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INAUGURAL ADDRESf, Fellttw Citizens of the United Stotes : —ln compliance with a custom, as old as the Government itself. I appear "before you to address ycu briefly, and to take, in your presence, the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States, to be taken by the President before he cu ters upon the execution of his office. 1 ato not consider it necessary at pres ent for me to discuss those matters ot ad ministration about which there is no special anxiety or exciteoieut. Appre hension seems to exist among the people of the Southern .Slates that by the acces sion of a Republican administration their property and their peaca, and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been ny reasonable cause fur such apprehension. Indeed the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed, aud was open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. i do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that I have no purpose directly or indirectly to interfere with the iustituiion of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have vO inclination to do so. Those who nominated and elected me did so with the full knowledge that 1 had made these and many similar declar ations, and had never recanted them ; and more than this, they placed in the plat form for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear aud cm phatic re olution which 1 now read : "Resoln d , That the maintenance in \iulate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to or der and control its own domestic institu tions according to its own judgement, is etscntiai to that balance of power upon which the perfection aud endurance of our political fabric depend, and we de nounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory r:o matter under what pretext, as the gravest of crimes." I now reiterate these sentiments, and in duing so I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidi ncc •■f which the ease is susceptible, that the property, peace, and security of no sec tion are to bo in anywise endangered by the now incoming Administration. 1 ndd, too, that ail the protection which consistentlv with tie Constitution and the laws Can be given, will he cheetful y given to all the States, when lawfully de mand' d, for wha:ever cause, as c! oatfuliy to ore section as another. There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labor. The clause I now read is as plain ly written in the Constitution as any otli er ol its provisions : * ♦•No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, cs rtping inta another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be ui>-' < harged front such service or labor, Lot shall be delivered upon claim of the par ty to which service or labor may be due." It is scarcely questioned that this pro vision was intended by those who made it, fur the rccluiuiiug of what we call fugitive slaves, and the intention of the law giver is the law. All members of Congress swear their support to the whole t'oustiiution, this provision as much as any other. To the proposition then that slaves whose cases come within the terms oi this clause "shall be delivered up" then oaths arc unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they rot with equal unanimity frame ai.d pass a law bv means of which to keep god that unanimous oath. There is some diffi rente of opinion whether this clause should he enforced by State or National auihotities, but surely the difference is not a very mate rial one If the slave be surrendered it ran be of liitle consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done, and should any ouc in any case be eonteni that this oath shall be interpreted on a merely substantial coutrover>y as to how it shall be kept ? Again, in any law upon the subject, ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurispru dence to be introduced, so that a freeman Ft not in any case surrendered as a slave ? and might it not be well, at the MMte time to provide by law for the en forcement of that clause in the Cunsli lotion which guarantees that "the cili zetis of each State shall be entitled ♦(> all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States ? I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any critical rules, and while 1 do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced ; I do suggest that it would be much safer for all, both inofficial and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which Hand unrepealed ; that if will be well jiot to violate any of them, trusting to find impunity in their having been held to be unconstitutional. It is seventy-two years since the fir.-t Inauguration of a I'resident under oui National .Constitution During that pe riod fifteen different and very distinguish ed citizens have in succession adtnisis teped the Executive btaach of the Gov crnmeut. They have conducted it thru' many perils, and generally with great aucees* Yet, with all tiiis scope for precedent, I now enter upon the same task fur the briet Constitutional term of arid peculiar dif- fieultv. A disruption of the Federal. Union, heretofore, only menrccd, is now formidably attempted. 1 hold that ill; contemplation of universal law, and of the Constitution, the Union of these ; States is perpetual: Perpetuity isi?n-j plied if not expressed in the fundament- j al las' of ail National Governments- If is safe to assert that no Government proper ever had a provision in its organ ic law lor its own termination. Cumin-: ue to execute all the express provisions of our National Constitution, and the I nion will endure forever, it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instru cent itself. Again, if the United States be not a government proper, hut an association 01 States iu the nature of a contract merely, can it as a contract be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it. Ooe party to a contract may violate it, break it, so to speak, but does it nut re-; quire all to lawfully rescind it:' De scending frutn these general principles, we find the proposition that in legal con templation, the Union is perpetual, con tinued by the history of the I nion itself. The Union is much older than the Con stitution. It was formed, in fact, by the j articles of association in I<i4. It was 'matured and continued in the Declira tion of Independence in 1770. It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen Slates CXplCStly plighted and engaged that it diuuid ho perpetual by the Articles of Confederation i:; 1778. and finally in 1787, one of the declared objects fur ordainii g and establishing the Constitution was to foruia more perfect i Union. But if the destruction of the Union bv one or by a part oulv of the States he lawfully possible, the Union i less than hefo'C, the Constitution havimr lost the vital element of perpetuity. It follows from these views that no State, upon its own mere motion, can lawfully get out of the Union ; that resolves and ;ordinances to that effect are legally void, and that acis of violence within any State or Sta'es against the authority of the United States are insurrectionary or rev olutionary, according to circumstances. — I. therefore, consider that in view of the Constitution and the laws, the I nion is unbroken, and, to the extent of my abil ity, I shall lake care. a< the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this I deem to jbeonlv n simple duly on my part. I (shall ptrfectlv pel form it so far a- is practicable, unless my lightfnl masters, the A met can peonie shall withhold the re(lui.-iiioti, or in some authoritative man ner direct the contrary. trust this will ! not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the I nion, that it will eons'itutionaliy defend and main tain itself. In doing this fheie need be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall fie none unless i is Creed upon the m lional authority. Ihe power cm tided to me will be used to hold, occupy ami pos sess the property and places belonging to, the Government, and collect the duties; and imports, but beyond.what may be necessary for the.-e objects, there wtil be no invasion, no using of twice against or among tlie people anywhere. W hctc hostility to the I nitcd States shall be so great ai.d so universal as to prevent com petent resident citizens from holding tie Federal offices, there wiii be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers amotur the people that object. While the strict le gal right may exist of the Government 'to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritat ing ami so neatly impracticable withal, jthat I deem it better to forego fo; the time the tmes of such officers. The ! mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts oi the I nion. Fu far as possib.e, the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which A most favorable to calm thought and reflection. The course here indicat ed-will be followed, unless current events and experienc") shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised accordingly to the circumstan ces actually existing, and with a view and hope of a peaceful solution of the : na'ional troubles and tho restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections. — That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destiov the Uni<>n at | all events, and are glad of any pretext to do it, I will neither affirm nor deny.— But, if there be such, I need address no word to them. To those, however, who really love the Union, may 1 not speak !' Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric with ; ail its benefits, its memories, ami its hopes would it not be well to ascer aiu why we do it ? Will vou hazard so desperate a stc-p while any portion of the tils you fly i from have no real existence? W ill yon ■ j while the certain ills you fly to are great er than all the real ones you fly from : ; Will you risk the commission of so fear ful a mistake ? AH profess to be cou | tout in the Union if all Constitutional rights can he maintained. Is it true, then, that any tight plainly written in i the Constitution has been denied? 1 i think not. Happily the human mind is so constituted that no party can reach to ; the audacity of d< it:g this 'ihink, il \- u tan, .f a single instance in which a plainly union provision of the Constiiu lion has ever been denied If, by the mere force of nun bets, a majority should ! deprive a minoiity of any clearly-written I constitutional right, it might in a moral point of vi w, justify revolution ; certain •. Iv it would, if such right were a vital • line But such is not our ease. All the t vitai rights of minorities and of indivibu • I ale are so plainly assured to them by af J*" ■ -L- firinations ami negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the Constitution, that cutitrovmsies never arise concerning then). Hut no organic law cat) ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question which may occur in prac ticable administration. No foresight can ianticipate, nor any document of reason able long.b cnotain express provisions for i all ptssiblc questions. Shall fugitives i from labor be surrendered by Na ioual CM by State authority ? The Constitution i does not expre.-sly say. Must Cougress protect Slavery in t lie J erri tones ? The Constitution does not expressly say. — From questions of this class spring ail our j I constitutional controversies, and vvc di vide upon them into majorities and min orities. If the minority will not acqui-J esce the majority must, or the Govern ment tease. There is no alternative fur i continuing the Government but acqtiies- j Sconce on the o: e side or the other. II a ! minority in such a case will secede rath er than acquiesce, they make a precedent which in turn wi.i ruin and divide them, for a minority of their own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be controlled by such a minority. For instance, why may not any portion of a new Confederacy a year or two hence ar bitrarily secede again, precisely as por tions of the present Union now claim to secede from it? Ml who cherish disunion sentiments are now betng educated to tl e exact tem per of doing this, is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to !compose a new Union as to produce har mony only and prevent renewed secession? Plainly, the central idea of secession is the essence cfanarchy. A majority, held in 1 est rain t by constitutional checks and limitations, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opin ions and sentiments, is the only true sove reign of a free people. \\ hoever rejects it, d< es, of necessity, fly to anarchy or despotism. I tianimity is impossible.—- The rule of a minority, as a permanent airaiigement, is wholly inadmissible, so that, rejecting the majority principle, an archy or despotism in some form is all tiiat is left. 1 do not forget the position assumed by some, that Constitutional questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court, nor do 1 deny that, such decision must be binding in any case upon the parties to a suit, as to the object ot that suit, while they are also entitled to very high respect and consideration in .'ill parallel cases by all other P | at t incuts of the Government, and while it is obviuu.-ly possible that such decision may be erroneous in any given case, stiii the evil effect following it, being limited to that particular case, with the chance that it may be ovctruled, and never become a precedent for other cases, can letter Lc bane than could the IM ih of a different practice. At the same ti.ne the candid cittziu must confess that if the policy of the Government upon the vital questions affecting the whole people is to be irrevocably fixed by the dcei.-it its of the Supreme Court, the instant they tire made in ordinary .litigation between parties in personal ac'ious, the people will have ceased to be their own masters hav iug to that extent practically tcsigtted their government into the hands of the eminent tribunal Nor is there in this view any assault up*<n the Couit or the Judges. It is a duty from which we may ■ not sin ink to decide cases properly brought before them, and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decis ions to political pu rouses. One section our country believes Slavery is right , and ought to be extended, while the otli : er believes it is wrong and ought not to be extended. Tfiis is the only substan ■ tial dispute; and the Fugitive Slave i clause of the Uunstitutiun, and the law f.r the suppression of the foreign slave trade, ate each as well enforced, perhaps, a> anv law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people itu perfectly supports the law itself The great body of the people abide by the dry ■ legal obligation in both cases, and a few ■ break over in each. This, 1 think, can not be perfectly cured, and it would be worse in both cases after the separation of the s.cticns than before. The foreign slave trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would bo ultimately revived without re •jstriction in one section, while fugitive slaves now only partially surrendered, i would uot be surrender l u at all by the , other. i Physically speaking, we cannot sepa i rate —we cannot remove our separate sec tions from each otiie:, nor buihl an im ■ passable wall between them. A husband i and wife may be divorced and go out of . the presence and beyond the reach of each oilier, but the different parts ot ourcouu i try cannot do this They cannot but re main face to face, and intercourse, either i amicable or hostile, must continue be - tween titeut. Is it | ossiblc, then, to ' make that intercourse more advantageous - or mote satisfac.ory alter scparatii u than - before ? Can aliens make treaties easier 1 than fiiends can make law? Can trea lties be more faithfully enforced between i aliens than laws can among friends 1 £up 1 pose you go to war. you cannot fight al - ways, and when, after much loss on both > sides anj no gain on either, you cease i fighting', Gio identical questions as u> i terms ot intere<ur>e are again upon you This country, with its institutions, be • longs to the people who inhabit it. When ] ever tliey shuli glow weary of the existing i! Government, they can exercise their coti -1 stitutiona! right of amending, or their i revolutionary right to dismember or over I throw it. I cannot be ignorant of tin ? i fact (hat many worthy and patriotic citi zeus are desirous of having the national I Constitution amended. While t make no recommendations of amendment, 1 ful-; Jv recognize the full authoiity of the peo- ! pie over the whole subject, to be exercis-; ed in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself, and I should, under existing circumstances, favor rather than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded tie people to act upon it. 1 will venture to add that to me the Convention mode >ecms preferable, in that it allows amend ments to originate with the people them selves, instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions originated by others not especially chosen for the pur pose, and which might not be p.ecisely such as they would wish cither to accept •or refuse. 1 understand that a proposed amendment to the Constitution, which amendment however, I have not seen, has passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of Strtes, including that of persons held to service. To avoid misconstruction of what 1 have said, 1 depait from mv purpose, not to speak of particular amendments, so far as to say that, holding such a provision to now be implied constitutional law, 1 'have no objection to its being made ex press and irrevocable. The Chief Magistrate derives all his authority front the people, and they have 'conferred none UDOII him to fix the terms for the separation of the States. The [ people themselves can do this if they ,!choose, but the Executive, as such, has nothing to do with it His duty is toacl minister the present Government as it 'came to his hands and to tiansmit it un impaired by him to his successor. \\ hy should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of the people? — Is there any better or equal Isope in tbe world? In our present differences, is either party without faith of being in the right? If the Almighty Ituler of Na tions, with his eternal truth and justice, be on your side of lite North, or on yours of the South, that truth a.id that justice, will surely prevail by the judgment of litis great tribunal, the American people Hv the frame of the Government under which we live, this same people would wisely give their public servants but lit tle power for mischief, and have with equal wisdom provided for the return of that J-Htie to their own hands at very short intervals. While the people retain their virtue and vigilance, no Adminis tration, by any extreme wickedness or folly, can very seriously injure the Gov ernment in the short space <>t four years. My coun'rvuicii, one and all. think villi.iv and well upon this whole subject 'hiug valuable can be lost by taking .iitiC If there be an object to hu-ry anv >f you, in hot haste, to a scp which you \vo"l<l never take deiibetately, that oh iect vvill be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now dissatisfied still have tlie old Constitution unimpaired, and on the sensitive point, the taws of your own Fam ing under if. while the new AduiinUtra lion will have no immediatt power, it it would, to change either. It it were ad mitted that you who are dissatisfied hold | the right side in the dispute, there is still no single reason for precipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, Chiistianity, i and a firm reliance of liini who has nev er vet forsaken this favored land, are still J Competent to adju>t, in the be.-t way. all our present difficulty. In your hands, | my dissatisfied fellow countrymen, and .'not in mine, is the momentous issue of r cnii war. The Government will not as sail vou. You can have no conflict with ' out being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in lieaven to de stroy the Government, while I have the most solemn one to " preserve, protect and defend" it. lam loth to close. We are not enemies but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of mem ory stretching from every battle-field and patriotic grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this bread land, will . ■ yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again totcltcd, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature. During the delivery of the Inaugural, which commenced at 12i o'clock, the President elect was much cheered, espec ia 11 v at any allusion to the Uuion. '! President Huchanau and Chief Justice Tanev listened with the utmost attention to every word of the address. ' At the conclusion cf the address Chief Justice Taney administered the oath of office, as follows : j "I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, do solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United Stages, and will to 1 the Lest o*' m.v ability ..reserve, protect, and I i defend the Constitution of the United .States.'' 1 The President, in taking the oath, was - most vociferously cheered by the vast as • , semblage. ! NONE but a physician knows how much y a reliable alterative is needed by the peo *. pic. On all sides o.' us, in all comtnuni i ties everywhere there are multitudes that r >uffc from complaints that nothing but an alterative cures. Ilonce a great many , .of them have been made and put abroad with the assurance of being effectual. -1 Hut thev fail to accomplish the cures they \ promise because they have not the inttin e .-ic viitues they claim, in this state of i. the ease, Pr J.C Ayet & Co.. of Uu veil, have supplied u- wit ha compound I* xtract of Suisapaiillu, which does prove to be it he long desired remedy. Its peculiar y difference from other kindred prep.it a: imi.s -; in market is that it cures the diseases for r which it is recommended, while they do not. We are assured of litis tact by more i ; than one of our intelligent Physicians itt this neighborhood, and have, the further i evidence of our own experience ot its c, itruih.—2'enHcnxit} farmer, Nashville. ' Adjustment Measures—l.rtfcr from lion. Jan. I'. Hale. WASHINGTON, Feb. 22, 18G1. EDITOR OF POTTER .JOURNAL: Sir —The article in yfmr last paper under the head of " Holder State Propo sitions" not being quite accurate in its 'statement of the seventh proposition, the mm rclr.ting to Territories. I wish to correct it, and while on the subject to say a very few words respecting the others. The article relating to the a ist'ng Territories as agreed to by mcaiid reported to the Republican caucus were as follows : 7. That the line cf oG° 30' shall he run through all the existing I er jritoriesof the United Slates, that in all north of that line. Slavery shall be forev er prohibited, and south ot that line ei ' ('ucr Congress nor a Territorial legi>lature shall hereafter pass any law either fur or j against Slavery, a.;d when any territory south of that line containing a sufficient | population for one iniu ber of Congress on an area of GO,OOO square miles shall apply for admission as a fe'ate. it shah be admitted with or without Slavery, as its constitution may determine. 1 With this correction the propositions which are to be regarded as the basis of a settlement arc as follows : 1 Rr C'.'rumerulhig the repeal of all the Per : sonal Liberty hills 2. That the Fugitive Slave la w be amended j for the preventing of kidnapping, and so as to | provide for the etjualiz itiou of the Conmi s ; soners' fee, See. 3. That the Constitution he so amended as to prohibit any interference with slavery in 'any of the States where it now exists. I 4. Tb it Congress shall not abolish slavery in the Southern dockyards, arsenals, &c . nor in the District of Columbia without the con sent of Maryland and the consent of the in habitants of the District, nor without com ! pensation. i 5. That Cong-ess shall not interfere with | the inter-State slave trade. 6. That there shall lie a perpetual prohibi tion of the African slave trade. [The Ttli proposition as corrected by Mr. Hale, is given above —hi.J The first two propositions may be re gatded substantially as one. J lie fugi tive Slave l.iw being justly regard.d as ! affording facilities for kidnapping free persons and taking them into slavery, manv States believed it necessary to pass laws for the prevention of tbis crime, called personal liberty bills When the fugitive slave law ball be altered so as to pievent the very evil mat personal lib ei tv bills were intended to remedy, then there would seem to be no impropriety mi asking the States t• repeal them. 1 hee bills are ver\ offensive to the Smith, being regarded a- a violation of their constitu tional rights and are one of the chief causes of complaint. The Nuith ail de es that tl ey are required to protect free persons from unlawful seizuio under tiie Fugitive Slave haw Now when the South consents to change the fugitive Slave Haw so as to pievent all danger ft out this source, is tt u .teas liable in them to ask the '"epeal of these offensive bills? I did not ru itgard if. therefor*, if it aided the cause oi peace 1 consented to it. The third proposition which propo ed that the Constitution should be so amend ed as to prevent any interference (by Congress) with Slavery in a.y of the ( States where it now exists, simply puts ' into a distinct and unmistakable form a doctrine that has always been held by the Republican party, so far as I kuow, with out exception. We 'nave declared it in the Chicago Platform, in ali our Couven (ions and speeches belore the election,on i every occasion and in every form, and when asked by Union men in the Horder Stat's to put it in such a shape that there could be no doubt about it, that appre ! hensions excited by designing and un principled demagogues as to the purposes of our party might be allayed and the 'hands of Union men strengthened, was that request unreasonable? If refused by us might they not with some show of reason doubt our sincerity and good faith .n the declarations we have made ui>on the subject ? lof course agree there was no necessity for it as the Constitution now gives Congress no power over the ' subject, as every Republican member of Congress without exception, has this ses sion voted that it did not. Still I did ! not think it either wise or ncce.-sary to 1 refuse this request, especially as it was alledged, and L have uo doabl truly, that ' it would tend to hasten prace and pre ' vent, a total dismemberment of the Union. The fourth and fifth propositions were not to be Constitutional amendments but 'isimply joint resolutions of Congress, J agreeing not to do what nobody proposes to do, and which I presume not a single Republican in Congress contemplates do lug or attempting to do. It is precisely the gmund taken by Mr. Lincoln on the subject before his nomination and elec , tion. No Republican that I know ot be lieves that it would be a wise expedient to attempt it, and yet this harmless tvs t oluti'in that may be repealed bv any sut> I sequent Congress that thinks proper to do so, is regarded it seeuis, as a veiy dan 1 geroua concession to Slavery. I pass by the sixth proposition, as I , presume no one would object to that . j The Territorial question is the only one t of ival difficulty, and has exercised the ( friends of ti.e Union more than ail others, t To appoint it so as not to sacrifice out • pii lie l pies and vet sali-ty the Holder i States was unqiiesti. nably a difficult ta>k, . and therefore is not yet accomplished and i ; may i.e**er be. Yet [ firmly believe the > terms of my proposit on are no real g v * ing up of Republican principles, and they i certainly did at the Uu.e satisfy the rep i teseutatives of Ihe Horder Slave States. ,; It will be obsetved that it dies not recog . i uizc Slavery a.> dialing south of thai line, and docs not establish or protect it there. It sitnplv agrees to let the sub ject remain as it is under the act of 1850, and allows them to come into the Utiiou when of sufficient population, with or without Slavery, as provided by the same act. I have long maintained that free dom needs no legislation for its piotec tion iu the Territoiiea. All it asks or requires is fair play and an honest ad -1 lll.lihtration of affairs. Even with all the injustice and opnressiou of the Fed eral Government with its Border Ruffians, corrupt Judges, dishonest officials and regular army, it overturned slavery in' Kansas and triumphed. If it could dy this with all these fearful odds against it, what chance Slavery would have without any of these aids, it would not be diffi cult to foretell. If the twenty uiilliutis . of active, intelligent and energetic free . men cannot outstrip the half million of idle and enervated Slave holders in the possession of the the Territoiies, it wouid be passing strange indeed. The Chicago I Platform says Congress shall legislate to , keep Slavery out of the Territories "when ' accessary." Is it il necessary " in the lease of New Mexico. Ac., to legislate? ; I do not believe it, nor do I believe a sin • gle Republican in Congress does. Under a pro slavery government and pro slavery Federal office-holders of every shade, with' all their influence, but twelve slaves have been introduced there in the past eight ' years. Is it possible that under directly* ! opposite influences tlie institution is like- It to increase, or even live? Hut 1 have already said more than I intended, and I shall stop with the single leu.ark that I prefer peace and the pre servation of the Union to war and disso lution, when it can be had on honorable terms and without the sacrifice of any valuable principle. Relieving that nei ther dishonor nor a sacrifice of principle was involved iu the terms proposed, and that the interests of freedom and pro !gross, the happiness and prosperity of u.y country are ail mi the side ot peace, I therefore thought u my duty to agree to the settlement Whether 1 did right or not my con stituents must decide Yours Ac, JAMES T. HALE. £iu- Hotter Journal. CO! VERBPORT, l' 4„ ?j)orpiflcj, 2s, T. 8 CHASirfoifim AND PUBLISHER. ■< . , m. irutmr>r n.ii in ma,-wm SriF No paper lias been issued from this office the jvi-t two weeks, in conse quence of the sickness of tne editor. \\ e are not entirely recovered yet. but by* the assistance of an obliging craftsman we are enabled to get the JOURNAL before its readers this week, in order to publish the President's Inaugural, and injustice. to our Member of Congress, to lay Ida CoininunicaMon before the people ol Hot ter at the earliest moment in our puw er* We offer no comments upon it at present. No JOURNAL will be issued next week as we desire to entirely regain our strength before testing it with the severity neces sarv to publisi. our pnDer. Furthermore, we Go not care to be prostrated again by too soon putting <*u* nerves on trial. We may have to suspend a longer time for want of means to go ahead. W'ill not some of those owing us come to our res cue ? Cassiua M. Clay, has been ap pointed Minister to Spain, I). C. Ju<d Minister to Prussia, Wui. L. Dayton to France, Charles F Adams to England, George H. Marsh to Italy, and Jauics Watson Webb to Turkey. M. IJ. Cobb, formerly of the Tioga Ayiia'or , has the snug berth of disburs ing Clerk in the War Department —sala- ■ry 81,800. We are really glad of it — . i he well deserves the promotion. fijaJf The State Legislature, after a , 'temporary adjoumncut from the Ist to the 13th inst , have reassembled, and elected the lion. DAVID WILMOT to fill the vacancy in the U S. Senate occasion ed by the resignation of Mr. Cameron ' This is a just and long do>erved compli ment to a pioneer Republican, and in flects honor alike on the Legislature atul the people. Mr Wilmot's term expires March 4ti. 18G3. when if the p;' r< 7 should continue iu the ascendant, he *i'- ;no doubt, we hope, be reelected ta r a full term. The vote stood, 9<> , ! Welsh, 31 ; Ketehum. 1 • - ' Mr. Lincoln's Cabiue/coadists of the following named every one of them suited to tl/ 1 '" position, and capable and worthy 1110* : ■ Sec ret ary <>J State illiaui 11. Sew i ard, if New York Secretary n/tUefreamry.— Salmon P. i ' Chase, of Oliio Secretary ,/ nr. —Simon Cameron, ,'of Pemisylva/ 1 _ II Sccretm j'Jthe Navy. —Gideon W ellea ) j of Cinneqf- Ut * Secret r !J u f ri lC Interior. —Caleb I>- , S lndian al*it master General. — Montgomery . Bb"- Maryland. . 1 Attorney General. —Edward Bates, of J iiaiouri.