therefore much to be desired ; and
we hazard nothing by asserting that no reader
will rise from a careful perusal of it, without find
ing himself edified and instructed.
We accord most fully in the opinion expressed
above by the New York Globe. We have our
self been instructed and edified by these papers as
they appeared, but their volume prevented us,
with our circumscribed limits, from copying them.
We think that a reprint would do much good,and
remunerate the publisher.—JYew Era.
HIGHLY COMPLIMENTARY.
“ Some of the whig*,” says the Vicksburg
Sentinel, “ are openly defending the election of
Hopkins L. Turney, by their votes, in Tennes
see, on the groond that they voted for the most
objectionable democrat, so that he should bring
disgrace and ruin upon his party.”
GREAT PIGEON ROOST.
The Miner’s Fxpress, published at Dubuque,
notices a wonderful pigeon roost in the forks of the
Ma.piokita, Jackaon county, (Wise.) h is three
miles long, snd half a mile in width. There can
be no estimate made bf their numbers. Their
roosting places are about a mile distant from their
nests and feeding places, being three in number
and each one covering a section of land ; and, in
passing to and fro, they darken the air with their
numbers, break down young trees with their
weight, and hundred* are killed by getting en
tangled in the falling limbs and branches. The
people kill them with clubs, and their noise is so
loud that when a gun is fired amongst them, the
report cannot be heard, and a person can stand in
one place end shoot all day, the birds returning
as soon as they can load.
THE TARIFF.
'I he President's Message contains the following
sound and excellent remarks on this subject of
general and absorbing pecuniary and political in
terest. According fully with every sentiment
here expressed, we commit it to our columns with
out further remark.
It becomes important to understand distinctly
what is meant by a revenue standard, the maxi
mum of which should not be exceeded in the rates
of duty imposed. It is conceded, and experience
proves, that duties may be laid so high as to di
minish, or prohibit altogether, the importation of
any given article, and thereby lessen or destroy
the revenue which, at lower rates, would be de
rived from its importation. Such duties exceed
the revenue rates, and are not imposed to raise
money for the support of government. If Con
gress levy a duty, for revenue of one per cent, on
a given article, it will produce a given amount of
money to the treasury, and will incidentally and
necessarily afford protection, or advantage, to the
amount of one per cent, to the horns manufacturer
of a similar or like article over the importer. If
the duty be raised to ten per cent., it will produce
a greater amount of money, and afford greater pro
tection. If it be still raised to twenty, twenty
five, or thirty per cent., and if, as it is raised, the
revenue derived from it is found to he increased,
the protection or advantage will also be increased;
but if it be raised to thirty-one per cent., and it is
found that the revenue produced at that rate is
less than at thirty per cent., it ceases to be a reve
nue duty. The precise point in the ascending
scale of duties at which it is ascertained from ex
perience that the revenue is greatest, is the maxi
mum rate of duty which can be laid for the bona
fide purpose of collecting money for the support
of government. To raise the duties higher than
that point, and thereby diminish the amount col
lected, is to levy them for protection merely, and
not for revenue. As long, then, as Congress may
gradually increase the rate oflfcity on a given ar
ticle, and the revenue is increased by such in
crease of duty, they are within the revenue stand
ard. When they go beyond that point, and as
they increase the duties, the revenue is diminished
or destroyed, the act ceasen to have for its object
the raising of money to support government, but is
for protection merely.
It does not follow that Congress should levy the
highest duty on all articles of import which they
will bear within the revenue standard ; for such
rates would probably produce a much larger a
mount than the economical administration of the
government would require. Nor does it follow
that thedutieson all articles should be at the same,
or a horizontal rate. Some articles will bear a
much higher revenue duly than others. Below
the maximum of the revenue standard Congress
may and ought to discriminate in the rates im
posed, taking care so to adjust them on different
articles as to produce in the aggregate the amount
which, when added to the proceeds of 6ales of
public lands, may be needed to pay the economi
cal expenses of the Government.
In levying a tariff of duties, Congress exercise
the taxing power, and for purposes of revenue
may select the objects of taxation. They may ex
empt certain articles altogether, and permit their
importation free of duty. On others they may
impose low duties. In these classes should be
embraced such articles of necessity as are in gene
ral use, and especially such as are consumed by
the laborer and the poor, as well as by the wealthy
citizen. Care should be taken l hat all the great
interests of the country, including manufacturers,
agriculture, commerce, navigation and the me
chanic arts, should, as far as may be practicable,
derive equal advantages from th'u incidental pro
tection which a just system of rev enue duties may
afford. Taxation, direct or indirect, is a buiden,
and it should be so imposed as to operate as equal
ly as may bo, on all classes, in the proportion of
their ability to bear it. To make the taxing
power an actual benefit to one clnss, necessarily
increases the burden of the others beyond their
proportion, and would be manifestly unjust. The
terms “ protection to domestic ind ustry,” are of
popular import; but they should apply under a
just system to all the various branches of industry
in our country. The farmer or planter who toils
yearly in his field, is engaged in “ domestic in
dustry,” and is as much entitled to have his labor
“ protected,” as the manufacturer, the man of
commerce, the navigator, or the mechanic, who
are engaged also in “ domestic industry ” in their
different pursuits. The joint labors of all these
classes constitute the aggregate of th<* “domestic
industry ” of the nation, and they are equally en
titled to the nation’s “protection.” No one of
them can justly claim to be exclusive recipients
of “ protection,” which can only lie afforded by
increasing burdens on the “ domestic in dustry ” of
others.
If these views be correct, it remains to inquire
how far the tariff act of 1842 is consistent with
them. That many of the provisions of that act
are in violation of the cardinal principles here
laid down, all must concede. The rate* of duty
imposed by it on some articles are prohibitory,
and on others so high aa greatly to diminish im
portations, and to produce a less amount of reve
nue than would be derived from lower rales._
They operate as “ protection merely,” to one
branch of “ domestic industry,” by taxing other
branches.
By the introduction of minimum*, or assumed
and false values, and by the imposition of specific
duties, the injustice and inequalities of the act of
1842, in its practical operations on different class
es arid pursuits, are seen and felt. Many of the
oppressive dntips imposed by it under the opera
tion of these principles, range from one per cent,
to more than two hundred per cent. They are
prohibitory on some articles, and partially so on
others, and bear most heavily on articles of com
mon necessity, and but lightly on articles of luxu
ry. It is so framed that much the greatest bur
den which it imposes is thrown on labor and the
poorer classes who are leal able to bear it, while
it protects capital and exempts the rich from pay
ing their just proportion of the taxation required
for the support of government. While it protect*
the capital of the wealthy manufacturer, and in
creases his profits, jt doe* not benefit the opera
tive* or laborers in hi* employment, whose wages
have not been increased by it. Articles of prime
necessity or of coarse quality and low price, used
by the masses of the people, are, in many in
stances, subjected by it to heavy taxes, while
article* of finer quality and higher price, or of
luxury, which can be used only by the opulent,
are lightly taxed. It impose* heavy and unjust
burdens, on the former, the planter, the commer
cial man, and those of all other pursuit* except
——ip—— ■
the capitalists who has made hi* investment in
manufactures. All the great interests of the coun
try are not, as nearly as may be practicable,
equally protected by it.
The government in theory knows no distinc
tion of persons or classes, and should not bestow
upon some favors and privileges which all others
may not enjoy. It was the porpose of its illus
trious founders to base the institutions which
they reared upon the great and unchanging prin
ciples of justice and equity, conscious that if ad
ministered in the spirit in which they were con
ceived, they would be felt only by the benefit*
which they diffused, and would secure for them
selves a defence in the hearts of the people, more
powerful than standing armies, and ail the means
and appliances invented to sustain governments
founded in injustice and oppression.
The well known fact that the tariff act of 1842
was passed by & majority of one vote in the Sen
ate, and two in the House of Representatives, and
that some of thuRs who felt themselves constrain
ed, under the peculiar circumstances existing at
the time, to vote in its favor, proclaimed its de
lects, and expressed their determination to aid in
its modification on the first opportunity, affords
strong and conclusive evidence that it was not in
tended to be permanent, and of the expediency
and necessity of a thorough revision.
In recommending to Congress a reduction of
the present rates of duty, and a revision and
modification of the act of 1842, I am far from en- |
tertainisg opinions unfriendly to the manufac
turers On the contrary, I desire to see them
prosperous, as far as they can he so, without im
posing unequal burdens on other interest. The
advantage under any system of indirect taxation,
even within the revenue standard, mu6t be in
favor of the manufacturing interest; and of this
no other interest will complain.
I recommend to Congress the abolition of the
minimum principle, or assumed, arbitrary, and
false values, and of specific duties, and the sub
stitution in their place of ad valorem duties, as
the fairest and most equitable indirect tax which
can he imposed. By the ad valorem principle,
all articles are taxed according to their cost or
value, and those which are of inferior quality, or
of small cost, bear only the just proportion of the
tax with those which are of superior quality or
greater cost. The articles consumed by all are
taxed at the same rale. A system of ud valorem
revenue duties, with proper discriminations and
proper guards against frauds in collecting them,
it is not doubted, will afford ample incidental ad
vantages to the manufacturers, and enable them
to derive as great profits as can be derived from
any other regular business. It is believed that
such a system, strictly within the revenue stand
ard, will place the manufacturing interests on a
stable footing, and inure to their permanent ad
vantage; while it will, as nearly as may be prac
ticable, extend to all the great interests of the
country the incidental protection which can be
afforded by our revenue laws. Such a system,
when once firmly established, would be perma
nent, and not be subject to the constant com
plaints, agitations, and changes which must ever
occur, when duties are not laid fer revenue, but
for the “ protection merely ” of a favored inter
est.
In the deliberations of Congress on this sub
ject, it is hoped that a spirit of mutual conces
sion and compromise between conflicting inter
ests may prevail, and that the result of their
labors may he crowned with the happiest con
sequences.
From the Petersburg Republican, Dec. 1.
ANOTHER FIRE!
ABOUT TWENTY HOUSES BURNT!
A little before 5 o’clock on Saturday morning, |
our citizens were awakened by the cry of “ fire !”
Tne fire originated in the Tobacco factory of
of Messrs. Orr, Dunn & Hill, situated on Frank- 1
lin street., which, with the sweat house and every
other building on the premises, the fixtures and 1
stock, was entirely consumed.
Thence the fire communicated to the Tabacco !
factory of Messrs. Osborne &. Bragg, which, to- ;
gether with all the fixtures and a portion of the
stock were burned.
The large and beautiful dwelling house of Ed
mund Osborne, Esq., at the corner of Franklin
and YY ythe streets, (the latter more generally
known as “ YVeeks’ Cut”) was likewise consum
ed, together with every outhouse on the premises
except the stable.
A small house, on the opposite side of Frank
lin street, belonging to James Orr, Esq. and oc
cupied by Mr. Cruikshank as a shoe shop snd
and dwelling, was consumed, Mr. C. saving his
furniture and working implements.
On Rose Alley, (running from YValnot street
to Lieutenant or Blandford run.) the office of
Messrs. Osborne & Bragg, 6 or 8 tenements oc
cupied as dwellings by the factory hands of those
gentlemen, and a large house occupied as a lum
ber and store house by Messrs. Dunlop &. Tenent
were burned.
Between Rose Alley and YVylhe st., 3 houses
used for storing Tobacco, &c., belonging to Messrs
Osborne & Bragg were consumed.
YY e understand that all the property was in
sured, the losses being divided between four of the
Insurance offices, as follows: ./Etna Insurance of
Hartford, Conn., $10,000. Mutual Insurance of
Richmond. #5000, Petersburg Fire and Marine
Insurance. $8000, Contributionahip Insurance Co.
of New York, $5000.
OREGON.
Hon. Wm. Cost Johnson, late a member of
Congress from Maryland, and a leading whig in a
late letter to the Editors of the Journal of Com
merce, defends the claim of our Government to
Oregon. He hopes it will not be made a party
q nest ion—and concludes by saying .
“The Father of his country wished to establish
an Jlmeican character—that we should act for
ourselves, and not for others, and not only make
the sentiment known but maintain it before the
world. Our national movement is onward. Those
at home who are in the habit of predicting the
dissolution of our Union, may have believers
abroad, but they have no proselytes at home._
'There are some, who for peculiar considerations
desire the abandonment of our claim to Oregon,
and speak of a separate Republic. I humbly con
ceive that they will have but few to join their
standard ! either ready to parcel out our territory
to a foreign power or countenance the establish
ment of an independent sovereignty on its soil_
The strength and durability of the nation is in the
magnitude of its surface. 'Temporary excitements
in ons section are spent almost before known at
the extremities.
In expressing the opinion that the title of the
United States is good to the entire of Oregon and
the hope that the nation will never abandon its
claim, I would not he considered as entertaining
the desire that it should act precipitately; hot
with dignity and courage, which avoids all ex
tremes. Very respectfully,
WILLIAM COST JOHNSON.”
From the Mississippi Democrat.
THE MEMPHIS CONVENTION.
This body met last week. We have seen no
account of its proceedings. We have before 8Do
ken of its objects, so far as they have been stated
by the press, as chimerical and visionary. If
effect should be a revival of the mania for Raj|8
roads and other iuiprovemente, to be built
credit, or by swindling the people with paper1
money banks, the consequences, will ultimate!
be disastrous, and deplorable. One of the
objects, as we understand, is to devise a plan f°
the construction of a railroad from Memphis Z
some point on the Mississippi, to Charleston „r
Savannah on the Atlantic. It seems to us that
the slightest reflection will convince any commun
sense man that such a road, if ciflnpleted, would
be unprofitable; indeed we doubt whether Ju
revenue, in the present sparsely settled condition
of the country, would pay for repairs and ex
penses, much less refund, or pay interest on tu
immense amount of money required for its con.
struction. The freight on a bale of cotton or t
hogshead of tobacco, from Memphia to New Or
leans, is $1,50 or $2,00 ; by railroad to CharW
ton, would be $8 or 810— and in like proportion
for all other products. The people of the Mis
sissippi valley neod no other channel of trade than
their own mighty river and its great tributaries •
and it is matter of astonishment that such wild’
impracticable schemes as are slated to be subjects
of consideration for the meeting at Memphis, can
be seriously proposed. But the other day vv«
noticed a plan gravely put forth in the columni
of a cotemporary journal at Natchez—(Natchez
against the world for humbuggery, yet!)_prQ.
posing to build a railroad, “immediately if not
sooner,” from Charleston to Natchez, to be con
tinued westward,—where do yo suppose, reader?
—why, over valleys and rivers, hills, plaint
prairies and mountains, to the Gulf of California!’
Why stop at California? Why not tunnel tkt
Pacific, and terminate the Natchez and Charles
ton railroad at some commercial point in the
dominions of His Celestial Majesty the Emperor
of China!
No less visionary and senseless are other
schemes proposed for the action of the Convention,
such as—leveeing hundreds of miles of wild’
swamps, cutting a ship canal from the Illinois to
the lakes, navy yards and stations, &c, &c, lobe
effected by appropriations from government. VVa
are anxious to see whether Mr. Calhoun,and oth
er Southern State Rights strict constructionists,
members of the Convention, will join in these chi
merical schemes to plunder th« national treasury,
and create necessity for high tariff taxes, hostsof
official drones, and a splendid corrupt government.
The only praiseworthy movement we have seen iri
connection with the “ great Southwestern Con
vention, is a resolution introduced at a meeting
in Marshall county, by Roger Barton, asking the
Convention to memorialize Congress for the”erad
nation and reduction of the price of the Public
Lands.
At the risk of being considered, like Dogberry,
of the genus to which the paternal progenitor of
the mule belongs, we “ write down” the Mem
phis Convention a humbug.
LAZY PEOPLE.
Thanks to Heaven and our ancestors, and lo
all others whu had any part in making us what
we are, thanks to them one and all, that w© were
not born lazy. Laziness has been the parent of
all sins that have been committed since the morn
ing of the creation. Eve was in a lazy fit at the
timeSatan templed her ; if Adam had kept her busy
she would have been out of mischief and we should
all have all been innocent as ywung lambkins. If
the antediluvians had commenced building arki
when Noah preached to them, they might ail have
been saved : but they were too lazy to work and
so they were drowned in the great equacious ca
tastrophe. The reason the Egyptians refused to
let the Israelites go was because they were too
lazy to make their own bricks, and wished to
compel the Hebrews to do that work for them.—
The consequences are known; they were plagued
grievously ; and afterwards thrown into the Red
Sea. Lazy people in our own days are constantly
plaguing themselves, and are an everlasting
plague and eyesore to others. The sight of a
creeping, listless, indolent man, or woman, is mia
ery to the thrifty and industrious. People of this
class, are without friends, they are abhorred by
their own relations and universally dreaded.—
I hey not only hate to work themselves, but they
hate to see work done, and would fain have the
whole world, as useless and inactive as they are.
Of this kind are your loungers, who delight in
hanging about workshops, printing offices, and
every place where they can interrupt business.—
If we had as Homer expresses it,
" A hundred mouths, a thousand tongues,
A throat of brass, and admantine lungs,”
we could hardly find time and strength to execrate
such characters.
Inconsistant Ladies.—How often do weses
a lady who cannot walk, cannot rise in the morn
ing, cannot tie her bonnet strings, faints if she has
to lace her boots, never in her life brushed ont her
beautiful hair, would not, for the world, prick her
fingers with plain sewing, but who can work har
der than a factory girl upon lambs-wool shepherd
esses, dance like a dervish in a ball-room, and
whilst every breath of air gives her cold in her
father’s house, and she cannot think how people
endure the climate, she can go out to dinnor p*f
ties in January, with an inch sleeve, and half »
quarter of boddice.—Botton Eagle.
The Oi.d Coat.—“ It is better,” qnoth my
aunt Prudence, " to turn the old coat than run in
in debt for a new one.”
“But see!” replied I, “there is a hole in
it!”
“ Never mind that,” aaid she, put on a patch.
A patch in the sleeve is better than a writ upon
| the back ; the old ooat will set easier ^at home
than a new coat in prison.”
__ amp iviows.
PORT OF NORFOLK ANi» PORTSMOUTH,
Wcdvksoat, Dec ember 3.
ARRIVED,
Steamer Georgia, Cannon, from Baltimore.
Steamer Alice, Skinner/fm Richmond.
8c.hr Kmrna Virginia, Claptock, fm Philadelpha,
with mdze.
, 8c.hr Wrn. W. Wyer, Ryder, fm Boston, md*e
8chr Robert Bruce, Snow, fm Boston, with mdre
Schr Peru, Chins, fm Newburyport, with sn a»
sorted cargo of md*e to Sou ter fc Kell.
Schr Bridge. Thomas, fm Matthews, with corn to
the master. ,
8c.hr Maryland, Moore, fm Cherrystone, produce
to the master. „ „ ,,
Schr Gen. Isaac Davis, Claypolu, fm Havre de
Grace, coal to F. Carnage. _ _ . _.
Schr John Anrfemon, lVilUaffi** ft® York Rif« •
corn to the mmiter. ^ 4 t
Schr Thetis, Thom -a, fm Nantlcoke, bnd to
Schr Metropolis, Stull, fm Provincetown In bal
last to the msater.
Schr Jimjinrow. Holly, from Matthawa, oorn <•
Boulter h Bell.