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The People's voice. [volume] (Helena, Mont.) 1939-1969, March 24, 1944, Image 3

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THE ISSUE BECOMES CLEARER
The Voice will
(Editor's Note:
present a series of articles by Mr.
Peterson, state secretary of the
Farmers Union on the present world
condition and the issues Involved.
The fourth article follows.)
By J. M. PETERSON
Only a small per cent of the total
population Is on the battle front
abroad. But, we are all in the war.
That becomes clearer as the identity
of the war abroad and war over ideas
in America becomes better under
stood.
That the two wars are one is more
evident than it was months ago. But
much remains to be done to clarify
the situation at home. The patriotic
response Americans gave to the need
for men, materials, food, and sacrifice
tended to focus our attention to the
war abroad.
Winning the battles abroad still re
mains our first responsibility. How
ever, it is becoming clearer every day
that complete victory abroad cannot
be attained without also winning the
non-military war at home between the
people's movement and a small group
of fascistic industrialists.
One hindrance to a speedy and de
cisive victory at home is the lack of
a clear understanding of the nature
and aim of Fascism. The result is
that we do not recognize, at home, the
proposed laws, policies, and practices
that promote fascistic tendencies. For
it is as clear as day that if the same
ness of the issue were understood the
overwhelming majority would be on
the side of the people's movement.
When the issues are clarified, the
business men, artisans, professionals,
laborers, and farmers will be predom
inantly on the side of everything for
democracy and against every fascistic
tendency.
But the issue is not clear. And the
propaganda machine employed by the
worst fascistic element will make no
attempt to make the issue clear. This
is evidenced by their deceptive use of
slogans that avoid meeting the prin
cipal issues squarely and honestly.
This device consists of adopting a
word or phrase that is catchy, arouses
public imagination, and expresses a
sentiment generally approved.
The next important step is through
frequent use of the slogan and
through clever propaganda to estab
lish a relationship between the slogan
and the product, plan, or idea that
is to be sold.
This does not mean all slogans are
bad and misleading.
Many slogans have served as excel
lent war cries,
served to rally thousands, yes, mil
lions, to the cause of democracy in
Europe. Today, "Death to the Fas
cists and Freedom for the People"
serves well; is something to stimu
late: something all can understand in
South Europe. When a slogan hon
estly and really stands for a good
cause it is entirely legitimate.
Now, I want to deal with some of
Not at all.
"Bread and land"
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Agnes Smedley's Sensational Book "Battle Hymn of China
Membership in the Book Find Club and
ONE YEAR'S Subscription to The People's Voice
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JUST WHAT IS THE
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THE PEOPLE'S VOICE
BOX 838
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Here are some comments from subscribers received by
Book Find Club:
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HELENA, MONTANA
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The Book Find Club is the only Book Club
in America that has dedicated itself to the se
lection of "books as weapons in the war of
ideas" as President Roosevelt so aptly put it.
It's very simple to become a member. Here
are the rules:
—Each month the Book Find selection is mailed to you
without advance notice. You are the judge of the
selection. If you wish to own the selection simply mall
back payment of $1.25 plus 10 cents handling and postage
charge.
(Under The People's Voice special $2.85 offer on this
page you become a member and "Battle Hymn of China"
comes to you without further cost.)
—After examination of the selection if you don't want
to own the book, Just return It In the same container
in which it came.
n —Members must purchase a minimum of four books a
W year.
—There are no other dues or obligations.
Gentlemen:
Enclosed is $2.85 which entitles me to a membership
in the Book Find Club and my copy of Agnes Smedley's
"Battle Hymn of China" as well as a full year's subscrip
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MRS. HAROLD M. KRUEGAR,
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Some of the club's past selections include "Only the t
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the slogans used in the war over ideas
in America.
We are all observing columns, radio
talks, pamphlets and political speeches
using such slogans as "For God and
Country," "Save the American Way,"
"Maintain Free Enterprise," and "Vic
tory and Peace." There is nothing
wrong with the sentiment expressed
In any of these slogans.- But In this
battle of ideas, willing as we are to
view and evaluate all sides and an
gles, we are not going to be engulfed
by slogans. We want to want a crit
ical and honest evaluation of the con
nection between the slogan and the
objective sought.
pared to let slogans lead us away
from our examination of real issues.
Now, just what is the American
way?
prise, or capitalism the essential es
sence of the principles upon which
American Democracy was founded?
Has God ordained that the mainte
nance of individualism is the first
requirement?
tion is there between "say, "Free En
terprise" and God's ordinances
"The promotion of the best interests
of America"?
"Free enterprise" is the more ac
ceptable substitute for the term lais
sez faire and individualism taught by
Adam Smith, the apostle of the doc
trine that the chief concern of govern
ment was the protection of the state
against foreign enemies; the mainte
nance of highways, waterways, and
harbors; the promotion of commerce
We are not pre
Is individualism, free enter
or
What special connec
and the maintenance of safe trade
routes, etc.
"Let every man be free," says Adam
Smith," in using his skill, ingenuity,
and intelligence in competition with
other men in acquiring the natural
resources of the land, the coal, the
forests, the iron, and the land. Thus
will industry be developed,
will the best interests of the state be
promoted." The pecuniary self inter
est of each individual, if given free
play, would lead to the optimum satis
faction of human wants is another
way of saying the same. Under this
doctrine of doing business, our great
industries and the development of the
frontier were accomplished.
None could deny the tremendous
stimulus provided.
system, it is believed, could develop
ment have pushed ahead so fast and
so far. And progress and wealth, and
advantage were not limited to a few
rich. Thousands, yes, millions of poor
emmigrants were given a chance to
own homes, gain the right to vote
and hold office, and thus became par
ticipating citizens in the "Great Ex
periment" in Democracy.
But America and her industries and
social life have changed vastly since
pioneer days. It is very questionable
if the general welfare is any longer
dependent entirely on the right to
acquire the natural resources by in
dividuals.
fare is just as much dependent on
the manner that the industrial ma- '
Thus
Under no other
Maybe this general wel
|
The Medical Aspects of Social Security
(Contlnned from Pagre One)
up to nine. Apparently either nine Is
considered to be the maximum possi
ble size of a family in the south, or
there is a desire to encourage popula
tion increase, for no additional charge
is made for any number in the family
above nine. However, it is admitted
that the members' dues failed by
$20,000 a year to cover their expenses,
the deficit being made up by the fees
charged for services rendered to non
members.
Of recent years the medical associa
tions themselves in a number of states
have instituted prepaid system for
medical and surgical services. They
chine, the resources, and capital are
used by the few who acquired these
resources. If that be true, the old
doctrine is no longer so true.
At any rate, because America pros
pered and advanced under Individual
ism a hundred years ago does not
prove there is now, under new situa
tions, no other means. The public is
about ready to accept a new doctrine:
That it is the function of government
to assume responsibility for the eco
nomic welfare of the people, old age
pensions, job insurance, family sized
farms, health insurance, etc. Amer
ica by actions already taken and ap
proved is, by implication, denying the
old doctrine. The public, while being
bombarded by propaganda implying
that the job of providing jobs and ade
quate income belongs to big industry,
is also accepting the new theory of
government responsibility.
we accept them as genuinely in favor
of saving the American way.
So, through what right or imagina
tion, can the proponents of free enter
price claim a monopoly on saving the
American way?
When did God proclaim himself on
the side of private enterprise anyway?
Does industry contemplate giving
jobs to all? Can it? Is it industry's
job alone to provide jobs?
The American way, the salvation
democracy requires that issues be
clarified and discussed on the basis
of principle. "Private enterprise," as
a slogan does not define the issue. It
does not bring out for examination the
great ethical and economic problems
of America—poverty, war, sickness.
On the other hand, it is misleading.
For "Private Enterprise" as practiced
cannot and does not contemplate full
employment, production for abun
dance, and the elimination of poverty.
The American problems of full em
ployment, old age security, health, and
poverty are precisely the problems
that evoked Fascism in Europe.
We cannot win the war over ideas
here except by meeting these prob
lems squarely and honestly. Becloud
ing the real issues through the use of
vague slogans may delay but cannot
forever stop examination of the eth
ical and economic problems involved.
Only when the opposition is willing
to discuss openly the problems of full
employment, production for home con
sumption, security, and health, can
are a distinct step forward and much
experience is being gained from them.
The doctor's remuneration is mostly
on a fee for service basis, and this,
unfortunately, most easily lends itself
to abuse.
where, upon the institution of such
system, there seemed to arise a strict
ly localized epidemic of appendicitis
requiring operation, and another,
where an extraordinary number of dis
eased tonsils requiring removal ap
peared to have been discovered.
Limited benefits are provided by
certain organizations as hospital serv
ice associations,
provides hospital service for 21 days
in a year, including general nursing,
certain medicines, and limited labor
atory and x-ray services, for which
nine dollars a year is charged for one
person or member, $15 for member
and one dependent, and $18 for mem
ber and all dependents, though the
benefits for a dependent are on the
basis of 50% of those allowed a mem
ber. While valuable, for the greater
part of sicknesses needing hospitaliza
tion will not last longer than 21 days,
yet it leaves a large part of sickness
uncovered, and it is the long-drawn
out sicknesses which break people up,
while it protects not at all against
ruinous doctors' bills.
I know of one instance
That of Montana
AI1 these schemes have merit, but
they all leave much to be desired.
For one thing, they are all for limited
service and there is no assurance that
one s sickness will be similarly lim
ited. They have lighted the way,
however, for further and more com
prehensive protection.
So it was that many people who
thought about these things came to
the conclusion that the only way to
meet the situation was to call in the
state, and with all the to-do now being
made over the Wagner-Murray bill we
are prone to overlook the fact that
the demand for state measures is old.
(Much of the following information
is taken from Medicine and Human
Welfare by Henry E. Sigerist, Yale
University Press, 1941, and Sickness
and Insurance, Harry Alvin Millis,
University of Chicago Press, Chicago,
1937.)
Patissier in France in 1822 drew up
a public health program which even
included workmen's compensation and
old age pensions. The liberal move
ment in Germany in the 1840's pro
duced a health program the principles
of which were formulated in the state
ment that "The state representing
the totality of all its members has the
duty to care for their physical wel
fare, and the duty to make provisions
for the-cultivation of health and for
the restoration of disturbed health
conditions." Demands were made for
compensation for loss of wages due
to illness, and for sickness insurance
financed by contributions from the
workers and from the propertied
classes, with state subsidies. It might
be of Interest to physicians that the
great pathologist Rudolph Virchow,
whom every medical man honors even
now, was a leader in this movement.
In Russia a system of state medical
services for the rural districts was
established in 1864, and in 1866 a law
was issued requiring factory owners
to have one hospital bed available for
every one hundred workers.
It was not until 1883, however, that
the first comprehensive health insur
ance system was instituted in Ger
With later modications it pro
many.
vides that all workers receiving less
than a certain amount in wages or
salary (Oct. 1937, M3,600 for persons
in industry and M2,700 for non-manual
employees) must contribute to an in
surance fund to which the employer
must add an equal amount (1934).
The amount of contribution was fixed
as a percentage of wages, this per
centage varying according to occupa
tion, types of occupation being classi
fied into group for this purpose. The
maximum is 6%, and the average
about five, ranging In some groups
to as low as three. This covers med
ical services, general and specialist,
hospitalization, limited dentistry,
drugs, certain appliances, and mater
nity care, hospital services being lim
ited to 26 weks a year, but extended
under certain conditions to 52. There
is also a cash benefit for loss of time
during sickness and a funeral allow
ance.
The bill for a national Insurance
system in Great Britain was intro
duced in 1912 by Mr. Lloyd George,
though Winston Churchill was respon
sible for the unemployment part of it
jt has been considerably modified
since, generally in the direction of ex
tension of benefits, many of these ex
tensions having been sponsored by
the Conservative party, which is
much as if the Republican party in
this country had become converted to
the New Deal and elaborated it —
something which seems incredible
now, but politics and politicians do
strange things sometimes. The orig
inal bill was at first bitterly fought by
the doctors, but after it went into
operation they mostly found it to
their advantage. Indeed some years
later the British Medical Association
actually suggested a scheme for its
extension.
At present it provides for compul
sory insurance for all persona be
tween 16 and 65 engaged in manual
labor for an employer, and for all
those in non-manual labor whose
wages do not exceed 420 pounds a
year, that is about 2,000 dollars (Bev
eridge, Social Insurance. MacMillan
Company, N. Y., p. 211, par. 5.). There
is also provision for certain voluntary
contributors, as the self employed. It
covers sickness, disablement, mater
nity, unemployment, and old age pen
sions, The medical benefits are lim
ited to doctor's care at his office or
patient's home. There is no provision
tor hospital, nursing, or specialist
services, nor does it cover dependents
of the insured person, though all these
would be included under the Bev
eridge proposals, which contemplate a
complete service to all and a unifica
tion of the whole system. The cost
divided between the insured person,
the employer, and the government,
the employee paying the equivalent in
REPORT OF WORK
IN SUPREME
COURT FOR WEEK
DECISIONS:
March 14th—State ex rel. Montgom
ery Ward & Co. v. District Court. An
original proceeding arising out of
facts occurring in Lewis & Slark coun
ty, Helena. Opinion of the court by
Chief Justice Howard A. Johnson,
Justice Albert Anderson dissented,
and Justice Hugh R. Adair, not hear
ing oral arguments, took no part in
the decision.
Facts: A suit to recover for person
al injury was filed against the Mont
gomery Ward & Co. A summons was
issued but never served. Later plain
tiff procured an alias summons and
it was served.
The Montgomery
Ward Company appeared in the dis
trict court specially to squash the
service of this alias summons but the
district court refused to quash the
service. .The Montgomery Ward Com
pany sought a writ of supervisory con
trol in the supreme court.
Held: That the writ should issue,
that the district court was in error
in not quashing the service of the
alias summons. The basis of the de
cision was that the original summons
had not been legally returned and had
not become ineffective and hence an
alias summons could not properly be
issued. The court pointed out that
the original summons was still in
force and effect and could be served.
Prepared and released by:
PETER MELOY, Marshal
Montana Supreme Court.
American money of about 10 cents a
week for health insurance, about 20
for unemployment and 12 for pen
sions (Beveridge, pp. 217, 227), the
employer paying an equal sum, and
the government contributing an addi
tional amount. There are minor vari
ations for selected groups which It is
not necessary to go into here.
(Continued next week.)
LARGEST MUTUAL IN STATE
DEPENDABLE CO-OPERATIVE
^Witana Farmers Union
mwîxm]
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c/ r yfyostf.
PETER BOKMA, Secretary
LOOK
A
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~ym
Hi
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m
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