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YIRGINI?N - PILOT.
?BT THE? (VIRGINIAN AND 1*1 lot PUBU8HINQ COMPANY. LORfOLK VIRGINIA? AND DAILY PILOT. _(Consolidated March, 1S33.) Enterod at the PohioCIIco at Norfolk, ?'n., an second-class matter. OFFICE: PILOT BU1L.DINO. I CITY I1AL.I, AVli.Ntll?, _norfolk, va._ * OFFICERS: (A. II. Orandy. President; W. S. Wllk hson. Treasurer; Jumes- E. Allen, t?ec ctary. BOARD OF DIRECTORS: A. 11. (.Handy, L D. Starke, Jr., t. w, Bhelton, lt. \V. ShulUcc. W. H. Wilkinson, Uuincd 13. Allan, l>. F. Donovan. tu tu:*: vr.fi in ???Sit corr. subscription rates: The VlKGINIAN-PlIiOT Is delivered tp Subscribers by carriers In No/folk nnrt vicinity. Portsmouth, Berkley, Suffolk. (West Norfolk. Newport News, for 10 cents per weck payable to the carrier. Ity mall, to any place In lh? United fc'tale?. postage free: AtAII.Y, ?ine jrpnr - $."?.0? ?? six uioullia ... a.00 " lb rep month* - - I..">0 ?nie ino.it I: . ? ? .."?0 ADVERTISING KATK3: Advorllse ?nents Inserted at the rato ot 75 ccnt3 a Bq?are, Oral Insertion: each subsequent Insertion 40 cents, or M cents, when ln *ertcd Every uther 1 >av Contractors aro not nlluweil i0 exceed their spnee or ad? vertise ether than their lefrltlniato bus! V-ss, except by paying especially for tho fca r: e. Rending Notlres Invariably ro cents per line first insertion. Each subsequent in? sertion IS cents. Ne employe or the Vlrctnlan-l-Miot Pub Ilshlns Company Is authorized to contract nny obligation in the name cf the] com? pany, or to make purchases In the name of the same, except upon order., Btgned by the PRESIDENT OF Tili: COMPANY. J7i erd'r l-> nvold ilclays. on account or personal absence. letters ::n.I nil commu? nications for Tho VIRGINIAN-PILOT Hiould not lv> addressed tc nny Individual connected with the office. b?t simply to Tho VIRGINIAN AND PILOT P(JB LISHING COMPANY._ TWELVE PAGES WEDNESDAY, MAY 3, 1SK>. WHY FEAR ~HE PEOPLE ? r - Tos: that is an apt question: "Who Is afraid of the people? The Richmond Dispatch well says: "For a long tim.-? there has been shaping in the public mind a conviction that the Senate was not performing the functions for which It was instituted, and that it must be brought Into closer contact With the people, and be made more amenable to their wishes." In the same issue, one of the corres? pondents of the Dispatch tsays: "Tho nearer we rtet to the people the more Democratic we are; the more di? rectly from the people comes the com? missions of our representatives the closer are we following in the spirit of a government of the people, by tho peo? ple, and for the people." Hut how much nearer does the choice, of U. S. Senators Bet to the people by t aking it from a body of constitutional delegates and placing it In a body ot party delegates? If we wish to carry the choice to the people, why not di? rectly to them? Who Is afraid oi thorn, and puts his trust in a convention, Just ns liable to undue manipulations and influences as the legislature, to say tne least. May we not jump out of the fry? ing-pan Into the lire, l>y not jumping fur enough? To start for the people and stop at a convr-ntion. is not to go far. and seems to indicates fear of the people. Who are they who aro afraid ' of the people? A convention if surely no more tho people than a legislature, or a legislative party caucus. Tho May conference must not forget that the main question before It is that of the amendment of the Federal Constitution, so that the election of 1". s. Senators shall l*e l>y the people, witn no legislative Intervention at all: and then. ! > nndarlly, In what popular mode meanwhile, the people may best express their prefen nco among the candidates for Scnatorship: its power In both, however, being only advisory and recommendatory. Shall it assume to speak for the party, and ask tho Stale Democratic Committee, In the name < :' the people of the party, to call n convention this year to nominate a Senator? Shall it presume even to ad? vise that committee? it will have ex? hausted its powers In it general appeal or recommendation to the party at large, to adopt the conclusl ins the con? ference may reach on the two points atinoun ietl for connld 'ration by tho call for it. To do anything more, and en pcclnlly through the conference, by committee or otherwise, an of author? ity, to bring undue or extraordinary pressure t<> hear upon the State Com? mittee, to call a nominating State con? vention, will be unwise and in bad faith. THE VIRGINIAN-PILOT, as from the first, is still convinced that the best way, and the only way (until the pro? posed amendment of the ?. s. Consti? tution be effected), for the Democrats tif Virginia to instruct their represent? atives in the General Assembly as to their preference for Sena lor, Is to do so in nominating their candidates for the legislature by resolution, or plat? form, or. if tho nomination be by pri? mary election, by expressing their pre? ference for Senator by naming him on their tickets or ballots cast in making the legislative nomination. Wo be? lieve this the b*tter and rafer plan, and one Well within the powers and rights of the people; but wo aro for It, nil the more earnestly because wo doubt the propriety of a State party convention to nominate a Senator while tho constitution is ns it Is, and we aro sure It its very Impolitic to call a State Democratic convention at this time, when there'is no necessity for it, and when the ordinary dangers attending such n body are now increased by (spe? cial an* peculiar circumstances. OUR PATRIOT SOLDIERS. The warrior?the man who fights?he who shows that he can dare any pain, or danger, or death, and that ho values life as naught In comparison with lib? erty, right, duty ami honor; he has al? ways, from'the earliest uges, been the glory of his tribe, as he Is still the stay, the hope and pride of his nation. The reason Is not far to seek; for, as com? bat, the appeal to force, was the first arbitrament among men, as It is now the last, it has always been the su? preme nnd ultimate argument: depend? ing not only on strength and skill?the strong hand?but on endurance, cour? age, Beif-sacrifice, and the resolution to do or die. Evolution, education, civil? ization, enlightenment, elevation rc flnemerit and religion, as much as these have modified and tempered the war? like spirit nnd sought to lessen or abol? ish the causes for Its terrible exhibi? tion, have in i endeavored to eliminate It, for well they know?religion not the least?that they nil depend upon that spirit that they have developed under its shield, that Its sword has made the way of progress possible to them, and that but for i:. all that is good would bo overcome of evil and earth would bo but a hell of wrong. The warrior?soldier, sailor?stand between h!s country and her enemies. He it is who often assures peace, and, In the last resort) conquers it. Defying peril, in self-abnegation nobly discard? ing safely, ease, and all the blessings of liberty, home and love, he secures safety for his fellow citizens in all the pursuits and pleasure of life, protects the State and makes the nation respect? ed and honored. He is the incarnate valor of his people; he la the trustee of the common honor; his duly is to fight, withoui fear and without re? proach; and if he do this well, no man dare ask him questions that go behind his duty, to obey his country's call and order. And thus it is that the soldier who quiis himself well, no matter in what quarr. 1. is Hi" In ro of all?even the enemy, in defeat, applauding him. So we honor our army and navy with? out discrimination on account of party, administration, or the merits of the war itself. If our manhood, honor and glory are vindicated and enhanced by deeds of heroism and victories that awe the world, that is enough for them and for us. Our soldier boys win our hearts by their achievements, we freely bestow our unstinted admiration upon them, and when they return from seas or lands of Ihelr brilliant exploits, our grateful hearts pulsate In plaudits that but faintly tell the depth and strength of our emotions. All hall, then, to our gallant volunteers, returning from the wars. They went forth to serve their country, and well have they done it, whether Democrat and Republican, or whether from Soulh, North, East, or West. Proud should we be that wc have boys to be relied on In any hour of need. ALL IS WELL. The fight between Hanno and For nker In Ohio waxes hot. "Pull, Dick: pull dcvill" cry we- it is black-gum against thunder. We look on with the serene equanimity and impartiality of the old woman w 1m presided (but m>t as .Moderator) over the Unlit between her old man and the Is nr. -not caring which Is victor}?though if each side would mutually exterminate the other, like the Kilkenny cats, we would re? joice. The feud in Pennsylvania grows fiercer between the Quay fad Ion and the anti-Quay faction of Republicans, with no truce oh account of verdicts, > Senatorial appointments, th" weather, or any other cause. 111 Delaware, the Republicans for nndagainsl Addicks ar nursing their wrath to keep It warm and are sharpening tin ir sntckcrsces With great diligence. In New York, Plait and Itoogevcli arc rapidly arming for each other. !n Massachusetts the Hoar n belli? n Is daily developing strength. And In nearly every State there are Republican dissensions, of I more or less magnitude; and new rivals to McKinley for the nomination next year on every hand, with a probability that they will pool their forces against ' him In national convention. The' prospect, Ind d, Is bright nnd bright chine thai honest men will come to their own again. Meanwhile, Ihe Democracy stands like a stonewall, against which some Indlnnnpolitan Democrat (with Repub? lican prin Iples) occasionally butts his head and b i\> Is. All Is welll The Imperialists now represent the war In the I'hillppim s as one "to put down a rebellion of1 n portion of the people of the United States.'! is Agul nnldo, then, Indeed, an American cit? izen? and aro Ihose Philippine islands a portion of the territory of the United States? What, Inch, us to the rights of the Philippines under the XIV. and XV. amendments of the U. S. Consti? tution? Mr. McKinley and his representatives at Manila, civil, military and naval, have fail, il egrcglously In their duty In not Informing these new "people of the United States" of their rights as American citizens and their corres? ponding dut|i nnd powers as such, it j ia only in the last resort, to find a prc j text upon which to base this Eastern conquest, ttint we hear that Ihe rhil ippinos are "people of the United States," "in rebellion," and that as "rebele" we arc making war upon ; them! What pity they did noi know in time that Ihey had the right i i as? semble peaceably, :?? petition for a re? dress of grievances Insl ad >f lighting. Henri Wftttersoh did not make the Democratic party, in r the Louisville Courier-Journal, though ho now edits the latter and also seeks to edit the former. Tho paper got Its vogue, long before Wattcrson, a-number of able edi? tors, conspicuous among whom was George D. Prentice. Wattcrson Is a cuckoo, who has never yet made even his own nest.?he himself having been made by the paper and party he be? longs to. Yet we must' not be ungrateful to Henri; for though he did not create tho Democratic party, he has Riven it respectability by his association witfc it, and his patronising recognition of Jefferson, Jackson, Bryan and others as tolerable persons, considering they do not come quite tip to the mark of Henri. Funston, the paladin of our Army ot Eastern Conquest, is in bodily avoirdu? pois a very light-weight, having some? thing less than one hundred pounds of gravity. But he is "all there," every time?in the hour of need; and already he Is sharing with Dewcy the chief glory of the war with which we arc welcoming and Initiating our now "peo? ple of the United States." We are proud of Funston, as" well as of all our troops who 'quit themselves like men; tor 'tis "theirs not to reason why," but to do, and die, if need be; and of sol? diers above all men is It true, that: "Glory and shame from no condition rise: Act well your part; there all the honor lies." A few sporadic cases of violence in the South, caused by crimes that would arouse the same violence in Now Eng? land, or the North, or West, as has been proved by Instances In point, in? spire tho N. Y. Sun and other Hanno organs to rise on their hind-legs and hold a scrvii o of howling, punctuated with such Inquiries as: "Arc these Southern Slates civilized?" Mean? while, tho abomination of desolation wrought by the United States In the Philippines at the command of this ad? ministration of Thugs, is Justified, ap? plauded and glorified by this same Hanna press as a holy war, or a pa? triotic crusade, at least. Oo to! Our fellow-citizens or the Philippines, If rebels, have shown themselves wor? thy of the name and liberty of Ameri? cans. Put why fore- our political erect! on them, as Mahomet did his religion'.' Why shall wo, of all people, in this age I of arbitration, "Decide all controversies by Infallible artillery?" or: i "Call fire and sword and desolation A godly, thorough reformation?" The blessings of liberty, it must be j allowed, arc being carried to our East? ern fellow citizens in a strange way. Bremerhaven on the Ems? Bremen on tli,? Ems? Perhaps Mr. Oppenheim er. also, had better look at his Ger? man geography.- N. Y. Sun. The mistake of Mr. Oppcnhcimcr Is In locating the places named on the river Ems, whereas they are both on the Weser?Bremerhaven being the sea? port of Bremen,?thotmii neither is on the sea, Bremen being 50 miles and Bremerhaven IQ miles from the mouth of a river. They must be a very inferior sort of men who, having all the advantages of inherited wealth and position, all the Influences of name and family, all the "unearned Increment" of every kind accruing to them who have by tho very , x is to nee, as well as the industry, of the many millions who have nut, still : e, k w ith me d ami cunning, and with? out scruple, to aggrandize themselves at the expense of government und the public, Claiming superiority, they con? fers Inferiority by taking or seeking odds on every scare. Our constitution, as now nnumded by order of Manna, is to bo road as fol? lows: "This Constitution, and the law.? of the United States which shall bo marie in pursuance thereof; and all Iron ties, na tda. u hlch shall '11 mad.-. ? under tho authority of the United States, together with the will of the Emperor of Germany, shall bo the su? preme law of the land." To arbitrarily punish an American citizen, and a h< role Captain of our navy, on complaint of a foreigner that he does not like the Captain's freedom of speech, is a revival of the "Alien and Sedition" despotism, without war? rant of iaw. Tho Richmond Times quotes in full THE VIRGINIAN-PILOT'S article on "Hog Heaven," If not with entire ap? proval, yet with concurrence in what it says in behalf of "individuality" and against "hog-heaven." Verily, there Is hope for t'ne Times, yet. Cap*.. Coghlan never "lost hin ship." the Rail Igh, in storm or battle, until he was "blown up" by American treachery to placate a Gorman Bom? bastes Furioso. lll'IMU.VS OI< Til f. l'Ki:SH. Familiarity in conirolling legislation emboldened t'ne representatives of Or? ganized Wealth and a bright vista opened before it. it became a matter of importance to retain control of the national administration and it became the fixed purpose of Organised Wealth to procure legislation favorable to it. favorable to money, and therefore h - tile to everything else, and as time passed on th :' ?reo of this great power was such that, in tho indifference or Inattention of the people at largo, na? tional administrations became t'ne mere machines of those who sought the con? centration of money and the increase in its value at the cost and expense of labor. And in 1*7:: there was enacted tho law demonetizing silver, By that law one half of all t'>. money of tho country was taken away by legislation: tho etiler halt remained, The demand In? creasing, t'ne supply-not increasing, the value of that halt that remain -i n - sarily increased in value; that Is to say, became more In products and In labor. VIKGlNIflM-PILOt'S (Copyrighted, 1S99.) DIRECTED BY PROF. SEYMOUR EATON. SUBJECTS OF STUDY IN THE ORDER IN WHICH THEY WILL BE PUBLISHED. EVERY SUNDAY? History?Popular Sturi.<i> In European History. EVERT TUESDAY? Geography?The World's Great Commercial Troduci;. EVERY WEDNESDAY? , ' Governments of the World dt To-day. EVERT THURSDAY AND FRIDAY? Literature?Popular Studios In Literature. EVERY SATURDAY? Art?The World's Great. Artists. 1'Iicko roum?? will coullmio until Juno Sfttll. Kxntiilunllon* court no tod by mini, ?viii tic tielil itt itic-lr close tin u bnala for llio cruuttiiK "f Certificate?. GOVERNMENTS OF THE WORLD OF TO-DAY. / _ VDI.-CHEAT BRITA5SM. The Anglo-Saxon race has produced two distinct type? of. democratic states. One may be described as the cabinet type, illustrated in England, Canada ami the Australian states, and ihe other is the presidential type, exempli? fied in the United States. The English colonies in America wen; founded at St time When the English nation was en? gaged In a desperate struggle to de? termine the metes and bounds' of ?s owri constitution. As ah Incident of this struggle, one I<iiifc wad beheaded ami another war, driven from the realm ami his family disinherited. The i arty in England opposed t.< despotic rule were leii to assert that the authority of the nation was above that of tie king*; that the house of commons, b - ins the most direct agency of the ha nnd Judicial functions. In many of the c donies legislation was in the hands of representatives chosen by ihe people, while executive ami judicial bushiest was* administered by appointees of the king of England. Ii was perfectly nii tural then that at the time of the American revolution each of the thir? teen colonies should adopt h written constitution nnd that ih.donlsts should replace the appointees of tin hin? by officers chosen by the people. Thus the thirteen states all adopted the presidential typo of free govern-. mcntt A little later, in 1787, a constitu? tion was framed providing for the same form tor the general government of the United stat.:'. The fundamental fea? ture of th|s type is round in the sopara tioti of legislative, executive and judi clol business, while a chit f person pr -id. nt or governor?Is placed at the in ml of the exei utlve. THE HOUSE OP COM Mi N S IN" VVATj POLE'S ADMINISTRATION. (From A. Fogg's engraving of a picture by Hogarth and Thornhttl.) tion, was superior in authority io king or lords. The result at the struggle Iii I England made ;;?>?? l si' claim that parliament }s of high, r authority titan king!--, because, Blncc the two It o user. I declared the throne vacant i:i 1C8S, hti ihoiiarch lias ruled In England except by paiiianffmtary title. It made good tho claim that the house of commons Is superior to the house of lords, b< -, ' 1 " ' = ?-?' <???' V' ? - ' ? a successful war against Cnarloa I., and it was the commons who constituted a court for the punishment of the king for high treason. TlIK PRESIDENTIAL, SYSTEM, For eleven years after the execution of the kiiig In 1649 England enjoyed peaceable and Orderly government without a king. During this period the English tried to govern themselves as a common weal th; under a written con? stitution made by the representatives of the p. npie. They recognized the dis? tinction between legislative, executive hud judicial business, and there was an attempt t i place these various sorts of business in separate hands and to balance one against the other. \Ve find here the first grand distinc? tion between the pres'ld? rittal and the V.il.l.IA.M PITT. cabinet systems of government. The; English who w ere in America at the time of the revolution, in IC49, were, some of them, already living under written constitutions, called charters. They went on making ."ml amending written constitutions in the various colonies. The distinc tion between the legislative, executive nnd judicial func? tions of government, grew in AmeriCi?| ir.oru and more distinct. Win n the col? onies separated from England in 1773 there had already been 150 years of cx pbrii are tinder written constitutions? ISO > -nrs of more or less distinct sep i aratlon between legislative, executive Tin: oiitoiN of tub cabinet SYSTEM. Iti England, alter tin- eleven yens of effort to establish a commonwealth, the monarchy was restored. From time Im? memorial power had been ci ruralized in the hands of the king in parliament of Hi" hing In his council. Legislative, ju lie if nnd executive business had not been sharply distinguished. Kings had ways su a (?? d ii i:i getting Judges who .. ! .;??(-.de rases :.llee?m-i royal p:v i itativo ns they were ordered to de < Ide them- After ihe puritan revolution the high courts were still subject to the king's will. .Tames II. secured judges who were ns arbitrary ami brutal as any e\'< r known in English history. Executive and legislative power was likewise centralized in the hands of the king alone, or in the hands of the king in parliament, ran of this power had received Hie name of royal prerogative, nnd could bo exercised by the king without consulting the two houses, it was by royal prerogative that the Icing controlled the judiciary. if a parti? cular judge would not do his will he was removed nnd another appointed Who would. (>n the other hand, the two houses of parliament can do nothing legally without the king. Tlio monarch is an essential part of parliament. Tin l gal parliament Includes the monarch. In all e:>.s, s whore the two houses apart from the monarch, or one house alone, has hell (I on behalf of the nation, the act is accounted Irregular and revolu? tionary. The two housos could do noth? ing; which Is account tl legal without the kllig; The king, without the two houses, can legally act In all matters covered by royal prerogative. As to just how far royal prerogative extended was a matter never definitely determined. Tin Stuart monarch* maintained that royai prerogative extended to every Bort ot governmental bus n- ss, l. gislntlve and administrative: They held that it was the duty of the two hoiiacd to give (-f fect to the king's policy. In case the two houses failed to co-operate In any matter which the king deemed impor? tant or essential, Uten it was the duty of the king to act without the houses. James II. wanted his parliament to re p, al certain law.; pumsi.iug l.i.i , ulvjects for refusing to conform to the rules of the established Church. The parlia? ment, failing to comply, the king issued an order, known as the act of indul? gence, by which he Intended to accom? plish his purpose without the co-oper? ation of the house-;. Thus, by the royal prerogative, the king was at-j ? tempting to override oh act of parlia? ment. 1 *!?'-ii :!:?? Issue thus raised James was driven from the throne and Wil? liam and Mary were made kiim and cjueon In his stead. This Is called In English hist ?ry t'ne great revolution. I The revolution id accepted as settling the question that In respect to . ellj those matters' upon which tho two! houses have acted or are accustomed? to act tho king must act with they houses. He cannot, by royal preroga-5 tive, take matters out of the hands of' the houses. This Is all that tile revoJ; lutlon settled. There was still no an-; swer to the question as to how the'' king and the houses could act together'' In harmony. All business was still, centralized in the hands of the king ana! the two Ionises. They were even more] clost ly united than ever. A few years? after the revolution a law was passed' which effectually removed tho judiciary" from tin; control of tho king. The! statute almply made the tenure of the'/ judges permanent?that is. they could;? not be removed except for cause and1 upon the joint petition of the twoj houses. Upon the basis of this act? there grew up a strong and independ-j ent judiciary, it would now be ac-f counted scandalous for cither the king* or th" houses to Interfere in any way| witli the Independence of the judiciary. Parliament also made various efforts! to regulate by law the executive busl bs of i ho government?that is, estab? lish a legally restricted and regulated executive. These efforts all failed. It was because of this failure that the cabinet system grew up. The cabinet system never was planned or adopted at any one time. It simply grew. It was by means of the cabinet that a way was found to enable the king and the two houses to work, together In harmony, and at the same time retain both exe? cutive ami legislative business in the same hdnds. In this respect the cabinet system differs radically from the presi? dential. Before the revolution there had grown up two organic political parties, which have remained to the present day. This may be called the first stop In the for? mation of tiie cabinet system. The sys-'. tern requires tin; presence of two politi? cal parties, tho leaders of one <>r which' hobi the chief places in tin' govern-J| mcnt, while the leaders of the other stand ready to take the nfllces at any time. Cabinet government Is the gov? ernment, of a party whose leaders are ready to assume control of the govern i mcnt. Afu r the revolution William III. and Anne found it necessary or copycriloht to select as their chief ministers the] lenders of thq political party which for[| the tint had n majority in tho house; rjf commons, inning those two reigns! there wore Bevern I changes from whlgl to tory and from tory to whig minis-!; tors, corn ipondlng lo similar changes] In the house of commons. This We niayj call the s.id Step In the evolution of j the cabinet. Ge irge 1, was a foreigner who undc stood neither the English language nnr'l English pi liii.'s. Many of the torlcsj fav< n I too restoration of tho Stuart?, and tho king tin reforo placed himself j In ih>- hands of the w ing leaders. There was unbroken whig rule from the death' of Anne, '7i-t, t , the accession of Ceorgo; 111. in 1760. S;r Robert Wnlpole was. made prime minister in 17jl and con-' tinned in oiv -e for twenty-one years.; Wal pole bad the full co-operation of; tho king; first, of George I. and after his death that of George if- II? had ns prime minister the full prerogative of the crown, !>?? nuse nil the time the kings were in danger of the threatened Stuart i . : ?ratI in. lie had a house of ' <?????-?;;'5ir> - v. <.<yl " s mum SIR ROBERT WAL-POLE. 1 >rd ? whli ;i h ? coul I < a illy control byl nlllccs n.nd patronage. By persuasion! and bribery and by vnrl tus exercises of| tho roy'rii prerogative, such as tho dis. trlbutlon of offices a?.,! Interferences! with elections, he maintained a eon Llnuous majority In the house of mons. Siia" <;,.<irge I. could not until r-| stand English, tho prime minist? formed tt habit of conferring with the| chief officers of the gov< rhnient crol m? i tings apart fr m the king, nndj having in such in clings agreed with his associates upon :, policy, he would piweeii to secure the king's assent, in this way the government, both ns lo legislative und executive business, passed into the hands of a small body of the chief ministem, who determined their policy in seiet and afterward I secured tho approval of both the king and the two 1, iukch. This was the third I great step in the devi ionmcnt of the cabinet, ii was ri government by ' w hig oligarchy, which had gathered Itself both royal prerogative and legis? lativ- control. The success of such a government is explained by the foci that throughout the time of the flrsl two Georges the restoration of the Stuarts wan threatened. The kings whig by compulsion; the obliged to yield to the whig leaders, who could control the two houses. Upon the accession of George HI. there wast m> longer any danger of Stuart r storatlon. The king was tory and ho set himself to destroy tho| wing system of government through . binet. He would have the- min? ister Individually responsible to hini? st If. l!.. would himself control the two| houses by the exorcise of royal pr< gative. During the ministry of Lord North, which Inclu led the period of tha| Am.tn revolution, the cabinet sys? tem was suspended. The king govern? ed and commanded his tory majorities In parliament. With the loss of the colonies tho king's policy was discredit; cd. William Pitt became prime minis. ; r in I7V> atol cor.:,nie.1 in that posi? tion to the . nd of the century. He may rightly be called the restorer of tho cabinet. He s ur 1 for the cabinet tho ii rcct and public recognition of all par? ties He made a frank issue with the Ijji .', .., th it' t that II was the king's duty to give f?ll aupporl to measures i upon In lite cabinet; that the king should use th ? cabinet and only the cabinet, as a means, or channel, for political Influenc t. The securing of public recognition and the raising of this issue waa n distinct advance in the development of the cabinet. It Was now evident that the cabinet was the one agency left which could limit the power of the king. With the limited suffrage, by means of an established cusl ::i of bribery, by Interference at oJectl ?ns and by othur uses of patron . it had come to I ? a comparatively easy matter to make up ir.ajorit.es In ? n.Mtv.i houses. i: ,,i,iy, ihe king could got full control of his ministers, ho j (Continued on Fifth Page.)