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MONTANA LABOR NEWS LAST BROADWAY LABOR PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY AT 12(1 BY THE SILVER BOW TRADES AND 'OU NCI L KiichtN I «•«I the lut A Uni r le ('liuini)iou of II uiui Voicing the Dimaml* of tin* T ■ut I iiIi.ii M PER ANNUM SUBSCRIPTION PRICE .$1 The publisher reserves tin* rlahi to reject time. Copy of this paper will be sent to the advertiser. unicatfons of interest to Trades Unionists are solicited. They should be briefly ; side of the paper, and must reach this office not later than The right of revision or rejection of all communi ke advertising contracts at any written on but Tuesday noon of each cations is reserved by the publisher. vs. Box 141b, Butte, Montana, requested) Address all communications to The Montana Labor N ust be signed to items (not published, if s< a guarantee of N good faith. espondents. pinions of c esponsible fo the views We do not hold ourselves fall to get their paper, should Imme 1 dresses. Subscribers who change their addresses diately notify this office, giving both new and old Entered as second class mall matter May 23rd, 192. r i, at the Post Office Butte, Mon tana, under the act of March 3rd, 1879. ♦♦♦♦♦♦♦ »♦♦♦♦ LABOR LOSES TWO STAUNCH FRIENDS. During the month of October the Grim Reaper took a deep toll from the ranks of Labor. The first to pass from this life was Charles Davies, member of the Carpenters' Union and delegate to the Silver Bow Trades and Labor Council. Brother Davies was a Union man at heart and not a mere card-camer. For years he served as chairman of the Union Label Committee of the Central Council, and gave of his time to the limit. No man serving on that committee ever gave more of his time and self to the cause of pushing Union products. The large sale of Union Label goods in Butte and the absence of anti-Union products is due almost wholly to the efforts of Charles Davies. The thoughts of Brother Davies were always for his fellow workers. He was one of the few who could and did for get his personal interests for the interests of his fellow workers. His life can well be summed up in these words of the poet: . . . Abou spake more low, But cheerily still ; and said, "I pray thee, then Write me as one that loves his fellow-men. The Angel wrote, and vanished. The next night It came again, with a great wakening light, And showed the names whom love of God had blessed,— And lo! Ben Adhem's name led all the rest. The second loss to Labor was "Barney" Lindsey, the well-known and loved member of the Engineers' Union. Those who ever visited the Engineers' hall cannot forget Brother Lindsey. He was always found there waiting for a discussion about Labor and politics. He, too, was one of the veterans of the movement and had served an aggressive membership during his lifetime. He will be missed by all who knew and loved him. The loss of these old warriors of the movement is a great one. Their like is not found among the younger men in the movement today. It is through the efforts of men like Davies and Lindsey that we enjoy the rights of Labor today. We who come later enjoy the fruits of their struggles. May their spirits live on in the hearts of the younger men who must cany on the struggle. ' ' STIGMA OF CHILD LABOR. The United States Bureau of Census declares that the census of 1930 reveals the employment of 2,145,959 chil dren between the ages of 10 and 17 years of age. Of the total, 1,425,236 were boys and 720,723 girls. In 1920 there were 2,773,506 children employed, 1, 817,704 of whom were boys and 955,802 girls. This is a decrease of 627,547 during the decade. The fact that the bodies and minds of over two million children are being turned into profits is a disgrace to American institutions and the traditional conception of American government. The initial blame rests with employers. They have the authority to determine whom they will employ. Quite generally, they have refused to employ persons over 45 years of age. If they so desired, they could just as gen erally refuse to employ children. In the next place, the blame rests with the legislatures of the states. These legislatures have full authority to enact legislation which would prohibit absolutely the employment of children. They refuse to do so. The state legislatures are also to blame for their re fusal to adopt the child labor amendment to the Federal Constitution. This amendment would confer upon the United States Congress the authority to enact child labor restriction legislation applicable to all the states. The American Federation of Labor has always favored drastic restrictions on the right of employers to exploit children. Its first convention, in 1881, declared against the employment of children under 14 in any occupation. When it became apparent that many state legislatures were persistently recreant to their duty and refused to give adequate protection to children, the Federation sponsored the Federal Child Labor Amendment and has continuously supported its adoption. The 1931 conven tion urged the organized labor movement in each state to oppose the election of every candidate for the state legislature who would not pledge himself to vote for ratification of the amendment. We have over eleven million adult workers who are totally unemployed and largely dependent on public and private charity for support. At the same time, employers, who autocratically con trol work opportunities, persist in tying over two million children of tender years to their profiLmaking machinery. By this policy, in addition to stunting the children phys ically and mentally, they deprive two million adults of their jobs and toss them into the unemployed army. Child-labor employer's, whether corporations or indi viduals, are a menace to American institutions. Until this activity of theirs is made a crime by law, they should be listed in every community and be made the recipients of justifiable public opprobrium. BUY ANY CAR BUT A FORD STATE INSURANCE FUNDS. For many years organized labor has claimed that the state fund plan for workmen's compensation insurance is vastly superior to permitting private insurance com panies, organized for profit, to insure employers. The validity of this claim is demonstrated by the op eration of the California State Compensation Insurance Fund for 1931, which has just declared a cash dividend of $1,000,000 to employers who were insured in the fund during that year. In announcing the dividend the California State De partment of Industrial Relations said : "The State Fund has earned and paid dividends to policyholders each year since it opened its doors in 1914, and this without regard to the varying general business conditions confronted. The large sum of $20,500,000 has been received by California indus tries in that period, considerably more than $750,000 having been distributed thus far in 1932. The officials point out that the large dividends to em ployers are made possible through maintenance of small overhead, sound underwriting practice and a safe invest ment policy. The Fund operates without a subsidy of any kind from the state and pays the same tax that private companies pay. Its business expense averages but 15 per cent of the premiums written. The chief defect of the California workmen's compen sation insurance system is that 70 private insurance com panies are permitted to operate in the state. Organized labor holds that the social aspect of compensating work ers for industrial accidents is so great that private profit should be completely barred and that legislatures should adopt the exclusive state insurance fund and prohibit private insurance companies from engaging in the sale of compensation insurance. If California had the exclusive state fund, with the elimination of 70 competing companies, the employers of that state would receive much larger dividends and the workers more satisfactory insurance. ' ' OLD-AGE PENSIONS MENACED. Old-age pensions have had the support of organized labor and forward-looking persons generally in all coun tries. It has been fervently hoped that this commendable feature of humanitarian legislation would not be mo lested. But the economy-mad Prime Minister Lyons of Aus tralia has made an attack on the old-age pension system of that country by endeavoring to establish pauper stand ards for the administration of the law. His reactionary proposal brings the strong condemnation of the Aus tralian Worker, which says: "Hitherto these payments have been made to men and women of the statutory ages as something to which, within certain financial limits, they were en titled by virtue of their citizenship. It has been re garded as the State's recognition of long participa tion in the life of the community. Its acceptance therefore earned no stigma with it. The pension was a right—a public reward for work or services con tributed to the common good, and rendered in the course of a lifetime. "All that is now to be changed. Under the scheme propounded by Mr. Lyons the old-age pension is to be divested of its honorable character and debased to a pauper allowance. * * * The amounts paid in pensions are to be recovered from the near relatives of the pensioners wherever it can be done. With this object in view the private resources of the rela tives concerned are to be probed by departmental inspectors who, one may be very sure, will develop the usual traits of sleuths and inquisitors armed with the authority of the law. "Such a provision is completely destructive of the principle on which old-age pensions have been founded. "Many elderly people have gladly received these payments because they were thus relieved of de pendence on their children, and enabled to feel that no one would regard them as an encumberance and a burden in the evening of their lives. "Mr. Lyons and his wealthy colleagues are going to put an end to that happy state of things. "Old-age pensioners, in thousands of instances, are in future to be made miserable by the knowledge that every penny paid to them from the public ex chequer will be wrenched from their relatives—in most cases from sons and daughters who have their own hard way to make in life and their own parental responsibilities to carry on or prepare for. * * * "Capitalism, using the depression as an excuse, is callously forcing down the workers' standard of liv ing, tampering with legislation that mitigates to some extent the evil consequences of the social system, wielding the axe of 'economy' with a ruthlessness that continually intensifies unemployment, and now, to balance a budget reeking of mismanagement, is preparing to poison the amenities of family life." Australia was one of the first countries to establish old age pension in a scheme of humanitarian legislation which brought considerable admiration throughout the world. The present pension is but 17 shillings 6 pence a week, about three dollars at the current reduced rate of exchange. It is regretable that Prime Minister Lyons should lead the reactionary groups in undermining the creditable principle of self-respect which is the basis of the Australian pension system. EAST STIRRED BY HOPE OF FREEDOM FOR TOM MOONEY NEW YORK.—(F.P.)—Labor and radical circles in the East are talk ing about the drive to free Tom Mooney with new hopefulness as a result of the impression that the Callicotte testimony has stood up under fire. As a result, Theodore Dreiser, famous novelist, has gone from New York City to take part in the San Francisco mass meeting at which Callicotte tells his story. While Dreiser is not a speaker, it is believed that his attendance at the mass meeting will vividly portray the interest of eastern intellectuals in the Mooney ease, and the confidence of large numbers of people that the Callicotte evidence has more sig nificance than was at first thought. It has been learned that Callicotte's story that he had left the suitcase containing the bomb at the point of the Preparedness Day explosion had been known to those active in the Mooney case before Callicotte told his story, and that the witness had been thoroughly questioned. In detail after detail he showed accuracy and knowledge of the situation on the morning of the parade. He spent hours with a Mooney representative who knew the details intimately, and in every case his statements checked with the facts. Little details about the man on duty in a nearby cigar store which a framed story would have been likely to miss and which a mere crank would have known nothing at all about, clicked with the facts. It was obvious that Callicotte had a story that would stand up. When the story was first made public it was greeted by skepticism because there have been other sim ilar jases where cranks have come forward with tales that brought hopes for Mooney which were soon dashed. His friends feared this would be another such case at first. It is considered in the East that there are several ways in which this evidence could be made of practical effect. If Governor Rolph, already under threat of recall by farm or ganizations, can be swamped with a demand that justice be done on the basis of the new evidence, his po litical ambition may make him act. Or a new trial on indictments still standing against Mooney may be ordered and the case tried over, in the light of evidence now available. If a verdict of not guilty was obtained, the pressure for release would be in tensified tremendously. Mooney's case does not depend on the Callicotte testimony, but if that can be substantiated it would seem to be a final blow at the frameup which has kept Mooney and Billings in prison for 16 years. Sees Labor Party Necessity in U. S. A. KATONAH, N. Y.— (F.P.)— Amer ican unions will be forced to build a labor party just as soon as they tackle the job of organizing the unskilled workers, in the opinion of Charles Dukes, fraternal delegate to the American Federation of Labor convention from the British Trades Union Congress, who spoke to the students of Brookwood Labor College recently. "Only craft unions can exercise job monopoly," he pointed out. "A labor movement that includes unskilled workers must inevitably turn to political action to secure un employment insurance, old-age pen sions and other social services which raise and insure the workers' stand ard of living. "Unemployment insurance not only provides regular, if scanty, main tenance for people out of work through no fault of their own; it takes them out of competition with employed workers and so prevents the employers from hammering down the wage scales," he declared. Dukes is district secretary of the International Union of General and Municipal Workers, one of the two general laborers' unions in Great Britain of which America has no counterpart. He was twice member of parliament on the Labor ticket, and though he was defeated in the last election because panic-stricken Conservatives turned out to vote in full force, he ran 1,000 votes ahead of his previous record. Glass Finds Hoover Somewhat Untruthful WASHINGTON—(F.P.)—Denounc ing President Hoover's account of the causes of the depression and of the Administration's treatment of this crisis, Senator Glass of Virginia came close to calling the chief execu tive a liar, in a blistering broadcast speech Nov. 1. "The statements made, as well as the conclusions deduced," said Glass, BIG SIX' VOTES STRIKE; HAS 2 PAY FIGHTS ON : NEW YORK—(F.P.)—Big Six, huge local of the Typographical Union in New York City, has two pay controversies on at the same time. The newspaper scrap has gone to international arbitration before the usual board of five—two from the bosses, two from the union, and a fifth man. The job and book scale is in great er difficulty. International Presi dent Charles P. Howard negotiated a scale calling for a decrease in pay of from 8 per cent to 13 per cent. The union voted this down in a refer endum, but voted down a strike at the same time. Then a few of the bosses took mat ters in their own hands by announc ing that the scale would go into ef fect Nov. 1 regardless of the referen dum. They used the excuse that How ard had negotiated and agreed to the scale, although of course all con cerned knew it would have to be ap proved by the rank and file. This action by the bosses was put before a special meeting attended by 4,000 union members on Oct. 30. The high-handed acts of the bosses turned the printers from their for mer attitude of opposition to strike to one favoring a strike, by a vote of 2,607 to 283. This means that a request will go to President Howard and the executive board of the in ternational union for approval— which is necessary before a legal strike can be called under the union's laws. President Howard is reported to have said that the international could not afford now to sanction a strike in New York, and Daniel J. McCauley, a vice-president of Big Six, opposed the strike vote. But a 10-to-l vote may make a difference. The proposed pay cuts would be from $1.366 an hour for day men to $1.26 an hour, and from $1.576 an hour for night crews to $1.376 an hour. The union men call attention to the fact that they have been car rying the load of unemployment in the industry and that they should not have to bear the workers' share of the panic and the bosses' share too. Bethlehem Steel's 'Ade quate Relief' 4c a Day LACKAWANA, N. Y.—(F. P.)— Last December the Bethlehem Steel Company announced that adequate relief would be furnished the unem ployed steel workers of Lackawana. How well that pledge was fulfilled may be judged by the following story. New York state's temporary re lief administration in Lackawana has revealed that since last June 70 employed steel workers have been existing in an old building on Oil bride street on an average of 4 cents a day, allotted them by the city welfare department, are suffering from malnutrition, and owing to their weakened condition are subject to the ravages of tubercu losis and other diseases. Besides the fact that the underfed, it was found that they were housed under extremely in sanitary and overcrowded conditions. The building contained only six beds, no water, no gas or electricity. The roof leaked in four places. The city of Lackawana has been forced to suspend paying its city employes, largely because the Bethle hem Steel Company has refused to pay its taxes pending court action to reduce the assessments on its plant. un These men men are 'are flagrantly contrary to the facts, thus presenting a picture to the American people which is far away from the truth and which, in a vital sense, exaggerates conditions only that the President might magnify his own alleged achievements in cor recting situations and saving the country. "To speak with suitable restraint, I may say that neither Hans Chris tian Andersen nor Karl Grimm, in appealing to the fancies of children, ever over-taxed his imagination President Hoover repeatedly has done in his endeavor to regain the lost favor of the American people. Con trasted with his speech of acceptance and his addresses at Des Moines, Cleveland and elsewhere, Aesop's Fa bles deserve to rank as an accurate history of things that actually curred." Glass made the point that 10,000, 000 Americans were jobless before Europe's bank crash began in Aus tria in 1931, and before Britain went off the gold standard. This in answer to Hoover's claim that the United States was drawn into a depression which first swept Europe. oc was