Plymouth advertiser. [volume], October 06, 1855, Image 1

About Plymouth advertiser. [volume] (Plymouth, Ohio) 1853-1988

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,? KOBINSON & LOCKF.
THB BHOEMAXER.
"Art well roar part ihere all the honor lie."
TIm shoemaker aal amid wax and leather,
' With lanatone oer hia knee.
'Where emit; in hia abop, he defied all weather,
. Drawera hia quarter and tole together ;
A bappjr via man waa he.
Thia happy old man waa ao wiae and knowing.
The worth of hia lime be knew ;
He bristled hia enda and kept thetn going,
" And lelt to eaen moment a atitch waa owing,
Until he got round the ahoe.
Of erenr deed hia wax waa aealing,
The cloaing waa firm and faat ;
The prick of hia awl nerer caused feeling
Of pain to the toe ; and hia akill in heading
Waa perfect and true to the last. '
Whenever you gave him a foot to measure,
With gentle and skilful hand,
He took ita proportions with looks of pleasure,
As if you were giving him costliest treasure,
Or dubbing him lord of the land.
And many a one did be aava from getting
A fever, or cold, or cough :
' For many a foot did he aave from wetting.
When, whether in water or snow 'twas aetting,
Hia ahoeing would keep them off".
Whri finished waa his making and mending,
- -Wik hope and a peaceful breast.
Resigning his awl, aa hia thread waa ending.
Passed from hia bench to the grave descending,
As high aa a king to hia rest.
TRIALS OF A HOUSEKEEPER-
BT HARRIET BEECHER 8T0WE.
I have a detail of very homely grievances to
-present; but such as they are, many a heart will
feel them to be heavy ; the trials of a housekeeper.
"Poh!" says one of the lords of creation taking
lis cigar out of his mouth, and twirling it between
, ' his two fingers, "what a fuss these women do
j; make of this simple matter of managing a family !
S I can't see for my life as there is anything extra-
j; ordinary in this matter of housekeeping; only
, three meals a day to be got and cleared off, and
; it reallly seems to take up the whole of their mind
from morning to night. I could keep house
T without so much of a flurry, I know."
Now, prithee, good brother listen to my story,
and see how much you know about it. 1 came
to this enlightened West about a year since, and
was duly established in a ctafcrtably country res
idence, within a milo and! jbalf of the city, and
and there commenced thejL&joyment of domestic
felicity. I had been marmd about three months,
and had been previously. love in the most ap
proved romantic way, wifh all the proprieties of
moonlight wal'cs, serenades, sentiuieiital billet
doux, aud everlasting attachment. After hav
ing been allowed, as 1 said, about threo months
to get over this sort of thing, and to prepare for
realites, I was located for life, as aforesaid. My
family consisted of myself and husband, a female
friend as a visitor, and two brothers of my good
man, who were engaged in business. I pass over
the two or three first days spent in that process
of hammering boxes, breaking crockery, knocking
things down and picking them up again, which is
commonly called getting to housekeeping. As
usual carpets were sewed and stretched, laid down
and taken up to be sewed over, things were form
ed und reformed, transformed and conformed, till
settled onler began to appear. But now came up
the great point of all.
During our confusion we had cooked and eaten
our meals in a very miscellaneous and pastoral
manner, eating now from the top of a barrel, and
now from a fireboard laid on two chairs, and
drinking Bome from tea cups, and some from sau
cers, and some from a pitcher big enough to be
drowned in; and sleeping, some on sofas, and
some on straggling beds and mattrasses thrown
down here and there, wherever there was room.
All these pleasant barbarities were now at end.
The house was in order, the dishes put up in
their places, three regular meals were to be ad
ministered in one day and all in an orderly civili
zsd form; beds were to be made, rooms swept and
dusted, dishes washed, knives scoured, and all the
etcetra to be attended to. Now for getting "help,"
as Mrs. Tro'lope says; and where and how are we
to get it. We knew very few persous in the city;
and how we were to accomplish this matter?
At length the "house of employment" was men
tioned; and my husband was dispatched thither
regularly every day for a week, while I, in the
mean time, was nearly dispatched by the abun
dance of work at home. At length, one evening
as I was sitting completely exhausted, thinking of
resorting to the last feminine expedient for sup
porting life, viz., a good fit of crying, my husband
made his appearance, with a most triumphant air,
at the door.
"There, Margaret, I have got you a couple at
last cook and chambermaid."
So saying, he flourished ooen the door, and
gave to my view the picture of a little dry, snuffy
looking, old woman, and a great, staring Dutch
girl, in a greeen bonnet, with red ribbons, with
mouth wide open, and hands and feet that would
have made a Greek sculptor open his mouth too.
I addr.ssed forthwith a few words of enncouraege
nient to each of this uncultivated looking couple,
and proceeded to ask their names; and forthwith
the old woman began to snuffle and to wipe her
face with what was left of an old, rilk pocket
handercluef preparatory to speaking, while the
young lady opened her mouth wider, and looked
around with a frightened air, as if meditating an
escape. After Bouie preliminaries, however, I
found out that my old woman was Mrs. Tibbin1,
and my Hebe's name was Kotterin ; also, that
she knew much more Dutch than English, and
not any too much of either. The old lady was
the cook I ventured a few inquiries :
"Had she ever cooked V
'Yes, mam, sartin, she lived in two or three
places in tho city.
'1 suspect, my ucar, sia my husband, conu
dently, 'that she is an experienced cook, and so
your troubles are over :' and he went to reading
his newspaper,
I said no more, but determined to wait till
rati tlr..
morning, ine oreaKiast, to De sure, aid not do
much honor to the talents of my officii ! ; but it
was the first time, and the place was new to her.
After breakfast was clered away, I proceeded to
give directions for dinner; it was merely a plain
joint of meat, I said, to be roasted in the tin oven.
The experienced cook looked with a staro of en
; tire vacuity. ' J he tin oven,' I repe ited 'stands
there,' and pointed to it She walked up to it, and
; touched It with Buoh an appearance of suspioion,
.9,.
j an if. it had been aa electric Littery, and thenj
I looked amond at me with atc!i a look of hopeless '
ignorance, that uiv soul waa moved. I
'I nerer saw one of them things before,' said j
she. !
Never nw a tin oven !' I exclaimed. 'I
thought you said you had cooked in two or three
families.
'They does not have such things as them, though,'
rejoined my old lady.
Nothing was to be done of course, but to in
struct her into the philosophy of thecaio: and
having spitted the joint, and given numberless
directions, I walked off to my room to superin
tend the operations of Kotterin, to whom I had
committed the making of my bed, and the sweep
ing of my room, it never having came into my
head that there could be a wrong way of making
a bed ; end to this day it is a marvel to me how
any one could arrange pillows and quilts to make
such a nondescript appearance as mine now pre
sented. One glance showed me that Kotterin
was 'just caught,' and that I had as much do in
her department as in that of my old lady. Just
then tho door-bell rang.
'O, there is the door bell,' I exclaimed. 'Run,
Kotterin, and show them into the parlor.'
Kotterin started to run as directed, and then
stopped and stood looking round on all the doors
and on me, with a wofully puzzled air.
'The street door,' said 1, pointing towards tho
entry.
Kotterin blundered into the entry, and stood
gazing with a look of stupid wonder at the bell
ringing without hands, while I went to the door
and let in the company before she could he fairly
make to understand the connection between the
ringing and tho phenomenon of admission. As
dinner time approached I sent word to my kitch
en to have it set on ; but, recollecting the state
of the heads of department there, 1 soon followed
my own orders. I found the tin even standing
out in the middle of the kitchen, and my cook
seated a la Turk in front of it, contemplating the
roast meat with full as puzzled an air as in ths
morning. I once more explained the mystery of
taking it off, assisted her to get it on to the plat
ter, though somewhat cooled by having been so
long set out for inspection. I was standing hold
ing the spit in my hands, when Kotterin, who
had heard the door-bell ring, and was determined
this time to be in season, ran into the hall, and
soon returned, opened the kitchen door, and po
litely ushered three or four very fashionable look
ing ladies, exclaiming:
"Here she is."
As these strangers from tho city, who had come
to make their first call, this introduction was far
from proving an eligible one; the look of thun
derstruck astonishment with which L greeted their
first appearance, as I stood brandishing the spit
and the terrified snuffling and staring at poor Mrs.
Tihbins, who again had recourse to her old pock
et handkerchief, almost entirely vanquished their
gravity, and it was evident that they were on the
point of a broad laugh; so recovering my self-pos-sion,
I apologised, and led the way to the parlor.
Let these few incidents be a specimen of the four
mortal weeks that I spent with these "helps," du
ring which time I did almost as much work,
with twice as much anxiety as when there was
nobody there; and yet everything went wrong be
sides. The young gentlemen complained of the
patches of starch grimed to their collars, and the
streaks of black coal ironed into their dickies,
while one week every pocket handkerchief in the
house was stached so stiff that you might as well
have carried an earthern plate in your pocket;
the tumblers looked muddy, the plates were nev
er washed clean or wiped dry unless I attended to
each one, and as to eating and drinking, we ex
periencad a variety that we had not before con
sidered possible. At length the old woman van
ished from the stage, and was succeeded by a
knowing, active damsel, with a temporablo steel
trap, who remained with me just one week, and
then went off in a fit of spite. To her, succeeded
a rosy good natured merry lasa, who broke the
crockery, burned the dinner, tore the clothes in
ironing and knocked down everything that stood
in her way about the house, without at all decom
posing herself about the matter. One night she
took the stoppjr from a barrel of molasses, and
came off sinjri'tg up stairs, while the molasses ran
soberly out in ;o the cellar bottom all night, till by
morning it was in a state of universal cmaneipa
ti n. Having done this, and also dispatched an
entire set of tea things by letting the waiter fall,
she one day made her disappearance. Then, for
a wonder, there fell to my lot a tidy efficient
trained, English girl; pretty and genteel, and
neat, and knowing how to do everything. "Now,"
said I to myself, "1 shall rest from my labors."
Everything about the house began to go right,
and looked as clean and genteel as Mary's own
pretty self. But, alas ! this period of repose was
interrupted by the vision of a clever, trim looking
young man, who, for some weeks, could be heard
scraping his boots at tho kitchen door every Sun
day night; and,, at last, Miss Mary, with some
smiling and blushing, gave me to understand
that she must leave in two weeks.
"Why, Mary," said I, feeling a little misoheiv-
ous, "don't you like the place?"
"O, yes, ma am.
"Then why do you look for another?
"I am not a going to another place."
"What, Mary, are you going to learn a trade ?"
"No, ma'am."
"Why, then, what do you mean to do?"
"I expect to keep house myself, ma'am," said
she laughing and blushing.
"Oh, ho !" said I, "that is it," and so in two
weeks I lost the best little girl in the world;
peace to her memory.
Alter this came an interregnum, which put me
in mind of the chapter in Chronicles that I used
to read with great delight when a child, where
Basha, and Elah, and Tibni.and Zimri, and Oui
ri, one after the other, came to the throne of Is
rael nil in the compass of a half a dozen verses-
We had old women who staid here a week, and
want away with a misery in her tooth; one cook,
who came at night and went off before light in
the morning ; ono very clover girl, who stayed a
i month, and then wont away because her mother
. .
wis sick; another, who stayed six weeks, and was
taken with the tever he reel t; and during all thia
time, who can ?peak the damage and destruction
wrought in the domestic paraphernalia by passing
through these multiplied hands? What shall we
do? Shall we give up houses, have no furniture
to take care of, keep merely a bag of meal, a por
ridge pot, and a pudding stick, and sit in. yunr
tent door, in real patriarchal independence?
What ahall we do?
. " TBOtitotlio
MOUTH, OHIO, SATURDAY
n,Jn?Jk,!i"r,rkE'"i",,"t
r n w f.REEM "-AVERT.
lite M.tnn of the Ettum.j JmI:
Gentlemen : Having been many years a reader
of the Epthihij W, and believing it sfongly at -
tached to the principfe of democratic freedom, I
have ventured this communication on tho present
aspect four political affairs.
Jio reflecting mind, attached to freedom, can
be indifferent to the influences that now threaten
t':e principles of democracy.
Slavery and freedom are antagonistic. It is
i to possible that they harmonize. Their object 'will not hazard this to secure so remote a thing as
and interest are adverse to each other, and they ; political freedom appears to them, and therefore
work accordingly. Civil and political freedom throw their influoncc into the slaveholders' party,
secures to individuals the right and dignity of la- Then there are many men who have no direct ob
bor, and thereby opens the field for every honor jectof politics or trade, that regard the institution
able employment that promises the promotion of of slavery as conservative, and desire that it may
private interest and happiness. In this condition 0,5 extended as a check to democracy; they have
the energy of the individual man leads him to dread of political power in the masses of men.
prosecute every laudable enterprise nnd industry J' ' abundantly evident the slaveholders' party,
that offers beneficial result. And as national jfr"n the sources mentioned, can rely on a power
growth and prosperity are but the aggregate of jful auxiliary force; and we deceive ourselves if we
individual effort, it necessarily follows that what- suppose they are not powerful. They have al
ever best promote indvidual enterprise, best ready become so impressed with the consciousness
promotes national growth. of thcirstrength as to claim their peculiar views
The labor of a freeman is better directed, morel10 he a test of democracy, and even for the sta
active, and its results n.ore frugally cared for, bility of our government.
than that of a slave. This Is too obvious to need I Active politicians in tho free states, who have
discussion. The state, therefore, must suffer in i been grown and nurtured by tho democracy, and
its growth and prosperity when its labor is pcr-lf,me of them to gray hairs, are among the most
formed by slaves. The only party benefited by ! zealous advocates for tho union of democracy and
slavery is the blave holder. All other portions of ; slavery. They enter into all the slaveholders'
citizens ana the state at large suffer. The histo-
ry of our country abundantly proves this,
The citizens of a slavo state, other than the
slaveholders, suffer in casto. The free laborer in
a slave state, though white, is regarded as a de
graded man, hardly holding the respect of a slave.
Hero a serious blow is struck at an essential prin
ciple of freedom, as no great degree of political
freedom can be enjoyed in any state where labor
is not respected. In vain do we inquire, "what
institutions are established in slave states, to pro
mote the education and improvement of free la
borers? "
In our slave states the African is doomed the
slave. Thus far no effort has been made to bring
laboring white men under tho direct yoke of the
taskmaster. They hold a nominal freedom, with
the low estimate of a degraded caste, that shuts
up nearly every particle of laudable ambition.
lhe mechanic rises a little higher than the labor-
er. The merchant takes the next step, and the'stroy the Union, if they cannot have their way.
professional man ascends to the next above him,
the slave holder on tho ton, looking down unon
and governing all the rest.
In a slave state property will mainly be con
trolled by slaveholders, and hence they give the
tone to business and enterprise, and, as must be
expected, they act as a united body in all matters j dermine them. It h not the freedom of tho Af
of business and politics that affect the interests as , rictin race that is now under discussion; it is the
slaveholders and find it no difficult thing to j freedom of the whites, that will be further cn
control all tho other castes of their society. This croached upon, if the slaveholders' party contin
is manifest from the history of the slave states of; ue to hold the power of the government as they
this country. In round numbers the slaves, in j now do.
the aggregate of all the slave states, are about I We are told there must be no sectional party
half tho number of free persons and of the free a' the North. It will be dangerous dangerous
persons, about one m fifteen are slaveholders. It
may appear singular, that in a country claiming
to have free government, so small a proportion
should completely control their political condition,
and shape to their own purpose every measure that
enures to the benefit of the one in fifteen.
So far we have regarded slavery as a state af
fair, and its influence on the (technically) free
men in slave states. If such, imagining them
selves free, are content to be subservient to the
interest and dictation of one-fifteenth of their
number, we in the free states must leave them to
their choice and let us no more wonder at tho
maintenance of aristocratic power in other eoun
tries, where the few govern the many and bring
them into subordination to their interests. It is
the rosult of decided unity of action, always
prompted by self interest, and never fails to make j
all other questions subservient to the main object,
If submitted to a vote, under circumstances to
admit an expression of real sentiment, there is no
doubt ii largo majority of the citizens in the states
of Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, Mis
souri, and probably others, would decide for free
dom, and the abolition of slavery in those states.
But the power of the slaveholders (though small
in numbers) is so strong that rarely a man can be
found in those states bold enough to utter a word
in favor of freedom except the slaveholder and
there is no leading intellect to form the basis of
combined action, unless it be the love of freedom,
and this is not strong enough in the slave states
to secure unity of action, and hence all but slave
holders submit to a degraded caste.
But we have demonstration of the power of
slaveholders in their political action beyond the
limits of their own states, and it is this we desire
mainly to examine.
The slave states (in round number) contain six
millions of (technically) free population, and tho
free states thirteen millions, or over two to one.
In the general government, the small body of
slaveholders control public affairs so completely
that a tide-waiter, a deputy postmaster, no less
(except in degree of importance) than a judgo of
the Supreme Court, or a foreigu minister, must
subscribe to the policy and measures of the slave
holder, in order to secure his appointment, even
in a free state. To such extent is this carried,
hat a man's democracy is declared forfeited, and
he is declared and enemy of the Union and con
stitution, if he fails to maintain that democracy
and slavery are synonymous terms.
In former days slavery was regarded local, de
pendent on state laws and confined to state limits.
Now tha constitution of the general government,
(where tho word slave does not occur,) is claimed
to be the very guardian of slavery, and that if it
does not support the present condition and all the
extension the slave holders desire, it is not worth
preserving and must go down. In plain language,
the union of these states must be broken np, un
less the slave holders (about one in forty of the
people,) can have their way. The people of theso
states, if the slave holders' view is correct, must
have been under a great delusion, in supposing
they lived under a constitution formed to main
tain the principles of freedom.
Whatever maybe the authority of tho constitu
tion, it is clear that those holding at this time the
government, regard it as their most essential ob
ject, to administer to the support, extension ami
perpetuation of the slaveholders' interest. At
first, this appears strange, that in a country pro
fessing to bo free, so small a portion of Its citizen
should control the mass ot population,
only proves the power of nnited action
This
drawi other interests to co-operate with the slave
-t CTtr mnxr
Blloys running bank nf t.nt. No. 22,
inrtT i. .i. . i.
J. nuti.m. Sprains, 8elling, Bora Throai.
' . se e,u'i UU2.B
MUSING, OCTOBEU 6, 1855
I holder. Politicians of the free Males mo the!
.strength of this body of united men, and for the !
emoluments of political power join the slavehold-
Parv and prove false to then-constituents and '
1 their professions, and strive to hide the real char-!
scter of their delinquency by false and plausible'
' issues, coupled with bold professions of democra-!
,cy, while they are undermining tho very founda-
lions oi ireea -in.
Men in all kinds of trade desire to bo on good
... . j i -
tnere will he no small number in this hIim that
" i not iw nazara inecnances 01 DUSiness;
schemes, whether they proceed on constitutional
claims or by lawless violence, against all that frco
dom holds dear, or by the incarceration of an un
tried and innocent citizen; and all in the name
of democracy, claimed in tones of vociferated
logic. No artifice do these leave untried to con
vince the masses that this is the true democracy.
But this is no new artifice in struggles to destroy
freedom. The color and authority of names has
always been powerful. Democracy is a name en
deared to tho mass of men in the free states, and
hence tho enemies of freedom will claim it as their
standard so long as they may be able to practice
the deception on the people, and lead them to use
their efforts to destroy the principles they cher
ish, and so establish the slaveholders' power, at
the expense of freedom.
At the present time, the southern or slavehold
ing party rule these states. In this rule they
1 .1111 . .
nave laKon doiu measures ; they threaten to dc
They are bold, and timid people are fearful of
their threats, and do what they can to resist op
position to their plans. And it is a matter of
great concern, whether there c:n be any efficient
action to secure tne principles or treeuom against,
I the combined elements that now threaten to un
to what? No doubt to the slaveholders' party at
the South, now in the ascendant, and who do not
desire a counteracting party at the North. It is
not proper or necessary to interfere with thi just
rights of the slave states, as to their internal poli
cy, but surely the North have a right to maintain
the principles of freedom, if they take suiicient
interest to do so. The great question is, will
they make the necessary effort? We see there
are, more or less, men in the great political par
ties who court the slaveholders' smile, and in va
rious ways, especially by :onventional proceedings,
cither boldly go over to slavery, or smothr their
position, as they deem necessary, to deceive their
constituents.
When the great mass of men see the full bear
ing of this slavery question, there will bo no doubt
of the result. Then tho political sophistry, now
so ingeniously thrown before the people, will be
scattercd, and they will not submit to a degraded
caste, when they realize they are controlled and
governed by a small body of slaveholders. This
is now the case with the non-slavcholding whites
in the slave states; and in so much as relates to
the general government, with the whole of them
in the United States.
Already this influence is felt in the free state
govern ments. Recent events have developed this,
in a measure, that thirty years ago would have
produced an insurrection.
No candid, intelligent mind, imbued with the
love of freedom, can survey the present p;litical
position of offr conntry, without feeling deep
alarm. And still it is evident the mind of our
people generally, does not fully appreciate our
condition. As yet, it has not disturbed the free
states, in the pursuits of business, and men are
everywhere full of activity, and absorbed in indi
vidual enterprise. It is the policy of those who,
in the free states, co-operate with the slavehold
ing party, to maintain the impression that we, in
the free states, have no interest in the question of
slavery. If they can maintain this impression a
few years longer, their power, now ruling the
country, will be concentrated and strengthened
to such a degree that the friends of freedom may
awake too late.
The government is the organized power of a
country, and all history shows the superiority of
its efficiency over voluntary effort. It conducts
affairs with system brings to its aid strong inter
ests, and usually hjlds the timid i:i co-operation
or neutrality. We have sufficient evidence of
this. If a fugitive slave is to be captured, the
effort of every officer of the government is speed
ily in aid. But a band of armed men invade a
free territory, under tho special charge of tho gov
eminent, drive the election judges from' their
seats, or intimidate them, and the legal electors
aro driven from their rig its by violence. 1'ublic
indignation is aroused in the free states by these
attacks, which break up the very foundations of
free gonernmcnt, and yet the only action of the
government has been to dismiss the officer who
remonstrated again sf the outrage. It is not worth
while to complain of the auxiliaries in the free
stiites to the slave interest; they aet on the same
basis of self interest as do the slaveholders. It is
tho same as in all combinations to establish aris
tocratic or stronger governments the object be
ing to render the many subservient to the few.
Freedom, or what we understand to be a Gov
ernment that maintains equal political rights to
all, has never had a long reign in any age or any
country. Our country has had the finest pro-s-
Butitjpccl iuTutofoie enjoyed of maiuuining it to a
good old age, and may stiff hold that prospect, it
1 the power and influence of slavery can be oonfi-
nnnn i.iui'iniim-
-. , .
raarV lYVun-aer. 1 nr-ia
iiimiiriinn in iiatti r.kak u a..
uiuvs uRorimeiir or
trnm'hr illtO tll town Af
oed to the slave states, and those at tea compelled j
u uuhi in ioc icaerai government an mnueoce
only equal to their representation. This will be
u..n in the free states, in order to ob.n the .p-, uovernor neener, a. err -noa-pointmcnt
of a deputy postmaster, to proclaim hia j Je Coogreaeiuoal Delegate. At the close of
allegiance to tho slaveholders' policy. This u the Convention Governor Beeder made the follow
the point How shall the free state regain their ' jog speech, which is reported in the Kanteu Her.
equality, and hold thir just influence in the gen-! fly 0 Frmlinn :
eral government? Not certainly by any proceed- j rvf RVOR RFFDFR'S ,PFTnT
ing to interfere with the constitutions! rights of GOVLRNOR KfcEDt.K 8 SI JSLCH.
the slave states. We do not object to the apptJnt- He proceeded to sej bow much he thanked
mentof slaveholding postmasters in the slave he'" ncir encouraging friendship ; that rack
states, and we have a right to ask that all local applanse and approval would repay all the injna.
officers and agents of the general government in j that might be heaped upon any man ; that
in the free states shall havo the right of holding ! J man there would do bun the justice to say
the sentiments of freemen.
f we cannot do this
we have no claim to the title.
It is obvious that the slaveholders arc now the la
sis of an aristocracy, already bold and exacting, that
must, if not checked, subvert the long-cherished
principles of individual freedom in this country,
tan they be checked: A question or deep nn
portance. 1 hey will gather additional forces by
time; more auxiliaries will be founl, nnd to defer
the struggle will increase its intensity.
In regard to the means of the free states to make
successful resistance to the slave party, it is well
to consider the difficulties; for it has been well
said, Freedom is the price of perpetual vigilance.
It struggles have always been attended with dis
cordant views among its friends. In its ranks
are found the ultra men, ardent and uncompromi
sing, unwilling to do a little good, and usually
wasting their strength in an impractible reaching
after objects that tail to secure the co-operation
of the prudent friends of the cause.
Men who have long acted and been identified
with the democratic party, considering democra
cy as expressing the very element of freedom, and
as necessarily hostile to every form of aristocracy,
are slow to believe that any party acting under
the name, can be used to subvert the fundamen
tal principles which the term implies; and doubt
less, large numbers of them will feel so much re
pugnance to acting with any other organization,
that they will linger, even against their own con
victions, and though decided friends of freedom,
will be slow to see that a name they hold in ven
eration is perverted, to destroy the very object its
name imports.
Other political parties will hive more or less
the tenacity of attachment to their own organiza
tion and peculiar issues, and be slow to see the
propriety of uniting with others in order more
effectually to resist a great evil, which concerns,
in an eminent degree, the interest of the masses
in all political parties in the free states. For if
the current of freedom cannot flow securely in the
free states, their party organizations will be of
little avaii.
There are numerous friends of freedom who do
not see its danger in a degree sufficient to lay
aside for the time other issues that are com para
itively of little importance, and these will be
adroitly urged, and cause more or less division on
the great question of political freedom. It is clear
much embarrassment must be felt in forming
such an organization as will secure power to check
the united action of the slaveholders' party. It
is, however, believed these embarrassments will
be overcome, and that there is sufficient appreci
ation of the principles of freedom, by the mass of
men in the free states, to surmount all imped
iments, and successfully resist the encroachments
of the slaveholders' party.
It cannot be that we have been so mistaken in
the intelligence of the free states, as to justify
tho belief that they will submit to the violent and
judicial encroachments of the slaveholder party
on their rights, and thus receive the chains that
are already to clasp their liberties. We may prop
perly sympathise with the enslaved African; but
we arc now to much concerned to secure and
maintain our own freedom. If we fail, as a peo
ple, to sec through the misty sophistry that selfish
politicians and others interested in co-operation
with the slaveholders' ' party are now throwing
around this subject, we shall prove that we are
unworthy of the boon, and American freedom
must take its place among other great failures of
the over-promising efforts that have, for a time,
encouraged the hopes and raised high the expec
tation of progress in the great field of human
rights.
Names are dangerous things, when they are
used to belio their signification and destroy the
principles of their true definition. Let us not be
deceived, but bear in mind that the great thing
the mass of our people desire, is the maintenance
of civil and political freedom; and let no other
issue interfere with the security of this great ob
ject. The place-men will stand- aside when the
people assert their rights, and shew that they are
not to be deluded by the name democracy, sound
ed by the lips of false men, who use the term as
au instrument to prostrate its principles.
Hampden.
Fusion in Maryland. Hon. Mr. Pratt, Ex-
Senator from Maryland, has issued a circular let
ter in favor of a new political party, to be made
up of the conservative members of all others. It
appears tha thist is not done on his own respon
sibility alone; but on behalf of such a party,
which was formally organized at Anapolis on the
25th of August. The moveTrretrfc is now, howev
er, made public for the first time. A State tick
et was then put in nomination, to be supported at
the next election. So fusionisin in not altogeth
er a Northern institution. There arc indications
of the same thing in other Southern State ns well
as Maryland. The only difference between Nor
thern and Southern Fusions, seems lo be that
the former are for the purpose of opposing Slave
ry aggressions, while the latter are to sustain
them.
JOT' The ladies of Baltimore and those of Kich-
mond are contending with each other as to which j now t.nthlwialllll wa9 uogjverna
of the two cities shall receive and provide for the; ye.Jthe crowd gathered around him with the
orphan children of Norfolk and Jfortsmout.i. I
The ladies of Baltimore were first in the field andj
with the charactei istic energy of the gentle sex
when suffering humanity uppeals to their sympa
thies, no less than two thousand females actively
engaged at once in making up olothing for the
... 1 .... . il 1 ! t
Ittle ones lliehmond very naturally ewiwt
UironT looting oi owie uuur.-asuuo vi
children of her sisur cities bemz laiieu. to
neighboring State for relief. 1
treat ims-i aiaai i a i
iaiiri7iriK,D v
A An lnfcnf ftnnrioiF fllf.T Mnnt nivno
Pltita.na.ek V
- - - 1
for rictnres Frames reoelved and
VOLUME H.N0.52.
KANSAS rRBB STATS OOHTBHTIO. .
The Kansas Free Bute CoaveaUo which as-
i,ij . ; Rnn'.M m V. !Uk J R.v1
that "is nominatQai bad been given entirely with-
UU nruviuivniii vj uiim vi uao a a iv mo p we v av
cept it would interfere with private engagements,
and that he had continually refused it when
urged, until he had been told by men from all
j Ff of the Territory that his name was essen
tial to success. He would accept it upon the con
dition that he be not excepted to canvas the Ter-
i "ry in person. To do so would not be eonso-
nant to his feelings, as he desired to go into the
halla of Congress and say "1 come here with clean
hands, the spontaneous choice of the sovereign
squatters of Kansas." In giving him the nomi
nation, in this manner, he wculd now pledge to
them a steady, unflinching pertinacy of purpose,
never-tiring industry, dogged perseverance, and
all the abilites with which God has endowed him
to the righting of their wrongs, and the final tri
umph of their cause. Jle believed from the cir
cumstance which had Tor the last eight months
surrounded him, and which had at the same time
placed in his possession many facts, and bound
him heart and soul to the oppressed voters of
Kansas, that he could do much towards obtain
ing a-edress of their grievances.
He said that day by day a crisis was coming
upon us ; that in after times this would be to pos
terity a turning point, a marked period, as are to
us the opening of the Revolution, the adoption of
the Declaration of Independence, and the era of
the alien and sedition laws ; that we should take
each step carefully, so that each should be a step
of progress, and so that no violence be done to
the tie which binds the American people together.
He alluded to the unprecedented tyranny under
which we are and have been; and said that if.
any one supposed that institutions were to-be im
posed by force upon a free and enligtened people,
they never knew, or had forgotten the history of
our fathers. American citizens bear in their bosom
too muoh of the spirit of jTSer and more trying
days, and have lived too R i amid the blessings
of liberty, to submit to oppVsiou from any quar
ter; and the man who, haung once been free,
could tamely submit to tjrQny, was fit to be a
slave.
He argued upon the Free State men of Kan
sas to forget all minor issues, and pursue deter
mindly the one great object, never swerving, but
steaiily pressing on, as did the wise men who
followed the star to the manger, looking back on
ly for fresh encouragement. He counselled that
peaceful resistance be made to the tyranical - and
unjust laws of the spurious Legislature ; that ap
peals to the Courts, to the ballot box, and to Con
gress, be made for relief from this oppressive load ;
that violence should be deprecated so long as a
single hope of peaceable redress remained; but if
at last all theso should fail if in the the proper
tribunal there is no hope for our dearest rights,
outraged and profaned if we are still to suffer
that corrupt men may reap harvests watered by
our tears, then there is no more charge for justice.
God has provided in eternal fitness of things re
dress for every wrong, and there remains to ns
still the steady eye and the strong arm, and we
must conquer or mingle the bodies of the oppres
sors with those of the oppressed, upon the toil
which the Declaration of Independence no long
er protects. But he was not at all apprehensive
that such a crisis would ever arrive. He believ
ed that justice might be found far Bhort of so
dreadful an extremity; and even should an ap
peal to arms come, it was his opinion that if we
are well prepared, that moment the victory is
won. Our invaders will never strike a blow in so
unjust a cause.
"Thrice armed is he who hath hia quarrel just."
He then entered into the plan of conducting
the campaign, and advise that the proclamation
from the people calling the election, be signd by
every voter. Let the legal requirments of an
election be strictly observed. Our position is one
of asking only that the law be carried out.
When Uol. Ethan was asked at Tinconderaga, by
whose authority he demanded the fort, he replied,
"in the name of the (Jreat Jehovah and the Con
tinental Congress." I expect of you that you so
prepare me, that to a similar question I may bold
ly answer. The Great Jehivah and the Sover
eign Squatters of Kansas." He spoke long and
eloquently upon the inportance that no rashness
shouhlendanger the Union, which we all love and
cleave to. He did not consider the correct publio
sentiment of the South as indorsing the violent
wrongs that had been perpetrated by Missourians
in our Territory, and that being so ne waitea to
hear their rebuke. Should it not come, and all
hope of moral influence to correct theso evils be
cut off, and the tribunals of our country fail us,
while our wroi.gs shall continue, what then ?
Will they grow easier to bear by long custom ?
God forbid that any lpa of time hould accustom
freemen to the duties of slaves; and when such
fatal danger as that iuenanced comes, then is the
time to
"Strike for our a'.tara and ou- fires.
Sir ke for the green graves of our aires;
God and our native land '."
As he paused there was for an iustant of deep
silenco as when a question of life or death is con
sidered every man drew a long breath, but the
next instant the air was rent with cries, "Yes, we
will strike;" "White men never can lie sl ves"
"Reedei ! lleeder!"- "Nine cheers for Reeder
nnd Right." Dunrg his speech, he had beeu
l ;nn,nul kv liiitit and shakins of
warmest greetings, we wouia raioer io me
phice he holds in the heart of a generous, daring
people, than wear a Kingiy crown. w
-The Gnod Lodge of the Odd Fellows of
the United States met in Baltimore ori Monday,
and Wnv Ellison, Grand Sire-.G. W. Race,Dep-
a. g James L. RidgeleyReoordin
Sire; James L. RidgeJey, rRewrdinfr,
'and Joshua Vsnsant, TreasBTer; were
- . , .
; reiary,
tduly installed in office.1'-
II .1 ' -
'V'".
MB
v vtia
fomalaaOlie
rtesi. vraera promptly attested to. -j ?
'o wanted made to aH-r at
Y FWft wetNaF-f