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The Madisonian. (Canton, Miss.) 1850-1855, November 28, 1850, Image 1

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"INDEPENDENT IN EVERYTHING NEUTRAL IN NOTHING."
1. D. rillCE, PUBLISHER,
CANTON, MISSISSIPPI, THURSDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 28 1S50
YOU . ;
NO. 40
' -VERY TH0R8DA? BY
... til !'
ft""'?""..
$150
3 on
3 50
Kd of the year,,
...,. na rinllnr ner
i i' Li marked with the nu mber
iSnnnadvertien,
w '. . ih ontion of the
'ubiithff.
JOB WORK.
-Executed with neatness
"tch, on moderate term., pa,
. .1. J. VAPAfl ' '
TZmkM REPAIRING
r
hie iiNDiins'0" jrx
rn .mill rpsrwcl-
ill.
iiifnrm lhe cituens
Lline counties, that he i PPJY" '
Sii'wCAllIU AGE REPAIRING
Vnilifon, annine""'-
to take
and
MNTINC, Nil hope?, by gooa
l.w vii.ii" ,
joe attrntinn t( bnsinesa, 10 roueiv. -
.1 f,nfrl . ccumed b E. R. Lewis oar-
l,' ' SAMUEL LEWIS.
Cantoi, June 13, WsO-til-yl
"t L, , n rr-
WINN'S HOTEL.
siirsiinvrainEIl would
rir,tfiillj infufBi the public
i he m openeu me large auu
Mumfflliuui 1
1 : URICE BUILDING
M tin Street, few duori Mow hi Old
" iiio. The home very ipaciuut, and pos
"i iw every onvpnie'iie for ,
ItOlRDGItS.
i The rroiros ere I'irje. ir awl arranged with
eie to the eanmfort of occnpHiits., His tni-
libnll be supplied with the best the market
Hi Anil, no Daijis or ripens shall bel
yw to render uuiac.tum to Ins irints.
The subteriher, thankful to his old friends I
t thrir patronnge, hopes, fiom his increased
silitiet nnn iletemiinauuD to please, to con-
to receive their gcneroui Mvor.
R. M. WINN,
raw City, June 13 n!7-tf
f S. Hacks, Cnrriajes, Biigfiesand Saddle
arsH will he at all times in reailines; to cefn-
) permns tn nny of the Watering Plnce, or
wherein the interior." ,-. ,. K. (VI. w.
U 1
1
f.
Jncltton, inias.
J,WAYS on hand, a
Urpe ami riteimive
"MniMit of Carria-
cuniutui oT tlie
MffT-a m Mil !
-Jrsrtv
El.... w...a
i sml most Dishonulile styles of .Coaches be f"Ud.
J i lltsntM; &MI, Saddlery material., ., GOLD! GOLD!!
..iv.iV. , jjni-pfcj ,xc.: iifireintri
.u iMiiim-sacnaeiace, cloths, dam- u r i, -l u
tor. hwthen. inri.. ..I- '.:.i,. THE subscriber wruld
i Ai.,f.i.:..k ' . '7. ? -i-
Jul Ihe
I I
' '. TAZ0 CITIT"
fBralAs-Wareliouse.
'IE I'SDERSIGNED keep con-
5 ""j uii imilU
j-ieartf,!S,faR) ' .;'-"
I Wardrulx, Biireius, - '' '..
&ilcboarij, Lounges, :.
I'cutif Tables, Chairs,
. f H sorts, Cribs, Wil-
s low wagons, etcr, etc.
U-GGICS,
HAUOl'CHC?.
! CARRIAGE?
s n- . ".inning elsewhere,
. fc L uovvr.r!
W ?J.i f'O'd.lNG-SWORTH.
- CUA,. ,J REAIII.KB.
f", MERCHANTS,
AVlrn S.. :
tatt
liar
mill''
fK
rtt oi
ilrf
ih
ilit
dl
i ',,, JVm, Orients, M.m.
!Urfi"m k Co.,
; "DUERar STREET, ' ' '
Vicksbnrg. Miss.
8 Williams.
'i Kiwi .r"?."'"'! ;
T. .
" 2 V ,e,ci.t0 hU r"e"d in New
IUCl"a X;; ofurni.h hi, friends
Itohiso. "ehandi,8 ad-
- may a.l, '50-1 y ,
Jftm Orltms.
il.,rCnnsUrnrives by
"WflUN
WM. PRIESTLET.
S. t. M08BT.
, ..
ntlESTLEY
MOSBY, to
-DeaJe ra in
Drugs, Chemicals, Medicines
: OILS, PAINTS, PUTTY:
Window Glass, Glass Ware;
IJetfttmcrg, iFancg &rt(clca;
Paper Ha n gings; ' '
riXE SOAPS AND BRUSHES;
Blank Books, Stationary;
LETTER AND CAP PAPER;
FINES INKS, Ac, : " '
ataignof
thegolden;mortar,
July 4, 1930 CAJTTOJT, Mi.
PROTECTION.
ifflpjiirimaw. - . wmn c
, (MUTUAL)
INSURANCE COMPANY,
JVeir Orleans.
WM. LAUGIILIN, Pres't,
JOSEPH NASH, Actuary. ,
This ofline is prennred to take Jlre, Jtla-
rlsie and Hirer risks, nnl also upon the
I , .1 I V ... I. J. . J V . . 1
ii, co ui rr i,t cfvtfrM mill mwui
CHAS. SEARLES, Aecnt,
march 28 nl-yl Ficksburg.
JtS. it. DAVIS & .1. P. HILL,
SIGHT CHECKS
ON NEW YORK.
HE nnilersisned having made nrraneements
in New York is prepared 4o CHECK on that
CITY fur snob, sums s may he wanted, and
thronsh ns money can bo remitted to any por-
turn of the Union.
JESSE HEARD k CO.
J. V. FITCIIETT,
UNDERTAKER,
ARM ACE WAREHOUSE, W0ULD rt,,PBctl"y nf the citizens of
f (Owtwite SlauihUrH Hotel,) tantnn, ami Madison county generally,
that h is now prepared to attend to all calls
for COFFINS, ui this county, ut the shortest
notiof. All orders from the country will he
l lllll M.I j n lit mivtl t1', 1,13 18 iirui tl vPBfj
P. Brown's Liverv Stable, where he can always
i.. ..... i.. .i , u: .1,.... : i
n3-y 1
sold R ).. nini. " most respectiuiiy iniorm
nie haaliiy can he bmmht for else- the citizens ol Madison and
has lust . KECEIVED at
his Jewelry Store a rich and beautiful
assortment of
WATCHES, CHAINS,
BRACELETTS, EAR-RINGS,
FINGFR-HINGS,
Cold Slide and Buckets.
GM Peas, aU mm Sllrrr Pr-rtl;
SILVER, SPOONS, &c.
All of which lie will sell as low as can
be hud in any Southern market, all goods
HI.....I.J I. Ia rnknl lkAn ... ...1,1 f... .nil
warranted to be what they are sold for, call
and see us.
, Canton, Miss. A. W. KING.
J. C. LEWIS & Co.,
oiumf.ajtou, liccrOjino nntr
FORWARDINO
, AND DEALERS IN
Plantation Goods, Groceries,
Produce, Staple dry Goods,
BAGGING, ROPE, &c,
Yano City, !
-0
li e nre Tirenareti io maKC caii, numiiwr
l . . , .. ..I....,
Vf upon cotton consigned to our friends in
New Orleans. Fellnwes i. Co. Also to furnish
Plantation Supplies, Bagging, Ropk, &c, from
New Orleans, or nt this point. We will also
make ensh advnnces on cotton for sale in store
Kin,;. n:. -.rtuMH ;th nnd cot-
ton shed we can effect insurance upon all out-
, "i0 and Gencrnl PJJ ion "tored with us when desired by the planter
" Mfc '"""""M Sent 5 1850-nl-vl J.C.L.&CO
Saddle and Harness
EST A BLISIIMENT
T CLANCEY, at the old
J stand formerly occupied
by J. M. Blanton, and more
recently by Giirlcy & Bai
ley, will keep on hand every
vnriely oJ SADDLES anil
HARNESS, usualls Itnnt In
similar establishments. .All a
lERCilANT rticI in his line made to
order on the shores! notice repairing done with
ttfatness and disnatuh. fVr- Terms CASH.
1 Be sure to call, ni I am determined to give
"Hire luiisiaction in my line.
Mnton, Mis.,Feb. 21, '50. I-yt.
OOVEItlVoR'A MESSAGE
Gentlemen of the Senate and House of
liiepreientattves :
A high sense of djty lias induced me
convene the legislature in extraordi
nary session. Were I disposed to shift
from thyself tbe responsibility of this
act, l might point to the firm and patri
otic resolutions of your honorable bod
ies, passed at the last session on the
subject, of our Federal relations, as a
full justification of mv course: but. in
asmuch as the Constitution confides
this important power solely to the dis
cretion ot the Oovenior, I am quite
content to rest the propriety of my ac
tion upon reasons and. considerations.
which I- shall pmceed briefly to lay be
fore you, and which I doubt not, will
be deemed satisfactory both by you,
and by our common constituents, the
people. I shall study to present them
with simplicity, candor and truth.
Probably no free representative
Government has ever existed, which
has not been agitated by the contests
of rival interests. When these happen
to be scattered and aiftus.ed through
out a whole CDtnmunity, the excite
ment thereby produced, is healthy and
beneficial; but, when these interests are
local and sectional, growing out of di
versity of climate and productions, the
contest soon becomes a struggle torsu
preraacy, too often attended with jeal-
ousv. bitterness and hatred, especially
when the rival sections are distinguish
ed by dissimilar and incongruous so
cial systems. The contest which has
lonp- been waged by the Northern or
nonslaveholdiug States, led on by
New England, against the Southern
or slaveholding states,
has begun to
character. It
nartake of the latter
commenced in a conflict of interests, a
bout manufactures, navigation laws, lo'
cal appropriations, &c, and has end
ed in a war of extermination against
the institution of domestic slavery, or
rather, against the states in which the
System exist.
This hostility to slavery has now De-
come the all-absorbing, alKcontrolIing
element of political action and party
movement, both in . Congress and
throuchout the Northern Stales. Po-
litical parties, unite, separate, and are
modified with reterence to it. I'oiiu
cal platforms are built upon it. It is
the main question in the selection of
candidates for all offices. It is the ac
tive element of religious, benevolent,
charitable, and even literary associa
tions, and the spice which seasons pri
vate society. Ihe Constitution ot the
fTnito,! Kihim. lh riorhts of the States.
0 ... ..
the gravest questions of public policy,
all are construed anu oeterminea wun
reference to this questmn of domestic
.. " . . , . , .i
slaveiy; and the Congress of tho Uni
ted Slates, whose powers are nmiieo
mainly to the regulation of national and
externa! obiects. are now found devo
ting nearly all their time to subjects of
a domestic nature, over wnicn u was
never intended that they should exer
cise jurisdiction. .
It might ba interesting to trace, tne
progress of abolition,, or anti-slavery
excitement, from its small otginmngs
to its present overshadowing influence,
. .. ,
when it actually sways the wnoie ma
r 1 1
chinery of the Federal liovernment.
Uut it is sumcient, in tnis ciiuiicumu,
t0 gtate lhe question as it was, during
- - . . . I
tho our man nn nt the decisiature, ana
to present forcibly the changes which
hnv since occuned.
Hvihe war with Mexico, we had ac
quired a vast and valuable territory.
Its area is large enougn to consume
fifteen states of medium size. A por
lion of this territory, fronting for more
than 1000 miles upon the Pacificocean,
abounds with good harbors, which com
mand the rich commerce ot tne inciies,
of China, and of the' Southern Archi
nelaro. It contains too, within Its bo
som, inexhaustible beds of the precious
metals. No country ever discovered,
I, j l..i.. J-.,.J mn mnnv bril
I1HB HUUUtrillT UIIJ3IIUHJU J
,
liant attractions for adventurers, and
nnna has risen into notice with more
ran:jitv fhe exclusive possession
I :im.. f vat and rich
and enjoyment of this vast and ncn
tnrritorv. soon excited the avarice anu
j lust for power of the North, ana tor a
time, all anti-slavery scnemes wem
merred in the leading one ot excluding
the South from this joint possession
Th ,la fnrm nt the contest was
lnrnn.1 iinon this Point. IhO JNortn
Pt.rminfH to xclude slavery. The
South searned equally determined not
to submit to auch insulting ana unju.
discrimination. The firm and deciuea
position of the slaveholding, states, en
t ! a aaam Oil
forced respect, ana lor umo,
to promise security and proiecuuii
nin8t the contemplated outrage, f In
gainst the contem plated outrage
the mean time, while me nvai
mairitained this attitude, a deep politi
cal intrigue was devised and set on foot,
to effect indirectly the purpose-of ex
. 1 inns
cluding the Southern States from the
common territory. The transient and
floating population which had poured
into the country, were instigated and
encouraged to usurp the sovereign do
main of the best and most valuable por
tions ojuttiat country cut oft the .South
ern Stales from all participation there
in, and to demand trom Congress the
sanction of theii illegal proceedings,
uuu uuuussiiiii into uie union as a
State. Encouraged by the Federal
administration, in the way of whose po
litical schemes these questions lay as
stumbling blocks, this stupendous plot
to defraud the Southern States by an a-
buse ot the power to admit new States,
notwithstanding its monstrous lnms-
tice, was beginning to develop its pros
gress during your last session of the
Legislature. So palpable did its real
purpose appear to those who had close
ly watched its progress, that both our
Senators in Congress, and all our rep
resentatives, in an official communicas
lion addressed to me, to be laid before
the Legislature and the people, de
clared, that they regarded this meas
ure,' the admission of California, as the
Wilmot Proviso, in an other form. It
was too grossly unjust to be urged as a
measure by itself. Its deformity " was
too apparent. Jiven Us principal spfin
sors did not in the commencement,
venture to advocate the proposition a-
lone. To break the force of the blow,
and lo palliate its effects, they connect
ed u witti oiner measures, some ot
,.!-
them objectionable, and othets prac
tically useless and immaterial. It was
called a compromise, , an adjustment,
and many patriotic men in the South,
were, no doubt, misled by the false,
hollow, and deceptive appliances,
which wure, without scruple, resorted
to, to bolster up and sustain it.
Such was the state of the controversy at
ihe period of the adjournment of our
Legislature. It was still hoped that
the outraga would not be consurnma
led : at any rate, the Legislature did
not think fit to anticipate so important
a contingency, but deemed the precau
tion sufficient to leave it, with ot'ier
causes of complaint, to the consideras
lion of the Southern Convention, then
shortly expected to assemble at Nash
ville. The Legislature indicated no
disposition lo fall back from the posis
Hon which had been assumed hy the
October Convention, advocated by
botb great political parties in the State
canvass, and maintained with great ap
parent unanimity in numerous popu
lar meetings. Those positions were,
that we were entitled to a just partici
pation in tbe use and enjoyment of the
Territory conquered from Mexico, and
that we could not, without dishonor,
submit to bo excluded, from it. The
Nashville convention, whose detetmin
atjons were by anticipation, adopted
by our Legislature, had most formally
insisted upon these territorial rights,
and had only, -for the sake of peace
and union, agreed lo acquiesce in a
division of the territory by the line of
36 deg. 30 min.with the express dec
laration that this was to be the extreme
concession of the States therein rep
resented. .
All these protests and determina
tions were before Congress, and would
probubly have commanded respect, and
secured the rights of the (South, had the
same firmness and unanimity been
maintained, which marked the com
mencement of the contest. But un
fortunately for the peace of the coun
try, defections from our ranks occurred,
the attitude of the South ceased to com
mand respectand the obnoxious meas
ures, which had been debated by con
Lgiess for nine months, became laws.
iy these means, the siavenoiuing
States have been absolutely excluded
from the creator portion, and by far
the most valuable part, of all the terri
tory acquired from Mexico, compre
hended within the limits of California,
and comprising lhe whole coast of the
Pacific, the gold mines, and an area
large enough for ten States of medium
size j and although the .less important
territories of Utah and New Mexico,
have been organized without tho Wil
mot Proviso, yet in both these cases
the majority iu Congress expressly re
fused to repeal or suspend the Mexi
can laws, which were supposed to in
terdict the introduction of slavery into
these regions. The doubt and dinger,
therefore, which surround its introduc
tion into these territories, amount to
an actual prohibition, and so it w as
considered by the majority in Cons
gress, who'stood ready, had the emer
gency required it, to stop the exteii"
sion of slavery by positive prohibi
tions. ,
May I not, then, be justified in as
serting that by these measures the
slaveholding States have been virtual
ly excluded from the use and enjoy-
ment of every acre of the vast public
domain acquired frnni'Mfxicu 1
fcven this 19 not all vh Irive to com
plain of. By one of 1 In; bills of the
series, ten millions of dollars, of (lie:
public monies raised by luxation from
the industry of lhe - country, havleen,
voted, to purchase from Texas a por
tion of her soil, for no other apparent
object than to conveit it lo "J'ree soil
purposes." Would it be a greater
stretch of power. to apply tho Federal
treasury to the purchase of their slaves,
to make them free '(
I ' will not, however, dwell upon
these incidents. My purpose leads me
to examine the act of Congress admit
ting California, with reference to its
character,' its bearing upon the politi
cal destiny of the country, and its ef
fects upon lhe Southern Mates in a pe
cuniary point of view. To commence
wiHi the last. 1 he value ol slaves de
pends upon the demand for their la
bor. The history of lhe cultivation of
our great staples shows, that this value
is permanently enhanced by the open
ing ot new helds ot laoor. a ne im
mense profits which have and still con
linue to reward well directed industry
in the gold mines of California, exceed
ing those which have ever flowed from
mere labor, unmixed with capital, or
mechanical skill, would have furnished
a demand for the application of slave
labor, inexhaustible in extent and in
finite in duration. Had this wide field
for investment been open tdrthe slave
labor of the Southern Stales, wages
would have risen, and consequently the
value of slaves at home would have
been greally enhanced. Many hund
red millions of dollars would have been
added to the capital of the Southern
States, had they been merely permit-
led to avail themselves of the benefits
to which they were entitled under the
institution of the United States.
Had lhe common territory, acquired by
ioint valor and purchased by joint
treasure, been honestly and fairly open
to their use and occupation as joint pro
prietors: had equal, even-handed jus
lie been extended to them, they would
now be rejoicing and exultant in the
activity, energy, general prosperity ana
above all. confidence in tne luture,
which would 4iave been imparted by
such expansion. To this estimate of
the pecuniary interest, lost to the South
bv the unauthorised interference of
Congress, may properly be added the
probable enhanced price of our great
staples, caused by the abstraction of a
portion ot the labor, now employed in
their growth, and threatening in time
over production. Ha" these prontame
and permanent fit Ids of labor, been left
open to us. all fears of such results,
would have been forever dissipated.
These estimates of pecuniary inter
est are fair and inst. They are found
ed upon the fixed opinion of almost
every well informed person among us,
that had the Government dealt justly,
and left these territories fiee and open
to the people of the slaveholding Stales,
for a reasonable time, a large ponion
of them would have eventually come
into the Union as slaveholding States.
But deeply as this measure may have
affected our pecuniary interests, it is
far more important wheh regarded in
.its political aspect. The admission of
California has furnished for all time lo
come, a most dangerous precedent of
Executive interlerence, 111 the creation
of States. By its admission, it is now
conceded, that lhe first body of adven
turers who may chance lo assemble on
the public domain, may usurp absolute
dominion over it, and appropriate it to
innmaelves. reeaidless of the rights of
rhn nonnle of the sovereign States of
this Union. The precedent is now set
that no legal authority, civil organiza
tion, enumeration of inhabitants, qual
ifications of electors, or other formal
ities are necessary to constitute a State
or to admit her into the Union provi
ded the institution of domestic slavery
I. a ovrlmlild.
Who cannot see in this violent, hast-
nn.i imnrecedented act ot ushering a
State into this Union, the purposo of
unsettling the equilibrium between
the slaveholding and non-slavehulding
States ? And how long will it be, be
fore this monstrous precedent will be
resorted 16, to create and introduce
other new States For tbe purpose of at
taining other anti-slavery objects ?
The whole character and structure of
our Government has been changed by
this act, and lhe principle admitted that
new free States may be created ad
liltitum. And how has this been done'!
I assert, by, a most flagrant violation
not only of the prjuciples of justice and
equality, but also by a breach of the
Constitutional compact between the
Stales-'4 I mean to say, that the act of
Congress' admitting California,: al
though not a question, cognizable by
the judicial department, was irregular,
unconstitutional and void, as lo the
other States.
The power granted to Congress over
the territory, or other property belong
ing to the United States, necessarily
excludes the assumption that lhe .right
of empire or of sovereignty resides in
the inhabitants of the territoiy whiltf
such, because the authority delegated
to Congress is utterly inconsistent with
the existence of such sovereign power
in the inhabitants. This right of sov
ereignty over the territory, not resting
in the inhabitants, under the Constitu
tion, must reside in the State or the
people of the several States of the
Confederacy. Their ownership of the
soil, right of eminent domain, and sov
ereignty, are joint and equal.
The Constitution of the United States
confers uponJCongress the right to ad
mit into the Union, "new states," not
territories, andjas they are to be admit
ted on an equal footing with the origi
nal States, they must be necessarily at
the tima of their admission political com
munities, possessing all the rights and
attributes of sovreignty As the inha
bitants of the territories do not possess
sovereign power, there must be some
act on the part of the States, who do
possess it, equivalent to a granfc, by
which that power, before residing m
the States, becomes vested in the inha
bitants of the territory. This act miiH
be performed by Congress, the consti
tuted agent of the States." 1 l
The act cf California, erecting her
self into a State, and assuming lhe at
tributes of sovereignty, being without
such authority, was not predicated on
her territorial relation lo theU. States,
nor by virtue of authority derived from
the Constitution. It was in fact a rev
olution, a seizure of sovereignty and a
confiscation of the right of soil, which
belonged to the States.
I am aware that it is claimed, that
as Congress possesses tbe right to ad
mit new Stales, and as' no specific lim
itations are placed upon the , exercise
of that power, they may at option over
look any irregularity which may have
occurred in the preparation fur admis
sion. But this right ninst necessarily
he governed and limited in s exeroxt-,
by the spirit of the Constitution. Tho
assumption of the right of Congress to
admit new States without limitation,
and without reference to other provisi
ons of lhe Comtitution, would imply
the power in Congress, in the case ot'
California, to give validity to an act,
which by the Constitution is .not only
irregular, but absolutely void. This
involves a palpable absurdity. TheRs
sumption implies the ability on the part
of Congress, lo adopt as their own, an
act void and forbidden by the instru
ment, from which they derive their
whole power over the subject. !
It seems, then, too evident to admit
of dispute, that all the acts of California
a, the assumption of sovereign power,
the croation of a State, the fixing of her
extensive boundaries, and the exclu
sion of slavery therein, if valid, derive
their validity solely from the action of
Congress. In fact they are the acts of
Congress; and, ns Congress have no
power to create Slates, or to prohibit
slavery either in the Territories or tho
States, lhe acts aie unconstitutional arid
void, and as such, should forever be re
sisted by the aggrieved State. 1
The great put poses sought to be ats
tained by these acts, are but too appa-,
rent. Independenily of the cogeni
reason arising-from her enormous ter
ritorial extent, the motive avowed in
the California convention for Including .
within her limits the whole extent of
territory; laying between Mexico antl
Oregon on the Bea board, rendered it
imperative on Congress to interf-ie
That motive was, by the exclusion of
African slavery, to settle the question
of the Wilmot Proviso as to that terri
tory. Nor is the motive of "Congress
in ratifying the acts of California a sub
ject of doubt. It was to prevent the
extension of the institution 01 slavery .
The indirection of the process cannot
conceal ils character. - It was an ex
elusion by tho action of Congress of ilio
people of the slave holding titans, from
an equal ' enjoyment of ihe 'common
property ofthe Slates. .U was, m fact,
ihe application of the.' Wilmot Proviso'
to tins territory, , ,
'1-lit'f'rs J paaa to other subjects, I
must hot omit to call your aiteniiott to
another act ot therlast session ut con
gr, passed since tbe adjournment of
the Legislature, which, though not so
vitally important as that last comment
ed on, has been properly regarded by
tie Legislature, as one ofthe evidence!
of a design by XJongress turtner to ins
terfere with the institution of slavery,
and therefore dangerous to the righ.s
of the slaveholding States. I refer iu
the act abolishing the slave trade 'nt the

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