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If th constitution proposed by Califor nia contained nothing about slavery, would the North allow her to enter the Union? Suc!i were the territorial bills proposed for California at the last Congress, tut they rejected them, because the South was not excluded Irani this territory, in express terms. The inhabitants ol this territory, , have been left without any civil govern ment, 'solely because the South would not consent to bo legislated wit of them with' her institutions ; and now thai this object is accomplished by the constitution pre sented ty California, these conservatives these advocates)! law and order are eag- ,er to admit net without any light of pre cedential ihe Union". We are aware f the inconveniences the inhabitants ol CalifortKa may have suffered for want of a civil government established by Congress; and therefore, are prepared to yield much w tin account of the circumstances in which they have been placed. ; . - The next measure is in perfect keeping ifith the first feature of "the report;" It takes from Texas territory sufficient for two large States, and adds them to New Mexico. , What the; bill contains with' re ject to slavery will be of little conse njuence ji if Is designed that the next Winter New Mexico, thus constituted, " shall follow the example of California, and be admitted a a State with a Constitution excluding slavery from its limits fqr with out such exclusion she cannot hope to be admitted by the rioo-slaveholding States Into the Union. The 'effect will be that ' territory, over Which slavery bow exists, tqual to two Slaves, will be wrested from the South, and will be given up to the non- iliiveholding States. The pretext is that there is some doubt as to the boundaries of Texas. Texas by her tawsj when she Was admitted into the Union, had but one boundary towards the West, and that boun- " dary was the Rio Grand. Congress in the resolutions admitting her into the Union recognized this boundary, by lay ing down a line of limitation between the slaveholdinjand non-slaveholding Stales, (being the Missouri compromise line of 36 deg. 30 mil), parallel of north latitude,) - through that very part of ber territory, her right to which is now questioned. Her boundary of the Rio Grande to its source alone gave her this countiy, and was thus recognised and ratified by the resolutions of annexation. To f indicate this boundary for Texas, as a member of the Union, the Mexican w ar took place ; and in the treaty of Guadaloupe Hidalgo, it was finally vin dicate d and settled, by a clause in the treaty, designating the Rto Grande, as the boundary between Mexico and the United States. Thus by the laws t Texas, by ihe legislation of Congress and by a soV Aema treaty of the United States, the Rio . Grand is the western boundary oi Texas.' Yet the pretension is set up, that her terri tory does not extend to within three hun dred miles of the Missouri compromise line, where Congress, in receiving her into the Union, determined that her-territory should be divided among the slave bole ing and non-slaveholding States. Texas is the only State in the Union which has the - solemn guarantee of the government of the United States in every possible lorm t ) her boundaries. Yet this is the gov ernment which disputes them ; and under the pretext that they are very doubtful, proposes to take from her nearly one halt of her territory. It is by virtue of such pretensions, that by the bill two States are to be taken from (he southern and given to the northern States ; and this wrong is ag gravaled'by compelling us to pay for it, throug!the treasury of the United States, .It 13 undoubtedly proper, that Texas should be quieted as to her boundaries; but she should be quieted by a law of Congress plainly acknowledging them. If after her boundaries are settled, the general govern ment, to carry out the purposes of the con stitution, or in good faith to fill all the oh ligations the annexation of Texas to the Union requi'ies, should think proper to pur chase any territory irora Texas, the ar rangement may be unobjectionable.,. But any arrangement concerning her territories, which leaves a shade 'oi doubt as to the right of the people of the South to enter any portion of the territory, which accord log la the terms cf annexation are sow free to them, neither Texas nor the Gene ral government have any right to make. The (crms of annexation constitute the touipaui it' "uiuii, between Texas and the other States of the confederacy and this compact secures irrevocably to the people of the slaveholdlng Slates the right of 'en tering with their property all her territory lym? south of 39 deg. 30 mln. north lati tude whilst from all her territory lying north of that line they are excluded. The bill ia the Senate makes no provision lor carrying out these terms of the compacti but lea-res in doubt the right of the South ern peopie, throughout all the territory proposed to be purchased; whilst many who support the bill declare that in effect it excludes emirely ihe people of the Southern,. States (torn all the territory pur thm)S The hmi evil therefore the bill can bring to the people of the Southern Elates oa entering it will be contention, harrassment and litigation. .'. Tut you will have a very tnadequate perception of the importance of the teirl t.vy t ' ; u fiom Texas by the bill,. if you confine your vie ws to Texas. If you will look at, the map of the United States, you will perccivf that the territory proposed to be surrendered 6y .Texas lies throughout its whole extent along the western frontier of the Indian teiritory. This is now a. slaveholding country ; and must be consid ered as a part of the South." Place along their whole astern boundary two non slaveholdiog States, and how long will the Indians be able to maintain the institution of slavery?. If the agency of Congiess isno'fusedto abolish directly slavery in the Indian territory, this end can be easily accomplished by the very means now in operation against slavery 1n the Southern States, which the Indian will have but lit tle power to resist. The effect will be that the; Indian territory, largeenough for two more Sjates, will be controlled by the non slavehdlding Statel. "Thus by these two points in' the. report, the South will lose four large Slates in California two in Texas and two in the Indian territory. Nor is this all. Thj non slaveholcring States will be brought to the westernoun dary of Missouri and Arkansas, along their whole extent, and will bound Texas on her whole northern and western fnntier Thus the southern States will be hemmed in by the non-slaveheiding States on their whole western border a policy which they have declared essential to the end of abol ishing slavery in the southern States. What can compensate the South for such enormous wrong and spoliation? But this is not ihe end of your conces sions by this report. We must not only yield to the interests, but to the prejudices of the northern people. Slavery existed in the District of Columbia when Con gress accepted the cession of the territory composing it from the States ot Maryland and Virginia. No one can suppose that Maiyland and Virginia, slaveholding States then and slaveholding States now, could have designed to have given Con giess any power over the institution ot slavery in this teiritory. Independently of the wrong id the people of the District, to emancipate their slaves, it would be an intolerable evil to bare a District between them, where emancipation prevails by the auihoiiiy of Coogiess. Congiess, in the bill reported as a part of. the so-called com promise, now begins the work of emanci pation by declaring t at if any slave is brought into (he District for sale, he shall be "liberated and free." If a slave is lib erated because he is brought into the Dis trict, the next step, to liberate him because he is in the District, is not difficult. The power to emancipate the slaves io the Dis trict of Columbia is thus claimed and ex ercised by Congress. Many of the abl0 men of the South have denied that Con gress possessed any such powei', whilst all agreed, that for Congress to interfere with this institution, whilst slavery existed in Maryland and Virginia, would be a gross breach of faith towards those States, and an outrage upon the whole South. How long will that facility which yields to the prejudice against ihe buying and sell ing of slaves be able to resist the greater prejudice which exists against the holding ot slaves at all in the District of Columbia? For all these sacrifices to the interests and prejudices of the people of the North the South is tendered the last measure or the compromise the fugitive slave bill as they propose to amend it. To understand the extent of the concession the South re ceives on this point, we must look to the' rights the constitution confers.' The framers of the constitution were perfectly aware that the general govern ment could have but little power to spcure lo them their fugitive slaves ia the non slavwolding Slates. The whole interi al police of the State must be under the con trol of the State, and by this chiefly could slaves be recaptured. The constitution, therefore, not relying on the legislation of Congress alone, requires that a 'fugitive slave, escaping into- a-non-slaveholding State, shall "be delivered on claim of the party" to whom he belongs. Fugitive slaves are put on the footing of fugitive crim inals, and are to be delivered up by State authorities. If these authorities do not enfoice the requirements of the constitu tion, and aid in the recapture and recovery of fugitive slaves, Congress can do liille to enforce them. The bill providing for the co-operation ot the United States gov ernment in a Slate, is practically quite in' sufficient to accomplish this ainf. What can they do in such a State as Pennsylva nia to recover fugitive slaves? Yet if Congress does all that it can do, by legisla lion, to enforce the constitution, it only does its duty to jhe South, in giving her only what she has a right to have under the constitution unless, indeed, the con stitution tor her has no existence. The bill then, is, in the Gist place, qiite inade quatu to restore to us our fugiiive slaves. and in the second place, gives the South nothing but what she is entitled to. If this was all, there would be nothing in the bill for which We should concede anything tb the North. But it is not all. Unde the pretext of bestowing on us a benefit it perpetrates a usurpation on the ri served rights of the Stales. It provides that a slave may arraign his master, by the authority of laws made by Congress, before the courts of the States, and of the United States, to try hit right to his freedom. II Congress can legislate at all be:ween the master and slave in a Sate, where can its power be stayed? It can abolish slaveryln the States. Thus a power is assumed in the bill, which virtu tually extends the jurisdiction of Congress over slavery in the States. And this' a benefit to the south ! Under a guise ot a benefit; the "till is useless as a remedy and worse than useless in its usurpations. Such ate the various measures which con stitute this compromise We do not T)eMeve that many of those in the South, who at an early day, expres sed a willingness to suppoit It, had well considered its import, or ever contemplated supporting it without material amendments. We fully appreciate and duly honor the motives of those, who would restore tran quility to the country, nor shall we impugn in any form those who have yielded a sup-J port to the measures. Why the non slave holding. States do not support these mea sures, we are unable to understand, unless it be that a haughtf fanaticism, inflated with success, disdains accomplishing 'its objects by indirection. If these measures, however, were really a compromise- n which the Sooth had equal gains with the North, it would be of doubtful expediency for the South to'propose it.- Three times in Congress, during this controversy, the South has proposed the Missouri compro mise, which has been three times rejected by the North. Twice has she proposed a compromise by 'which she consented to leave it 'o the courts of the Unitid States to lietermine her rights. Instead of re quiring sternly their recognition by Con gress, fifteen sovereign States have con sented to be carried into ihe courts of the country, there to submit their rights in in a teiritory belonging to them, their final arbitrament. Their humiliation did not win the respect or confidence of the North and the proposition was twice rejected. The South, in, our opinion, might except one other compromise, not because it is co-extensive with our rights, but because it has been twice sanctioned by those who have gone before us. It the North offers' the Missouri compromise to extend to the Pacific, Ocean, the Sooth cannjot reject if, provided a distinct recognition of our right to enter the territory south of 3Gj deg. 30 min. north latitude, is expressed in the compromise. We should take this Hue as a partition line betwem the two sections of the Union; and besides this, nothing but what the constitution bestows. Al though the Northern States would acquire , by this compromise three fourths of oui" vacant territory, they will have renounced the insufferable pretension of restricting and preventing the extension of the South whilst they should extend indefinitely. Having thus, fellow-citizens, laid beTore you a staleraent'of your condition your rights' and the remedy, which, under present circumstances you should accept, we leave you lora brief space of tune. It isprojer to state to you, that while we are unanimous in approving the resolutions accompanying this address, the delegates to this Convention are not entirely unani mous in approving all the arguments chn taiced in it, particularly such as relate to the compromise bill, pending in the United States Senate, though none are in favor of lhatbill.uoless it be amended in conformity to our resolutions, or in such a manner as hall substantially secure to the South the ight asserted in ibem. UntH Congress adjourns, we cannot know what it will do, of what it will fail to do. We must there fore meet again after its adjournment, to consider the final condition in which'it wilt leave you. We recommend to vou. and xhnit you to send delegates from every county and district in the Southern States to meet us when we again assemble. It is no ordinary occasion which has assembled us together. ; The constitution, and the Union tt. created, so long dear to your hearts, are to be preserved, and your liber- lies and institutions maintained. . Resolved, That it is the duty of Con gress to provide effectual means of execu ting the 2d section of the 4th article of the constitution, relating to the restoration of fugitives from service or labor. Resolved, That when this Convention adjourn, it adjourn to meet at Nashville?! in the State of Tennessee, the 6th Mon day after the adjournment of he present session of Congress, and that the southern States be recommended to fill" their dele gations forthwith. THE STATE OF -MISSISSIPPI, 1UAUISON VOUSTY , nnn nil persons interested in the estate of HUVAL r. UUOK.Iuteof Madison coun ty, ueceasen. . ITOl are hereby cited to be nud appear be. j. rore tne rrooateuourt or Mactaon county, nt the court house thereof, on the second Mon day in July next, then and therefore tn hnu cnuse, any you can, why the account of ,,. uiug.ctuM, niiiiiiiusirnior o oonut non of the Estate of Diivtib P. Cook, Inte of Mr. mson county, deceased, should not be allowed. And further todoand suffer such things as shall be considered and It is further ordered by the Court that pub- ........ ui uiu cuauon rje made in trie Madi somiin for the space of six weeks. ' Witness, the Hon. .TnhrT n ffjrSPiK flowcott, Jiulgw of the Probate m (St r ourt' Madison county, the seo V 1 f?) Jond Monrtuy in July, in the year J of oar Lord one thousand egiht hundred and fifty, and seal of snid Court. Jewed the 30th dny of May,' 1853. M J. T. CAMERON, Clerk, mnjr 20th, lS33-nl5-6. ', THE JIADISONIAN. A. P. HILL Editor. C A NTON THURSDAY, June 27 , 1850. 03- R. Morris, Morev 4. Co., Jackson, 51iss.,GeneraI Collecting, Periodical and News paper Agents, are authorised to receive sub scriptions, solicit advertisements and collect accounts for the ".Madisoniam," The Kev. Sir. Tudd wilj preach nt the Old Church on the Sth Sunday In this month. On the first Sunduy in July the Sacrament of the Lords upper wilh be ndminietered. Preparatory meeting to commence on Friday sttght. We cheerfully publish the communication from "Norn," in defence of her sex, and the class to which she says she belongs, and ac knowledge the forceof the strictures she makes upon our own sex. Artesian Spbinos I'oarth of July. Oat. national anniversary will be celebrated at these Spring?, and an oration delivered by 'Joseph R.Davis, Esq. In the evening a splendid ball wiil be given, where all the fftir votaries of the "Muse of th many twinkling feet," will have an opportunity of " flouting through the maies of the giddy dance," under the soul stirring strains ol the splendid musical band froln New Orleans. The attention of onr readers is directed to the advertisement of the Madison Foundry. An enterprise of tint character, in our own county, should be a cuiife of just and com mendable county pride, and should certainly be encouraged if found worthy of support. The proprietors are worthy and reliable men, and enjoy the entire confidence of the commu nity iu which they they reside. 3 , . Below wb publish, tit the request of Mr Smith, a report of an additional resolution, of fered by him to the meeting on Monday 17th instant. The secretary in his report (lid not deem it necessary to notice this resolution, as it did not receive the sanction of (he meet ing. As Mr. Smith desires thut it should be published as n part of the proceedings we hive complied with his request. It should be re membered, however, thut the last resolution, for a second meeting of both parties, was not offered until the previous resolutions, con demning the compromise nud the cotirse-of General Footc, had received the icnanimotu sanction of the meeting. There was no dissent from the resolutions passed the mover iff the resolution published below, only desired that ut some future meeting bcsfli parties should he invited to at-t together in condemnation of the compromise. - The reason why the meeting did not approve the resolution published be low was this: having already acted upon the busine.s for. which they had been assembled, they diil not choose io weaken the force of it by entertaining any propositionthat looked like postponement. For this reason and hone other did they refuse to entertain the proposition, as was clearly shown by Mr. Unti dy and Mr. Calboon, Another meeting can be called nt any other time, for a union of both parties upon this question, and as the Nashville convention but put forth its nddresK, we would suggect that u meeting be called at some early duy, for our people to ratify what they have done, or to disapprove it, if such should be the sentiments of the county, though we have uo fears that any respectable proportion of the good people of Madison can be brought to take grouud against the address and resolutions of the. Nashville convention. They willhe upprovpd by a large majority, and only opposed by a 1'wwenof Jlorthern affinities, and strong con solidation tenancies. i Canton, June 22, 1850. Sir: After the resolutions of the meet ing, assembled in the court house on Mon day last, (as published in the Madtsooian of the 20th,) had been accepted, a member of that meeting, at my reques', offered the following resolution : Resolved, That this meeting adjourn until the first Monday in August, when all the citizens of the county, without dis tinction of party, be invited to attend, who are opposed to the Compromise bill and the admission of California into the Union. The object of the resolution is evident. It was to unite all the elements of oppo sition to the proceedings at Washington, and merge, so far as this county al least is concerned, all party names,, untill the ques tion is finally disposed of. The resolution was laid on the table by a decisive vote. Action on it was nevertheless a part of the proceedings of the meeting, and it should in my opinion have been so reported. My desire to have my position under stobd causes me to trouble you with the request that you will in seat this note in the columns of your next paper, and oblige, very respeclMy, your obedient servant, .! FRANKLIN SMITH. Albert P. Hill, Esq . .Editor Madisonian. ' The Florida Indians' positively assert that they will not leave their native soil to go west, and that it is no use to try lo make them. . The Addrt M of the N mhville t'onventiou. To the exclusion of much other matter, we poblish the entire address of the Nashville con vention that our readers may read it, and judge for themselves. We bave no hope thut it will meet the views of every body. Our readers will bear in mind that we have always pre dicted thut no Southern platform would be supported unanimmuly that some men among us could never be prevailed on to unite with the South iu any general mode of resistance they will eternally have some frivolous reason to urge against it, that it is not the proper time, or the proper mode, thaf it claims too much, or that it gives up too much. With such men, there is always something in the way just then, that precludes them from sup porting the plan then proposed. , Their hearljr co-operution we need never expect, and may omke op our minds to do without it their op position we may ftpeet to meet and must meet. We (hull not be so hypocritical as lo sax tlmt all are equally sound and reliable on this ques tion we wish it were so, but we must withhold the ex pression of enti re confidence in 'all, so long as we witness the strenuous efforts of the whig journals to distract Southern counsels. Upon them rests the responsibility of our being nt this time divided, to some extent, in opinion on this vital question. Out notwith standing all their efforts to son) dissension in our ranks, we still believe that a very lasge majority of the entjjre South will rally upon the principles laid down by the Nashville con volition. Most of these delectable journalists will not, ns a mutter of course. Their princi ple?, as heretofore expressed, will cause them to oppose any .plan for Southern union they may favor it for awhile in the outset, but they ire admirably fitted fr framing excuses when ever (bey wish tofork off. At one time, they were all in favor of the lute Nashvillo conven tion j but gradually, one by one, they all changed their grounds and opposed it. As they seem to be made of fickle materia!, we think it better for the South (Vint they should take their stand at once against the Nashville platform, for if they give it a feeblB support now, three months hence they will have stfme plausible pretext for abandoning it. ' Upon this southern question we must not roly upon ujen who come half way up to the mark they are either righl or wrong. There is no " half way house of diplomatic rest." We must insist upon all our rights, or prepare oiirst'lvi i to see them al), one by one, wrested from us by the strong arm of Northern majo rity. If we are prepared for this, let it be so we will huve deserved that fate, as no people areworthy f freedom, who will not take the proper steps to seccure it. Communicated. Mn. Eorroa: Sometime since I noticed in your paper au extract from the Hume Journal, designed for the especial benefit of the un ruariied ladies of our section, who are "in the shady sideol twenty-fie," and, conse quently, are positive and irreclaimable " Old Maids." Various duties have.hin dered me from answering that article ere this; but I am impelled to take up my pen, although quite unused to writing for the public, that justice may be done to that class of our population, to which I do not hesitate to say that I belong. Yes, I am "on the shady side of twenty-five," and unmarried ; and yet 1 dare lay claim to having "rend some," and "thought" a very "little," and really have speat some of the more than twenty five years of my life iu doing something of more importance than 'looking ogt of the parlor window," or trying in any other way"locatch beauxs," whot would not have been worth a biscuit after they were caught. As I lay claim to this much of effort to improve and fit myself for the dunes of life, I also claim some few grains of com mon sense lor myseu, and the class gpn erally to which I belong. The article to which I refer very plainly intimates that we have but a veiy small share of it, oth erwise we would be able to see that "it is our own fault," that we do not succeed in our matrimonial speculations. Do you think, Mr. Editor, if a lady knew that her success in getting a "beau" depended upon the Cultivation of her mental powers, that she would neglect the means, especially if she were as anxious to secure one as the Home Journal fwould have us" believe? Theie are doubtless some who value in tellectual possessions very lightly, and if they constitute a large proportion of our class, we mutt find some other reason for it than deficiency "of intellect, and it doubt less can be found in the lack of mental cultivation we find so prevalent in that very class of beauxs, who are represented as being so often disappointed in cultivating the acquaintance of the ladies. How can we be expected to make much effort to gather mental treasures, if the gentlemen ar known to place no value on them, and that they do not, we may safely infer fiom their own actions, when we see them spending days, weeks, months, and years of time, in a way that is of no benefit to themselves, or any other being in the wide world, thus making' themselves mere ciph ers in society. Of course, we do not ex pect gentlemen to engage in mechanical labort (ladies can do it, thank Heaven, without degradation,) but we do expect them lo do,8ometbing besjdes lounge about the streets, and around the doors of stores and hotels, smoking cigars, and retailing all the scandal it is possible to scrape to gether, which, as far as my own observa tion extends, fine tenths of them decided ly prefer to any effort for their own men tal improvement. How much can a lady expect her intellectual possassioBS to be valued bv such mwimma r If our females are reared to tlii.W must be married, and know that tn " puso raeir uesuny tuey must accept men, why need their minds b'e culii-,!. And when ihey hear thes'e Lords of c ' tion seekingalways to ascertain what -! tune they may obtain vith a wifvj one word as lo her mental and nio'ratwor when they see then of mature mind pleased with and marryiog c,jj' of sixteen, because they are ticb, andJ-? haps pretty, when they are known to! sess scarcely mental cultivation enoo-h-' write a letter correctly, and, at ihesV time, see the lady possessing le98 worldly (weaUh, but with richly stored ' and refined taste, passed contempt . by-when they find that intellectual wt" however enduring, fails to secure ip, tn the grand scheme of matrimony, riches that may pass away in an hour i, beauty that one week of sickness mit stroy forever, obtains it, I ask again, inducement haVe they to excel in mestj cultivation! No, accuse us as therm, in this particular, if the pthet sex didt show that they decidedly prefer otL' wealth -to intellectual riches, ours wos not be found so deficient. Neither Jt; allow that it is a deficiency in thismp that has kept aW'of the "old maids fes' entering the blissful state of mamW I do know some who have had ."beams' without seeking foi them, and thai A,r did not retain them could not he impairi even by the "beauxs" themselves, to is' mental deficiency on the paitof ihelafc perhaps, if the reason were known, would be as little to the cred it of the gt! tlemen, as the one given by the Hoe' Journal is lo ourselves at any rate, il ' would be found lo be very muchalike.B until society is better-supplied with w hers of the other sex,who notcolylot! cultivate their own -minds, but appe'; our efforts for the same end, may the Ir, ternity of 'Old Maids" glory in the bis and their members rejoice that they 4 tree from a yoke, that binds them ui mere machine without mind or heart, NOR.'. Madison County, June, 1850. Comujuniou tcd.J Mr. Editor i . If you have looked at the columns of.: last "Creole," you noticed in the lewf editorial, a melancholy example of prr dice and bad faelng. It is hsmi'ii-' enough- to know, that there aie et among t us who have come lo the cod;. sion that ihe slaveholding States ate m in everything, and the non-slavehol States rfght in every thi ig,Jnd that . mischievous and scarcely pardonably should be accompanied by bitlernesi if dislike, is more singular and hurailiat I have no idea of making any reply t what may be termed the argumoDlof .; article alluded to, for ot that there ii enough in it to be seen wiih a micm of the largest magnifying power,bi)itr ly to remark upou the bad feeling p which it was written. It denounce1 ''Missouri compromise," recommends the Nashville convention, manifestly confessedly the best course' that coo"! taken by the Southvand the writer equally have denounced any other ow; that had been recommended by the S -( or that convention. The hostility iif merely to the Missouii compromise, k anything that would make iot the te ol the South. . The writer is evidently ignorant of subject on which ne writes, and ispow. ed of nothing bu' an inexhaustible f" pitiable prejudice anjj'nalignanl bad ; ing. I can only account for the app"1 of such an article in a Southern per on one principle. The present p Iisher of the Creole, I regard as t&. and honorable young man, and f'!r dined 10 the South, and in the absent' a y regular editor, I think he has Ei up the worst possible specimen oft' ism" and twaddle, and has admin; loathsome dose of domestic i "treason,' a view of disgusting his readers nau seous compound. Tuken in tl P view, the article has merit, perhap", any other that could onme in cornpetiuV: it In point of argument', the writerlwip1 to ultraism, that principle of th bo"1 thists that teaches the more vou P dose, the more you increase the power. , the writer commences a sentence, 1)6 K before he gets to the end what be hessB . and hv hieblumleriiia incoherencj.bi1', every line that sad misfortune of nm11. ture, want of natural capacity. dwelling imbecility, the article is sl'op . deemed by a slobbering, though forco" sion of bitterncs-, treachery and hate- f fcGo on, MrPublisher 1 Spur him "P1'; them a few more doses. You cannot openly, and this is the best you can ! " .in I3rWe copy below a letter fro" . Starbuck, Esq.,. publisher Cincinn Times':'' ' ,.' ..' . '' ' ' , . It is but just'ee to the prop""' "f public, that the virtues of Dr. pound Syrup of Liverwort and "'fi V familiarly known to every one, a1"' P9 ly to those afflicted with diseased luV : have, ns proprietor of a daily j"""1"1,, its gradual rise and progress in the of the most emiiieut, distinguish"1 ligent among our citizens,, for th? r years. Numerous instances of jl' 11