Mississippi leader., November 07, 1893, Image 1

About Mississippi leader. (Jackson, Miss.) 1892-1895

Image provided by: Mississippi Department of Archives and History

                
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PUBLISHED BY THE MISSISSIPPI LEADER CO. A Live Prohibition Newspaper, Dtvoted t* Morel and Political Reform. SUBSCRIPTION. $1.00 PER YEAR IN ADVANCE.
VOlTxI. _liliOOKHAVEN, MISSISSIPPI. Tl’KSPAY, NOVEMBER 7. 1803._NO. 22. |
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nod New Orleans, La.
G. W. CARLISLE.
apris-tf
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Cemetery,
THOUSANDS
PERSONAL RESPONSIBILITY.
In a recent issue of The Lead
er we spoke earnestly on the per
sonal responsibility of Christian
voters. Mr. Beecher, in the ex
citing days of anti-slavery discus
sion, often declared that every
American citizen who had not ex
hausted all his prerogatives as a
citizen in protesting against slav
ery, was himself responsible for
slavery.
\Ve paraphrase Mr. Beecher's
statement and affirm that every
citizen who docs not by all the
means at his command place him
self in an attitude of uncomprom
ising hostility to the liquor traffic
is himself morally accountable for
the continuance of the destructive
business.
Whatever may be said as to
the beginning of the present li
quor system, no man denies that
its continued existence is by the
grace and favor of the American
voter. Against his protest it can
not continue. When a majority
of our voting citizens so decree,
the saloon will be an outlaw. That
it is not such already is because a
majority of our voters consent
that it shall have the moral and
legal support of the government,
State and national. Every man
l who votes with a political party
; whoso policy provides for the
! perpetuation of the saloon is mor
ally guilty of having given his
express consent to the continu
ance of this tremendous enginery
of destruction.
It is not asserted that every
man who so votes is at heart the
friend of the saloon, but it is as
serted that each such voter gives
his indorsement to the present or
der of things.
He may give that endorsement
(1) gladly, (2) indifferently, or (3)
reluctantly and under protest, but
the significant thing is that by
sustaining a license party he ex
pressly gives his approval or con
sent to the license policy.
We boldly challenge the right
of any citizen so to do. If the
saloon is not wrong then nothing
is wrong. But it can never
be wrong to run a saloon and
right to vote that saloons shall be
run.
The moral distinction between
the saloon keeper and the license
voter may be one of degree but
not of kind.
Voter, Christian minister,
church member, good citizen, the
saloon is yours, it has the stamp
of your approval, the seal of your
indorsement, a certificate of good
character over your signature,
unless at the ballot box you re
buke it and disown it and decline
to give your support to those who
feel compelled to court its favor.
There is no neutral ground.
You are for it or against it.
Which *
How Can He Look His Boy in
the Face?
How can a Christian father vote
with a liquor-licensing party and
then look his boys in the face and
ieel guiltless ? And if ono of those
boys goes wrong and reaches the
gutter or a drunkard's hell at last,
can the father as he stands by the
bloated form of that poor coffined
boy fail to feel that for ten or
twenty or more years his own
ballot has been helping to bring
the boys of other men to that
same fate, and that he is now reap
ing what he has sown ? TIas he a
right to . expect anything elso i
Can he blame anybody else more
than he blames himself i How
long will the fatal charm of par
ty-idolatry blind men to the loft
iest claims of fatherhood and dull
thoir ears to the plaintiff suppli
cations of the unnumbered army
of victims and sufferers from this
awful traffic as they long for its
utter destruction 1 Behold this
vast army, helpless, crushed, and
able only to cry for relief, and
rise in your strength and stamp
out this evil forever!—Tennessee
Methodist.
A SHARP COLOQUY.
—
The Pot Calling the Kettle
Black.
In the House last Tuesday Mr.
McMillin ^Dem.)of Tennesse call
ed up the joint resolution report
ed from the committee on ways
and means directing the secretary
of the treasury to remit the du
ties imposed on the war munitions
imposed by the navy department
at the time of the threatened
trouble between the United States
and Chili. The joint resolution
was passed.
In the course of the discussion
Mr. Reed said that he would not
object to the joint resolution, but
expressed his regret that the mat
ter did not take the form of a
direct appropriation from the
treasury to pay the amount of the
duty. It required an act of con
gress in each case, he said, but
the $43,000 under the arrange
ment did not appear in the appro
priation bill.
“And,*’ continued Mr. Reed,
“as there have been some very
wicked appropriations in the last
two congresses—”
Mr. Dockery(Dem.) of Missou
ri—No, not in the last two con
gresses. In the Fifty-first.
Mr. Reed—Only wicked in the
Fifty-first ?
Mr. Dockery—Yes.
Mr. Reed—I suppose there was
no occasion for wickedness in the
Fifty-second ?
Mr. Dockery—No; we were
left a legacy by the Fifty-first
congress and had to make pro
visions to meet it. We were im
posed on by the legislation of the
Fifty-first.
Mr. Reed—Well, you are very
easily imposed upon. You had
control of it and you made bigger
appropriations than we ever did,
and you have been going around
the country ever since making
excuses for it. You had better
make smaller appropriations and
you would need fewer excuses.
Mr. Dockery—One hundred
and fifty-four millions of the ap
propriations of the Fifty-second
congress were entailed by the
legislation of the Fifty-first con
gress.
Mr. Reed—Yes, entailed. You
were children in swaddling clothes.
Things are “entailed" ’ upon you
all the time. You are going
about the country from one end
to the other talking about “what
has been entailed upon you.”
Why don't you do something
yourselves ? (Laughter).
Mr. Dockery—I will say in re
ply to the suggestion of the gen
tleman from Maine (Mr. Reed)
that I trust with the House Dem
ocratic and the Senate Democrat
ic, we will be ablest this session
or at the regular session of con
gress, to repeal some of this leg
islation that imposed these extra
ordinary taxes upon the people.
Mr. Reed—You have not done
very much repealing up to date.
Mr. Dockery—We have had
no opportunity heretofore.
Mr. Reed—No opportunity ?
You have had the House and the
Senate and the President, partial
ly. (Laughter.) Why in the
world don’t you do something ?
Mr. Dockery—I want to say
that during this extra session an
effort has been made and is now
being made to repeal a part of the
odious legislation enacted by the
Fifty-first congress.
Mr. Reed—I notice that the
gentleman from Missouri did not
participate in that effort to re
peal. (Referring to Mr. Dock
ery’s vote against the "Wilson re
peal bill.)
Mr. Dockery—The gentleman
from Missouri did and desires the
repeal of that law (the Sherman
act) with conditions that will be
just to all sections of the country.
Mr. Reed—Exactly. That is
what some of our good people al
ways want—righteousness with
conditions. (Laughter.)
“You hear some of these little
pastors say, ‘but some things are
worse than others, and I choose
the lesser evil.’ I say that such j
a pastor is not worthy to "have as
his congregation a litter of pup
pies. Don't take either one. We
preachors have played with the
Gospel and played with the peo
ple until not more than one man
in a hundred pays any attention
to us. ‘Speak thou with author
ity.’—Sam Jones.
, Friar’s Point, in “Sweet Coa
homa,” goes dry today.
Tlie Chickasaw Messenger.
To ocr Friends:
The cotton season is just com
ing on, and hard run as our peo
ple are, each and every one could
find the means to subscribe for a
paper, which for more than twen
ty years, in season and out of
season, has stood up for the rights
of the workingmen and women of
this country.
You need a watchman on the
tower to tell you what is trans
piring abroad in the land. You
want to keep posted pertaining to
all matters affecting your inter
cst. You want your childrcA ed
ucated in the science of political
economy. You need a newspaper
in the family circle, which will
give you the truth and the whole
truth concerning the acts and do
ings of your servants in every
branch of the Government.
You have such a paper in the
Chickasaw Messenger. It is the
organ of the Farmers Alliance of,
Mississippi. It is thoroughly in
sympathy with the great reform
movement which the Alliance has
put on foot. You need its advice
and information—it needs your
support. It will do its part cheer- j
fully if you will do yours.
For the past two years the
Messenger has been run at a loss
to its proprietor, and he can bear
the burden but little longer un
aided. It is your paper, Alli
anccmcn, and it is your duty to
sustain it. It is laboring for your
release from the slavery of the
money power, laboringmen, and
you should help to hold up its
hands. It is striving week by i
week to impress the public with
the necessity for reform all along
the line, and every tax-payer
should send one dollar to help us
buy paper, pay printers and house
rent, that the light for “equal
rights to all and special privilege
for none” may be kept until vic
tory crowns the efforts of the
masses against the classes.—
Chickasaw Messenger.
Citizen—Christian.
There has been a great loss of
power to mould a true Christian
citizenship, occasioned by the fact
that too often the terms “Chris
tian and citizen” have been con
sidered apart, and as occupying
different spheres and operating
on entirely different lines. The
word has been: “Religion is re
ligion,'’ “business is business,”
“politics is politics.” There is
need of one dominating principle
to govern life. If we have a right
conception of religion, it is the
ouly thing which supplies the true
governing principle. As religion
pertains to life in all its phases,
and as it supplies motives to right
living which, when carried out,
produce the best characters and
the best lives, its principles should
govern everywhere and its pre
cepts be practiced in every walk
of life. If this is not so in busi
ness relations, if it is not so in
civil and political circles, there is
manifested a defect which is fatal
to Christian character. The Chris
tian can not lay aside his religion
and retain it at the same time.—
N. O. Christian Advocate.
The Battle for Bread — The
Church on Trial.
Dr. Talmage, like Bishop
Keener, has caught the inspira
tion, and is talking straight out
in meeting. 'In a recent sermon
he said:
“Unless the church of Jesus
Christ rises up and proves her-1
self the friend of the people, as |
the friend of God, and in sympa- i
thy with the great masses, who, ;
with their families at their backs,
are ti<rhtingr this battle for bread,
the church as at present organiz
ed, will become a defunct institu
tion, and Christ ill go down
again to the beach and invite
twelve plain, honest fishermen to
come into an apostleship of right
eousness manward and Godward. j
The time has come when all class- j
es of people shall have equal j
rights in the great struggle to get
!a livelihood.”
I Doe* till* Mean that ChrUtian* Have Soft
Hearts as Well as Soft Heart* ?
If that Jersey idea of “organ
izing the Christian vote should
become popular some politicians
might find themselves hunting for
a job, but as the people are ever
easy to lie duped the politician
will always find a soft place.—
Tunica Independent.
A Warning to White Caps.
It isn't going to l>e fashionable
nor profitable for attorneys to
defend persons charged with white
; cap outrages in parts where such
organizations exist. Joseph A.
Reid, an attorney of Amite City,
La., who has recently defended a
number of persons charged with
being implicated in white cap
outrages, has issued a letter to
the public in which he says:
I l>eg leave thus to notify the
white caps of this district, that
after a disposition of such cases
now pending, that I will not ac
cept employment in their defense,
but will aid the good citizens in
breaking up white cap methods.
It has fallen to my lot to repre
sent with some success many citi
zens of this district, but I am not
in favor of disorder, ruffianism
or persecution. The result of
white cap organization is to drive
out labor, unsettle public govern
ment, and bring into chaos and
confusion the very systems which
would be our pride and our de
fense. I trust I may never bej
called upon, to prosecute any one!
I charged with white capism. but
in such event I will do my duty'
as best 1 can. My professional
name shall not be used as a me
nace against the social order in
our country.
Was Some Liar.
We have seen a private letter from
Port Gibson, Miss., in which the wri
ter says that there is more liquor sold
now in that place than when it was
I wet. The writer also says that there
is more meanness and law-breaking
! than ever. The mayor has a cincli and
the city treasury is getting rich. Vicks
burg and Xatchsz are growing rich off
of money sent from Port Gibson for
liquor; and so it goes. Local prohibi
tion will not do.—Greenwood Flag.
This is si gross exaggeration.
There is of course some drinking
here still, hut incomparably less
than under the license system.
Nor is it true that lawlessness has
increased in Port Gibson. On
contrary, the town is more order
ly on Saturday nights, than it
has been for years. The mayor
says that not only have such of
fenses as drunkenness, fighting,
pistol-shooting, etc., greatly di
minished in number, but there is
less business generally in his
court than formerly. The Flag
ought to be surer of its facts be
c #
fore making such sweeping char
ges.—Port Gibson Reveille.
It is decidedly reassuring to
those who have borne the brunt
of the Prohibition fight, to hear
the Reveille, which was originally
strongly opposed to it, bearing
such testimony as the above.
A Disgusted Old Democrat.
“They can say what they please
about John Sherman’s bossing
Cleveland and dictating to Demo
cratic senators, but that won't
make me sick of flic old party,
if he does,” saida loud-mouthed
drummer with a voice like a fog
horn, as lie entered the railroad
depot of a Mississippi town a few
nights ago with a friend.
C D
“I've always heard,” growled
an old Andrew Jackson Demo
crat, loud enough to lie heard, as
he sat in one corner of the sit
ting room waiting for the train,
that it takes a heap of mean'ear’n
to make a buzzard puke, and
by the eternal I believe it's a
fact.”—New Era.
Reed shaking hands with D. B.
Hill upon his heated praises of
Reed methods in the chair and
subsiding into a seat hear the El
mira Statesman with unctious sat
isfaction upon every feature of
his fat face, while Democrats like
McPherson, Palmer, Gray, and
Vilas proclaimed him a second
Daniel come to judgement, is the
latest spectacle afforded the coun
try by the administration.—Po
litical Economist.
I’m not preaching on the sweet
by and by, but the dirty now and
now. I'm for purity and right.
Just as sure as you arc for right
you will meet opposition. What
wo want is men who have counted
the cost, who are for God through
thick and thin.—Sam Jones.
T-a-r-i f f R e-f o-r-m: T a r
i-f-f R-e-f-o-r-m ! Soem to u»
wo have heard that expression
somewhere. Ah yes! It's the
leading issue with Democratic or
ators in a political canvass, and
after the eloction is hung on the
fence to dry.
Throwing Away Vote*.
A vote is thrown away when it
is east for a candidate or a party
that fails to represent the right
eous convictions of the voter.
Every Prohibitionist w ho votes
for a license candidate or party
throws away his vote.
Every tcni|>crancc man who
easts a ballot for the candidates
of a party dominated by saloon
influences throws away a vote.
Every enemy of the saloon who
votes a ticket supported by sa
loon-keepers and liiptor-dealers
throws away his vote.
Every believer in righteousness
in government who votes a ticket
made up in gin-mills and ratified
by a convention in which runi
sellers sit as delegates throws
away his vote.
Every man who wants to sens
this nation redeemed from gin
mill government and fails to east
his ballot for the only party that
lares to antagonize the gin-mill
throws away his vote.
Every man who believes in
clean polities and good govern
ment as against slum politics and
government bv criminals who
fails to east a ballot that call lie
distinguished in the count from
the ballot of the rumseller and the
criminal throws away his vote.—
The Voice.
The Biloxi Blizzard, Mr. Louis
Rosenthal, editor, is very dead,
after an existence of about six
months. It’s life was short. It
did't drift out with the tide, but
fell peacefully to sleep before the
storm came. It “come to stay,”
but eonldn’t. Some say the name
killed it. The outfit was sold for
less than $50 to pay a debt to L.
Graham & Son, New Orleans.
This leaves only six on the Coast
where once there was nine. And
yet there’s more to follow. All
please rise and join in the chorus.
—Pascagoula Democrat-Star.
The politicians view of the Van
Alen nomination was eminently
practical. They said in effect to
the Senate: “You turn this man
down and no more big campaign
contributions we'll get i" The
Senators comprehended and Am
bassador Van Alen makes his ou
tre upon the stage of diplomacy,
to the discredit of Cleveland and
his gang and at the expense* of
this great and good government.
What's the use of coaxing cow
ardly church trustees to open
their churches to our speakers so
long as there are soap-boxes and
horse-blocks to stand upon and
the Constitution of the United
States insures to citizens “the
right peaceably to assemble."
People who are dead in earnest
will get a hearing.
Seventy out of one hundred of
the primaries and nominating con
ventions of the old parties held in
saloons in the chief city of the na
tion, the political pivot in most
Presidential elections, and the city
in which national headquarters
are held by both those parties,
and yet it is “not an issue in this
campaign!”
It is impossible to please every
body. The editor who tells the
truth must expect to offend some
people. The maiden lady who
broke the mirror because it pic
tured her face with wrinkles is by
no means alone in this world. She
broke the glass but the wrinkles
remained.
“I can't help you, my poor
fellow,” said a maudlin peer of
England to a drunkard lying in
the gutter; “but I'll (hie) do let
ter, I'll lie down by your side.” ,
That's the way some “moral lead
ers" are trying to elevate politi
cal sentiment ou the drink ques
tion.
The liquor traffic costs the peo
ple directly at least twelve lmu
dred million dollars and causes a
burden of taxation of at least
I eight hundred millioh dollars. No
1“ t
party can bring real prosperity
I that does not say, “The liquor
traffic must and shall be destroy
ed."
Nearly every church has twe
or three members who think they
have put the Lord under obliga
tions to them.
The Mississippi Mills will soon
be running again on full time.