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AND CARROL1V CHOCTAW AND TALE AH AT CHIE COUNTIES ADVERTISER.
fly G. W. II. BIIOWIV. Prospectus, the toivn ofCarrolllon Car- roll county, Miss, a uekly pajxr to be entir tied the Southern rioneet i , y. w. u. BROWN. V NDEIt the above title of the "Southern Pio- NEER," we propose lO puuiiMi m wie wvvu vi Weekly Paper, devoted to Politics, rwllfnn. a new both State and iaitonai, .agncuuure, me tuacui ews of the day, and the advancement of the great cause of Education. This paper will be devoted to what its conductor believes to be the best interests of the State and county. It will advocate the great Whig cause which you have recently seen so signally trium phant. Believing, that the principles put forth by the reat Whig party as the tenets of its political creed, ire the only true ones on which this Government was orially founded, and on which it should be admin istered, this paper will lend to those principles, when erer and wherever espoused, its humble but cordial support. No man or set of men, will be by us unscrupulously sustained at the expense of principle, "Principles not men," is our motto by this rule shall we be gov irned, and in subjecting all to this test, we shall as we nd them, iudsre with impartiality, admonish with ' . T 1 4 4 pandor. and reprehend with iustice. As humble Pio- leers in the great cause of political truth, we shall evr point to the cardinal virtues of a representative Government. But, the interests of our State, and more particularly of our county, shall receive at our hands a constant and an earnest advocacy. While our sister counties have been the object of Legislative action, and Executive patronage, the countv of Carroll has remained comparatively unknown and unappre ciated. It shall therefore be our pride, as well as our duty, to develope its vast resources and point out its numerous advantages. The cause of education, the cause of enlightened and progressive civilization, the only true bulwark of a nation's freedom, shall receive that attention its importance demands. In fine, as kumble Pioneers in the great crusade against igno ranee and error, we shall shoulder our mattock and shovel, and taking our place in the great march of modern improvement, our course shall ever be as Mar mion said to Stanly, 'Onward." TERMS. The "Pioneer" will be published every Saturday morninsr at five dollars in advance, or six dollars at the expiration of six months, or six dollars fifty at the end of the year. (t-NO PAPER WILL BE DISCONTINUED UNTIL ALL ARREARAGES ARE PAID. ADVERTISEMENTS inserted at the rate of One Dollal per. square (eight lines) for the first, and Fiftv Cents for each subsequent insertion. The number of insertions must be marked upon the ms. or it will be published until ordered out, and charged accordingly. Articles of a personal nature, whenever admitted will be charged at double the above rates. Political circulars or public addresses, for the benefi' of indi vidual or companies, charged as advertisements. Announcing candidates for office $10 each. Yearly Advertising. For forty lines, or less, renewable at pleasure, each week, $65. (j-Bills for advertising are due when the work is done, and MUST be paid whenever called for. JOB PRINTING. fibrin connection with the Pioneer Office, is a large tesortment of.new and .lashionapie ancy iype, Ing in fine style. "Ve solicit patronage in this line, at prices the same as other well regulated offices m Mississippi. Orders from Attorneys, Clerks, Sheriffs, &.C., promptly attended to. . ALL JOB WORK CASH. . . 1 .1 . 1 - A. . T.pttprs or Communications to tne puonsner musi be post- -paid, or they will not be taken out. The following beautiful piece of Poetry cught to immortalize its author. It was written by Oliver W. Holmes, of Massachusetts, on hearing that the "Navv DeDartment. contemplated having the old fri gate Constitution broken up and her timbers sold. One who writes; so verv beautifully should wnte oftener: OLD IRONSIDES. Ay! tear her tatter'd ensign down, Long has it waved on high, And many an eye has danced to see That Banner in the sky; Beneath it rung the battle shout And burst the canon's roar; The meteor of the ocean air Shall sweep the clouds no more! Her deck once red with heroes' blood, When knelt the vanquish'd foe, When winds were hurrying o'er the flood, And waves were white below No more shall feel the victor's tread, Or know the conquer'd knee; The harpies of the shore shall I luck The Eagle of the sea Oh! better that her shatter'd hulk Should sink beneath the wave; Her thunders shook the mighty deep, And there should be her grave: Nail to the mast her holy flag, Set every thread-bare sail, And give her to the god of Storms, The Lightning and the Gale! I would not have thee think of me When hope and joy are thine; Yet would I that my name should be . 'Graved bii thy memory's shrine. I would no thought of me should cast A shadow o'er that brow; -Yet would I have thee keep the past, Though 'twere but idle now. As the far exile fondly clings To joys he once has known, And never for a moment brings To mind the sorrows gone Thus would I have thee banish aught That, wakens vain regret But those bright dreams which love hath wrought, Sweet Lady, never forget. ; Col. Harney, the Florida officer, hangs his prisoners as fast as he takes them, while Gen. Armistead is trying to negotiate with the ene and has actually given "'passes" to hostile savages. The following, copied from the St. Augustine Herald, indicates a preference for Mtor j WVAVAUW a. H . Zl passes for all" the old General cried; btop your scouting try soft soap and blarney." it confusion and shame" the whole country replied. , On the patent rail-road give each dog a free ride; no pass like a short line from Harney. . "e who ncritv." envies another, admits his own infe- JtVIYf VQ UR&Lt ADDRESS. Called from a retirement which I had sup posed was, to. Continue for the residue of my life, to fill -the Chief Executive Office of this jreat and free Nation, I appear before you, ellow-citizens, to take the oaths which the Constitution prescribes, as a necessary quali fication for the performance of its duties. And in obedience to a custom coeval with our government, and what I believe to be your expectations, I proceed to present to you a summary ot the principles which will govern me in the discharge of the duties I shall be called upon to perform. It was the remark of a Koman Consul, in an early period of that celebrated Republic; that a most striking contrast was observable in the conduct of candidates for offices of pow er and trust, before and after obtaining them; they seldom carry out, in the latter case, the pledges and promises made in the former.- However much the world may have improved in many respects, in the lapse of upwards of two thousand years, since the remark was made by the virtuous and indignant Roman, I fear that a strict examination of the annals of some of the modern elective governments, would develope similar instances of violated confidence. . Although the fiat of the people has cone forth, proclaiming me the Chief Magistrate of this glorious Union, nothing on their part re maining to be done, it may be thought that a motive may exist to keep up the delusion un der which they may be supposed to have acted in relation to my principles and opinions; and perhaps there may be some in this assembly who have come here either prepared to con demn those I shall now deliver, or approving them, to doubt the sincerity with which they are uttered. But the lapse of a few months will confirm or dispel their fears. The out line of principles to govern, and measures to be adopted, by an Administration not yet be gun, will soon be exchanged for immutable history, and I stand, either exonerated by my countrymen, or classed with the mass of those who promised that they might deceive, and flattered with the intention to betray. How ever strong may be my present purpose to realize the expectation of a magnanimous and confiding people, I too well understand the dangerous temptations to which I shall be ex posed, from the magnitude of the power which it has been the pleasure of the people to com- granted to constitute a despotism, jf concen mit to'mv hands, not to place mv chief confi- trated in one of the departments. Thisdangeris dence upon the aid of that Almighty power whichhas hitherto protected me, and enabled servable that men are less jeaiousoi encroacn me to brinn1 to favorable issues other impor- ments of one department upon the other, than tant but still greatly interior trusts, hereto- nrA ormGAA trv hy my n.tty The broad foundation on which our Consti- . . -r. , . . f ution rests being the 1'eopie a breatn oi heirs having made, as a breath can unmake, change or modify it can be assigned to none of the power which had been granted to the fed of the great divisions of Government, but eral government, and more particularly of that that of Democracy. If such is its theory, hose who are called to administer it must re- cognize, as its leaaing principle, ine,auiy.m shnnincr their measures so as to Droauce me greatest good to the greatest number. But, with these broad admissions, it we wouia com- power io increase usen, particularly wixuca pare the sovereignty acknowledged to exist in ercised by a single individual, predictions the mass of bur people, with the power were made that, at no very remote period, the claimed by other sovereignties, even by those which have been considered most purely aem- IIS . 1 1 X ocratic, we shall nnd a most essential amer- iears oi mese painois nave Deen aireauy icai ence. All others lay claims to power limited ized. But, as I sincerely believe that the ten nnlv hv their own -will. The maioritv of our dency of measures, and of men's opinions, foi citizens, on the contrary, possess a sovereignty r;Vi r nmmint ni nower nreciseiv eauai 10 that whirh has been granted tnem dv ine par- . . . . 1 .1 5pq tr th national comnact. and nothing be- vonH. We admit of no Government by di- vine riffht. Uelieving that so iar as power is ... concerned, the Uenihceni ureaior nas maae nn ciinMinn flmnnw men. that all are uoon an eaualitv. and that the only legitimate right to ffovcrn is an exnress errant of power from the rrnverned. The Constitution of the Uni: ted States is the instrument containing this grant of power to the several departments composing the Government. Oh 'an examin- Hon ot that instrument it will be iouna io con- tain declarations of bower cranted and of nower tvithhelH. The latter is also susceDti- ble of division, into power which the majority had a rifrht to prant. but which they did not think proper to entrust to their agents, and that which they could noi nave graniea, noi being possessed by themselves. In other words there are certain rights possessed by each in- dividual American citizen, which, in his com- pact with the others; he has never surrender- ed. Some of them, indeed, he is unable to surrender, being, in the language of our sys- tern, unalienable. The boasted privilege of a Roman citizen was to him a shield only against a nettv Drovincial ruler, whilst the proud dem- ocratof Athens could console himself under a sentence of death, for a supposed violation of the national faith, which no one understood, and which at times was the sdbiect of the mockery of all, or the banishment from his home, niS lamiiy ana ms couniry, Willi or without an alleged cause; that it was the act, not of a single tyrant, or hated aristocracy, but ol his assembled countrymen. Far differ- ent is the power of our soveignty. It can in- terfere with no one's faith; prescribe forms of worship for no one's observance, inflict no punishment but after well ascertained guilt, the result of investigation under rules pre- scribed by the Constitution itself. These precious privileges, and those scarce- ii, Wnbrtnnt. of nivfnff expression to his thoughts and opinio either by writing or CARROLLTON, MISSISSIPPI, SATURDAY speaking, unrestrained but by the liability for injury to.others, and that of a full participation in all the advantages which flow from the Gov ernment, the acknowledged property of all, the American citizen derives from no charter granted by his fellow man. He claims them because he is himself a man fashioned by the Almighty hand as the rest of his species, and entitled to a full share of the blessings with which he has endowed them. Notwithstand ing the limited sovereignty possessed by the People of the United States, and the restricted grant of power to the Government which they have adopted, enough has been given to ac complish all the objects to which it was crea ted. It has been found powerful in war, and hithe.rto, justice has been administered, an in timate union affected, domestic tranquility preserved, and personal liberty secured to the citizen. As was to be expected, however, from the defect of language, and the nessarily sententious manner in which the Constitution is written, disputes have arisen as to the a mount of power which it has actually granted, or was intended to grant. This is more particularly the case in rela tion to that part of the instrument which treats of the legislative branch. And not only as regards the exercise of powers claimed un der a generous clause, giving that body the au thority to pass all laws necessary to, carry in to effect the specified powers, but in relation to the latter also. It is however, consolatory to w w reflect that most of the instances of alleged departure from the letter or spirit of the con stitution, have ultimately received the sanc tion of a majority of the people. And the fact that many of our statesmen, most distin guished for talent and patriotism, have been, at one time or other of their political career, on both sides of each of the most warmly dis puted questions, forces upon us the inference that the errors, if errors they were, are attrib utable to the intrinsic difficulty, in many in stances, of ascertaining the intention of the framers of the Constitution, rather than the influence of any sinister or unpatriotic mo tive. But the great danger to our institutions does not appear to me to be in a usurpation by the Government of power not granted by the people, but by the accumulation in one the departments, of that which was assigned to others. Limited as are the powers which have been granted, still enough have been greatly heightened, as it has always been ob- upon meir own reservea ngnis. When the Constitution Ot the Un.tU OfW first came from the hands ot the convention t?t r j r a. t i wnicn lormea u, many oi ine sieruesi xvepuo- licans of the day were alarmed at the extent portion which had been assigned to the exec- utive branch. There were m it features which upyeaicu aui w uc m uumiutiy . nu men iaeas oi a sunuie reureseiuauve ieuiouiauv, or RepubHc. And knowing the tendency of government would terminate in virtual mon- arcny. it wouia not oecome me to say mat ine I C A I. A 'ill 1 1 some years past, has been in that direction, it is. l conceive sincuv proper, mai i suuum 1-1 M A A I taKe tnis occasion to repeal ine assurances have heretofore given, of my determination to arrest the progress of that tendency, if it I ii . i a ii . reauv exists, ana restore me goverumeui io us pristine neaun ana vigor, as iar as uus cau ue effected bv anv lecitimate exercise oi ine power placed in my hands. I proceed to state, in as summary a manner as I can; mv opinion of the sources of the evils which have been so extensively complained of, and the correctives which may be applied. Some of the former are unquestionably to be iouqa in ine aeiecis oi me vonsuiuuon, omeis in mv iudgment, are attributable to a miscon- struction of some of its provisions. Of the former is the eligibility of the same individua to a second term ot the i'residency. lhe sa- gacious mind of Mr Jefferson early saw and la- meniea mis error, ana auempis nave ueeu made hitherto, without success, to apply the amendatory power of the States to its correc- tion. As, however, one mode of correction is in the power of every President, and conse quently in mine, it would be useless, and per haps invidious, to enumerate the evils of which in the opinion of many of our fellow citizens this error of the sages who framed the Consti tution may have been the sbutceand the bit ter fruits which we are still to gather from it if it continues to disfigure our system. It may be observed, however, as a general remark that Republics commit, no greater error than to adopt or continue any feature in their syr iem ui uuveruuieui wihui ujay ue r-uituiaicu tocreate or increase the loveof power.in thebo- soms of those to whom nesessity obliges them tocommit the management of their affairs.-- And, surely, nothing is more likely to.procjuqe such a state of mind than the long continuance of an office of high trust. Nothing can be more corrupting. Nothing .more destructive of all those noble feelings which belong to the character of a devoted republican patriot. When this corrupting passion once takes pos- session ot tne numan mma, une me iovb; i gold, it berimes insatiable. It is the never dying MARCH St, 1811. worm in his, bosom, grows with his growth, and strengthens: with the declining years of its victim. ? If thisjs truei it is the part of wis dom for a Republic ta limit the service of that officer, at least, .to whom she has entrusted the management of her foreign relations, the execution of her laws, and the command of her armies and navies', to a period so short as to prevent his forgetting that he is the accoun table agent, not the principal; the servant not the master. Until an amendment of ine Con stitution can be effected, public opinion may secure the desired object. I give my aid to it by renewing the pledge heretofore given, that, under no circumstances, will I consent to serve a second term. But if there is danger, to public liberty from the acknowledged defects of the Constitution in the want of limit to the continuance of the Executive power in the same hands, there is, I apprehend, not much less from a misconstruc tion of that instrument, as it regards the pow er actualy given. I cannot conceive that, by a fair construction, any or either of its pro visions would be found to constitute the Pres ident a part of the Legislative power. It can not be claimed from, the power to recommend, since, although enjoined as a dutyupoh him, it is a privilege., whicji he holds in common with every other citizen And although there may be something more of confidence in the propriety of the measures recommended in the one case than in the other in the obligations of ultimate decision there can be no difference. In the language of the Constitution, "all legis lative powers" which it grants "are vested in the Congress of the United. States." It would be a solecism in language to say that any por tion of these is not included in the whole. It may be said indeed, that the Constitution has given to the Executive the power to annul the acts of the legislative body, by refusing to them his assent. So a similar power has ne cessarily resulted from that instrument to the Judiciary, and yet the Judiciary forms no part of the Lecislature. There is, it is true, this difference between these grams of power; the Executive can put his negative upon the acts of the Legislature for other cause than that of want ol conlormity to the constitution, whilst the Judiciary can only declare void those which violate that instrument. 13ut the de va A'm m cision ot the Judiciary is final in such a case, whereas in every instance where the vote of the Executive is applied it may be overcome by a vote of two thirds of both houses of Con - mi .1 T-? gress. i ne negaiive upon me acts oi me uenis lative, by the mecutive authority, ana mat in the hands of one individual, would seem to be an incongruity in our sysiem. i-iKe some tVi- f eimilur ohornctfr, however, it ap pears to be highly expedient; and if used only with the forbearance and in the spirit which was intended by its authors, it majT be pro ductive of great good and be found one of the , best sategaurds to the Union. At the period of the formation of the Constitution, the prin ciple does not appear to have enjoyed much favor in the State Governments. It existed in but two, and in one of them there was a plu ral Executive. If we would search for the mo tives which operated upon the purely patriot ic and enlightened assembly which framed the Constitution, for the adoption of a provision so apparently repugnant to the leading dem ocratic principle, that the majority should gov ern; we must reject the idea that they anticipa ted from it any benefit to the ordinary course of legislation. They knew too well the high degree of intelligence which existed among the people, and the enlightened character ot the State Legislatures, not to have lhe fullest con fidence that the two bodies elected by them would be worthy representatives of such con stituents, and, of course, that they would re quire no aid in conceiving and matunng, the measures which tne circumstances oi me coun try misht require. And it is preposlerous to suppose that a thought . could for a moment have been ascertained, mai me rresiaeni placed at the Capitol, in the centre of the coun- trv. couia ueiier uuueisiuuu ine wauw uuu ' it i . . i J i.L'J a 1 wishes of the people than their own immediate Representatives, who spend1 a part of every year among them, living with them, often la boring with them, and bound io mem Dy me tripple tie of interest, duty and aflection. To assist or control Congress then in its or dinarv legislation could not, 1 conceive, have been the motive lor cornering me veio power - . w r r 1 . on the President. This argument acquires national force from the fact of its never hav ing been thus used by the firstsix Presidents", and two of them were members of the Con vention one presiding over its deliberations, ind the other bearing a larcer share in con- sumatincr the labors of that august body than anv other person. But if bills were never re- tunrned to Congress by either of the Presi dents above referred, to, upon the ground of V j:a' It - J their being mexpeaieni, or uui us wen auui ed as they might be to the wants of the people, the veto was applied upon mai warn oi con formity to the, Constitution or because errors t ' a - a a i r i a . ' t t . . r had been comimuru uum a iuu uasiy cuati ment. . . . ' - There is another ground tor the adoption o the veto principle, which had probably more influence in recommending it to '.the conven- tion than any other, I refer . to the security which it gives to the just and equitable action of the Legislature upon all parts of the Union. It could not but have occurred to the conven tion that, in a country so extensive, embracing so great a variety of soil arid climate and con sequently of prouctsi and which from the cnmft causes, must ever exnioii a ereai amer vol. i no: 1(5. ence in the amount of the population of its various sections, calling for a great diversity in the employments of the people, that the egislation of the majority might not always justly regard the rights and interests of tf$ minorit'. And that acts ot this charapter might be passed, under an express grant by word of the Constitution, and, therefore, not within the competency of the judiciary todei clare void. That however enlightened .and patriotic they might suppose, from past expe rience, the members of Congress might be, and however largely, .partaking, in the general, of the .liberal feelings of the people', it was imr possible to expect that bodies so constituted should not sometimes be controlled by local in terest and sectional feelings. It was proper therefore, to provide some umpire, from whose situation and mode of appointment more inde penoence ano ireeaom irom sucn muuenccs might be expected. .. Such, a, one. was afibrded by the Executive Department, constituted by the Constitution. A person elected to that high office, having his constituents in every section, State and sub division or the union, must consider himself bound by. the most soh emn sanctions to guard protect, and defend the rights of all and every portion, great or small, from the injustice and oppression of th'6 rest'. I consider the veto power, therefore, given by the Constitution to the Executive of the United states, solely as a , conservative power. To be used only, first, to protect the Constitution from violation; secondly, thie peo ple from lhe effects of hasty legislation where their will has been probably disregarded or not well understood; and thirdly', to prevent the effects of combinations violative ot the right of minorities. In reference to the second these ohiects. I mav observe that I consider mengnt ano privilege oi me pcopie muewuu points of the Constitution, arising from the .i r a. i . j i general grant of power to Congress to carry into effect the powers expressly given. Ana i believe with Mr. Madison, that repeated rec ognitions, under, varied circumstances, in act o? the Legislative, Executive, and Judicial branches of the Government, accompanied by indications, in different modes, of the concur: rence of the general will of the nation, as af fording to the President sufficient authority for his considering such disputed points as set tled. Upward of half a century has elapsed since the adoption of the present form of Govern ment. It would be an object more highly desirable than the gratification of the curiosi ty of speculative statesmen! if its precise situa tion could be ascertained, a fair exhibit nia.d of the powers which they respectively claim and exercise, of the collisions which hae oc curred between them, or between the whole Government and those of the States, or either of them. We could then compare our actual condition, after fifty years trial of our system, with what it was in the commencement ot its operations, and as certain whether the pre dictions of the patriots who opposed its adop tion, or the confident hopes of its advocates have been best realized. The great dread of he former seems to have been, that the,rer served powers of the States would be, absorbed by those of the rederaltrovernment,and aconT solidated power, established, leaving to the States the shadow", only of that independent action for which they had so zealously conten ded, and on the preservation of which they relied as , the Jast hope of liberty. Without denying that the result to. which they looked with so much apprehension is in me way . oi being realized, it is observed that they did not clearly see the. mode, ofits accompIishmeiaC The General Government has seized upon non3 of the reserved rights of the States. As far as any open warfare may have gone, the State authorities have amply maintained meir rumis. To a casual observer, our system, prcsfenls no appearance of discord between the different members which compose it. Jven the addition of many new ones has produced no jarring) They move in their respective orbits in per fect harmony with the central head, and with each other.. .But there is still an under cur rent at work, by whichif notseasonably checkr ed. the worst apprehension of our anti-federal patriots will be realized; and noi oniy win me State authorities be overshadowed by the great increase of power in the Executive Depart; ment of the General Government, but the char acter of that Government if not its ..designa tion be essentially and radically changed'. This state of things has been in part effected . "I . .1" '. a', .-a' by causes innereni in, me uonsuiuuon, ana in part by the never failing tendency of political power to increase usen. uy making me r res ident the . sole distributor of all the patronage of the Government, the framers of the Cdnsljf tution do not appear to have anticipated at how short a period it .would become a formida ble instrument to control the free operations of the Stale Governments. Of trifling impor tance at first, it had, early in Mr. Jefferson's administration: become so powerful as to create alarm in ine mum oi mai painoi irom the potent influence it might exert in controll ing the freedom of the elective. .frdnphisej. . If such could( fyaye ; then been the effects of its influence! how much greater must be the danger at this time, quadruple in amount, as it . certainly s and more completely undejt the control oftHe Executive will than their construction of their powers allowed, or the forbearing characters of all the early Presi, dents permitted them to ma 3ut it Is not by the extent of its patronage aione mai uic Executive Department has become dangerous. but by the use which it appears may be made ot .A