Newspaper Page Text
VOLUME XVII.--NUMBER 48.
THE POTTER JOURNAL, FCBLISHBD BT M. W. SicALABXEY, Proprietor. PiWDevoted to the cause of Republicanism, the in terests of \grioelture,the advancement of Education, and the best gocd ol Potter county, owning no guide except that ol Principle, it will endeavor to aid in the work of more fully Freedomizing our Country. VaT Advertisements inserted at the following rates, •xcept where upecial bargains are made, A Squaie is 10 lines of Brevier or 8 of Nonpaieit types : 1 square, 1 insertion ™ 1 square,2 or 3 insertion-.-.---v * Each subsequent insertion less than 13 4^ 1 square, 1 year - - 5 and Editorial Notices per line -0 fca-\II transient advertisements must be paid in advance.and no notice will be taken of advertl-emenis from a distance, unless they are accompanied by the monev or satisfactory reference. Bar Job Work, of all kinds, executed with neatness -and d"snatch. . ■ BUSINESS NOTICES. Kobt. Hair Icy. "• "• Cummiu. At 1 orneys-at-Law, TTTILIAAMSPORT, Pentra. Special attention VV given to Collection of Pensious, Bounty and Back Pay, and all claims against the National and State Governments. nov2ltf j Free and Aecepted Ancient York Jlasoiw Tilll.ALl A LODGE, No. 342, F. A. M. Stated I Pi Meetings on the 2d and 4th '"ednesuaysof each | month, llall, in the 3d Btory of' the < .hasted JMck. . IXC.LARRABKB,beC. Yt YL 9 UISAK, • j It. A. DRAKE, M. !>.. irTIYSICTAN and SURGEON, offers his services ; I to the citizens ofthis place and vicinity and desires t .inform them that he will promptly respond to all calls fijr professional services. Office on Ma.n stree , over Manning's Jewelry Storey Residence nearly op polite the office of tlic Fox &• Rose Estate. 1' - • j O. T. ELLISON. M. D-. "ORACTICING PHYSICIAN. Conde sport, Ta 1 resnectfuliy informs the citizens ot tl.e village and -vicinity that ho will promptly re*ponl to all call* loi professional set vices. Offiiv ou First street, first door -writ of his residence. 17-40 . JOHN S. MANN, 4 TTOItNEY aND COUNSELLOR AT "LAW. Coudersport, I'a., will attend the several Courts iu Potter, Cameron and Mclvean counties. All busi ness entrusted to his care will receive prompt atten tion. 1 ffice on Mam street, in residence. ARTHUR Q. OLMSTED, A TTORNKY AND COUNSEL!.KR AT LAW, A Coudersport, Pa , will attend io all business en trusted to his care with pr m.ptness and fidelity. Office in the seeond storey of the Olmsted Block. ISA V 4' BENSON, ATTORNEY-AT LAW, Couder-port, Pa., will attend to all business entrusted to him with care and promptness. Attends Courts of adjoining coun ties. Office on Second street,near the Allegany bridge F. W. KNOX, % TTOItNEY AND COUNSELLOR AT LAW , Coudersport, Pa., will attend the Ooui ts in 1 ot ter and the adjoining couuties. MILLER A Me ALAR NET, 4 TTOKN EYS-AT LAW, HARRISBURG, Penn'a.— A \gents for the Collection of Claims against the United States and Statellovernments,such as Fensions, Bounty, Arrears of Pay,Ac-Address B<>x 9a, Jarnsbuig WH MILLER, J. C. M ALAHX BY M. W. MoALAUXEY, REAL ESTATE and INSURANCE AGENT.— Land Bought and Sold. Taxes paid and I itles investigated. I nsures property against fire in companies in the Country, and I ersons again-t Aeci dents in the Travelers Insurance Company of Hart ford. Business transacted prornytly L P. A. BTEBBINS A Co., MERCHANTS -Dealers in Dry Goods. Fancy Goods, Groceries.Provisions,Flour,Feed, 1 ok, and everything usually kept iu a good country stme. Produce bought and sffid 1 1 -" v. ii. simmons, MERCHANT— WELT.BVI CLE N. Y., Whole sale and Retail Dealer in Dry Goo Is, haney and Staple Goods Clothinu,badie# Dress Goods. Groceries, Flour, Feed, 4-c, Retailors supplied on liberal terms V fi. A K. A. JO MIS. MERCHANTS— Dealers in Drugs. Medicines, Paints, Oils, Fancy Articles, Stationery, Dry Goods, •Groceries, 4c.. Main Street, Coudersport, Pa I>. E. OLMSTED, MERCK ANT—Dealer in Dry Goods, Ready-made Clothing, Crockery, Groceries, Flour, Feed, Pork, Provisions, 4.C., Main street, Coudersport, Pa COLLINS SMITH, MERCHANT— Dealer in Dry Goods. Groceries, Provisions, Hardware, Queensware, Cutlery, and all Goods usually found in a country store. n'Gl ii. J. OLMSTED, HARDWARE Mercnant, and Dealer In Stoves, Tin and Sheet Iron-Ware. Main street, Couder sport, Pent,'a. Tin and Sheet Iron Ware made to order, in good style, on short notice. COI DERSPOKT HOTEL. DF. GUABSMIRE, Proprietor, Corner of Main nnd Second streets,Coudersport .Potter Oo.Pa. A Girery Stable is also kept in connection with this Hotel. Daily Staees to and from the Railroads. Potter Journal Job-OlHce. HAVING lately added a flr.e new assortment of JOB TYPE to our already large assortment, we are now prepared to do. all kinds of work, cheaply nnd with taste and neatness. Orders solicited. NIT ANTED, AGENTS, $l5O PER MONTH, TO W sell tne improved Common Sense Family Sew ing Machine. This Machine will stitch, hem. fell, tuck, cord, braid, bind, gather, quilt, and embroider beautifully. Price only S2O. Every Machine is war ranted three years. For terms address or call on C. BOWERS 4 CO. Reception rooms No. 255 S. Fifth Street, Philadelphia. Pa. lm MARBLE WORK Monuments and Tomb-Stones of all kinds, will be furnished on reasona ble terms and short notice by Rreunlc. Residence : Eu'alia, miles south of Coudersport, Pa., on the Sinnemahouing 'Road, or leave your orders at the Po-t Office, fefi'fi WAN BAKEK. T)ENSION, BOUNTY and WAR CI,ATM AGENCY I Pensions procured for Soldiers of the present War who are disabled by reason of wounds received or disease contracted while in the service of the United , States ; and pensions, bounty, and arrears of pay oh- 1 tallied for widows or heirs of those who have died or been killed while in service. All letters of inquiry promptly answered, and on receipt by mail of a state ment of the case of claimant, I will forward the ne cessary papers for their signature. Fees in Pension cases as fixed bylaw. Refers to Hons. Isaac Benson A. G. Olmsted, John S. Maun, and F. W. Knox Esu DAN BAKER, ' 4 ; JuneS 64 Claim A gent, Coudersport, Pa. El A A I* er Tear! Wo want agents VAetJ Vr Vr everywhere to sell our improvrd S2O sewing Machines. Three new kinds. Under and i upper feed. Warranted five years. Above salary •or large commissions paid. The oklt machines sold in the United States for less than which are fully beeased by Howe, Wheeler 4 Wilson, Grover 4 Ba cer.Singer 4 Co.. 4 Baohelder. ALL other cheap ma chine# are infringements and the seller or user are iabie to arrest, doe. and imprisonment. Circulars iTT <lreM ' or call upon Shaw 4 Clark,' Biade- Maine De . 28,1585. Uwly. SPEECH OF HON. JOHN S. MANN, In the Assembly, at Harrisburg. I desire to make a few remarks on this sub ject, and I feel that I will be doing more jus tice to the opinions I entertain, it I state what I have to say this evening, in preference to any other time. Sir, Ido not expect by the passage of this resolution, that any marked effect is to be produced upon our Senators and members of Congress, who are hereby instructed and requested to listen to the voice of Pennsylvania. That portion of the delega tion from thi3 State that has been loyal to the Union, has given evidence already that they wil' vote right upon this question, that they will sustain the Government ic the fu ture as they have in the past. And, sir, that portion of the delegation who have Stood op ! posed to the Union delegation from thi3 State, : although they once avowed the doctrine, and | insisted upon it, of obeying the instructions given them or resigning, have long since abandoned that doctrine as they have aban doned every other doctrine of the founder of their party ; and now they pay no more re gard to the wishes of the State than if it did not ex;t. They now look upon the decision of some caucus, held perhaps in some garret, to be of more importance than the requisitions of this Legislature. I know that fact well, Mr. Speaker. It is not, therefore, that I ex pect by the passage of these resolutions that we are" to affect any votes in Congress , but, sir, I desire their passage because the ex pression cf truth always has its effect upon the people, and that it is by the expiession of such truths as are contained in this resolution that the decrees of the people as to the man ner in which this government is to be recon s'ructed are to be executed. And, sir, lam not anxious in regard to the passage of these resolutions because I have any doubts as to the final result upon this question. Men may falter, this Legislature may become timid. Congress may falter and the President even may fall from his high estate; but,Mr.Speaker, the purpose of the loyal people of the United States will be executed in tins country. They are marching on with such force as not to be resisted ; and he who gives any ear to the sounds around him hears the march of free in n onwuid. I s >y, sir, their purpose will be executed ; and that purpose is that this broad land, everv acre of it, frotn ocean to ocean, from the lakes to the gulf, shall be dedicated as the home of freedom, justice and ; humanity ; that here there shall pe no longer oppression nor oppressed, master nor slave. And if it must come to that, the people will execute this decree in spite of the President and Congress. I have, therefore, no misgiv i ings, no anxieties upon this subject. "John Brown's soul is marching on," and so is the great heart of the American people. I have no doubts upon that question and no fears. I am entirely and wholly hopeful upon that question, and do not ask the passage of this resolution because I have any hopes that it will affect any votes in the Congress of the United States ; but, sir, as the circle which is made by the pebble thown into still water is small at first and gradually widens until it reaches the farthest shore, so does the ex pression of truth produce n limited circle at first, which widens and widens until, in the language of some enthusiast, its effects reach to the farthest shore of time. Sir, it is the expression of these truths that is to enable the people to carry out their purposes. This is one of the "appointed means of grace" by which the people are to execute their decree Now, sir. what is the truth assorted in this rcsolutiou? One of the truths is that the rebel States should not be admitted into full fellowship until they have given certain guar antees that the debt which they have created in attempting to destroy the Government shall not be paid by us, and until we are se cured in the just fruits of the result of victory. Sir. I take issue with the geutleman who oc cupied considerable time here in asserting that this resolution was not necessary because the people have accepted with honest loyalty the inild and generons policy of the President. I undertake to say that the Southern States have given no evidence of honest loyalty— none whatever. I say that the applications that have con e tip from those rebels for par don and that they may be restored to power and to their former possessions, have been many and not far between ; but I submit that there has been no expression by any public man in the South—no expression by any public con vention in the South —no expression by any newspaper in the South representing rebels, by which any confession of wrong or injury to the Government o 7 the United States has been made —not a syllable of it. From the beginning to the end of these negotiations for getting back into power, they have nowhere made a siugle conlession that they have done any wrong. True, they say they have failed in the war; tliey are sorry they did not suc ceed ; they are conquered ; they ask to be re stored to power,but they nowhere acknowledge, •hat they ever did wrong to the Government of the United States, or that they are.sorry for the course which they pursued. We are asked to forgive. I take it forgiveness will be in time when it is asked for. On the con trary, so far from confessing that they arc guilty of having done wrong, they use such language as this. James R. Campbell, ill the Convention called to form a State Con stitution for South Carolina, in addressing that convention, said : "I believe that when our votes aro admitted into Congress, if we are tolerably wise or gov rned by a moderate share of common 6ense, we will have our own way. lam speak ng now not to be reported. We w 11 have our own way yet if we are true to our selves. We know the past, we know what is to lie our futore. Aro we not in a eonditi nto accept what we cannot lie'.p ? Are we not in a condition where it is the part of wisdom to wait and give what we can not avoid giving ?,, That Mr. Campbell vpofce according to the sentiments of the prevailing politicians is at tested by a private letter received from a Gov ernment ofiicer there who is so situated as to know the real condition of things. I read extracts only: "The speeches in convention and Legislators aro doubtless known to you, and the "animus" pervading all actions of these bodies, Mr C mpbeli expressed it exactly. Let us do what we HAVE to, as little as we are obliged to, get into Congress somehow, and THEN pay oft'the seoie. One or two minor matters in this connection I mention as showing how the current sets. 'l. The election for members of convention, 4th September. The favorites in every Contested case wore the most pr<min!U in secession proceedings of the past years The majnity of them did not take the amnesty oath. # * • iOebofed to ti)e f?Hqcipies of Jlri(e qqd *'? e 2>issefa)inqfion of £.itelrqli|lre qi)i) ftetos. COUDERSPORT, POTTER COUNTY, PA., TUESDAY MARCH 27, 1866. "2. Not even the prospect of securing a favorable recognition in Congress cottld secure the election of any man tainted with Unionism, in opposition to any candidate thoroughly established as an opponent to the Government in past time. That, sir, is the language of the South. "Let us do what we cannot help doing, in order that we may gain by diplomacy and votes in Congress what we did not gain by our fighting." Not a single man in South Carolina and not a man in the South whose feelings and prejudices are in favor of the Union are per mitted to go into those conventions. That is the kind of loyalty that s manifested through out the South, and the representatives of that section, wbose hands are vet dripping with the blood of our brothers and who are unre pentant of their crimes, are asking to get into Congress, and these gentlemen on the other side are so kind-hearted that they are begging and using all the means in their power to enable these uurepentant rebels, covered from head to foot with the best blood of the North, to get into power. That is the fact with regard to these rebels in the South. For all their crimes and murders, the mnssa- I ere at Fort Pillow, the starvation of our pris oners, the poisoning and murdering of our brothers by wholesale —for all these crimes not a word of repentance has yet come up from there —not a single word. Sir, lam unwilling to sit in council with such men ; I am unwilling that my representative in the National Legislature shall sit in council with these murderers of my neighbors and friends ; and I invoke the loyal people of this country, by the memory of the fate of those heroes, by the memory of the butchery at Fort Pillow, the starvation of our prisoners and their tor ture by s'ow process and by every means to which those men could resort —by tha mem ory of all these things, I invoke the people and I invoke this Legislature to adopt the memorable words of our patriotic Pcesident, Andrew Johnson, when he said that "treason is a crime to be punished from which the logica l conclusion i 3 that unrepentant traitors are criminals deserving of a halter and the gallows, rather than seats of power and trust By the way, sir, these gentlemen talk a great deal in idle platitudes about supporting An drew Johnson; but they have never yet put tbemseves on record in favor of any one of his measures. I test them upon that one, that he lias time and again repeated and that treason is a crime to be pun ished. Has any one of their speakers in this House or in the Senate chamber, where a de bate has been going on for three or four days, has a single one of those speakers stood upon the platform ol Andrew Johnson ? Not one i of them ; and there is not a newspaper in the i loyal States representing their party that puts I them on that pin'form—not one of them. They dare not say that treason is a crime to be punished or that a single traitor ought to be hung. And I say they have not put them selves on record In favor of a single measure of Andrew Johnson's. I test them upon this great principle, that treason against the United States is a crime that must be pun ished, and I challenge them to show where a single Democratic convention has endorsed that principle. Take another question of equal importance. Take the great measure of the administration of President Lincoln, which has been adopted by President Andrew Johnson—the Constitutional-amendment to abolish slavery throughout the United States. That was a measure of Andrew Johnson's. What is your record upon that question? Against it—every man of you—against it everywhere, at all times, and until it has been made the law of the land. And so upon every other measure of Andrew Johnson's. You talk about sustainiug Andrew Johnson ; but when it comes to endorsing his measures, we find that you never sustained one of them— not a single one. It is then, to say the least, rather cool for them to come in and talk about supporting Andrew Johnson and being his friends Come up, gentlemen, if you propose to be his friends, and step upon his platform ; endorse now, even though it may be pretty late, endorse his doctrine thai treason against the United States is a crime to be punished. During tha war—all through the war and up to this time—a period of five years, not a man of you has ever spoken of secessionists as traitors or as criminals ; you talk about se cession as being very odious. That is true enough. But the gentleman from Montgom ■ cry allowed it to leak out why they were op posed to secessio '. It was because thereby a larger part of the Democratic party seceded away from them. And that is the only cause for regret ibst they have ever expressed ; not that the South seceded from the Government of the United States, but that they seceded from the Democratic party. And, sir, it was well said in the Senate of the United States that every gun fired against the soldiers of the Union was fired by a Democrat. From the commencement of this war to its close, every gun fired aga ; nst the Union was fired by a Democrat. Sir, the gentlemen have in vited this discussion. I did not propose to name their party or to refer to it ; but they invited it when they challenged this investi- 1 gation, and they should have the full benefit j of it at all times, here and elsewhere. In the first place, they ought to weep in sackcloth j and ashes over their errors, acknowledge their faults like honest men, and then come in and a3 patriots sustain the Government; j but so long n3 their misdeeds in the North and ' in the South are unrepentcd of, they should j be dumb. It is alleged that President Johnson is sat- ' isfied with the "honest loyalty" of these rebels , down South. I take it that that is not ac cording to the record. How comes it that he holds every one of these rebel States under the bayor.ets of the army of the United States ? How eomos it that he is compelled to use the bayonet down there in order to maintain civil law ? It is true that in pursuance of his instructions provisional Governors have been appointed to govern those States ; but yon know, sir, and every man knows perfoctly well that if these bayonets were withdrawn there is not a Southern State that would not on the instant present an entirely different state of things from that which is now pre sented. And, sir, the very fact that he still holds those States under the control of mar tial law shows that he does not believe they are loyal. If he believes they are loyal, then what is the meaning of this last order of General Giant? Not only are all the acts and declarations of Southern rebels and newspapers and their conventions, but the official acts of the President of the United States and his commander-in-chief are en tirely opposed to the assertion of the gentle man. Why, it was only on the 12th day of January, 1866, when Gener&l Grant issued this order : [General Orders, No. 3 ] WAR DEPARTMENT, ADJUTANT GENERAL'S OFFICE. > WASHINGTON, January 12, 1866. ) To protect persons against improper civil suits and penalties in the late rebellious Slates. Military division and department commanders, whose commands embrace or are composed of any of the late rebellious States, and who have not already done so. will at once issue and enforce orders pro tecling from prosecution or suits in the State, or mu nicipal courts of such State, ail officers and soldiers of the armies of the United States, and all persons thereto attached, or in anywise thereto belonging, subject to military authority, charged with offences for acts done in their military capacity, or pursuant to orders from proper military authority, and to pro tect from suit or prosecution all loyal citizens, or per sons charged with offences done against the rebel feces, directly or indirectly, during the existence of the rebellion ; and all persons, their agents and em ployees, charged with the occupancy of abandoned lands or plantations, or the possession and custody of any kind of property whatever, who occupied, used, possessed or controlled the same pursuant to the or der of the President, or any of the civil or military departments of the Government, and to protect them from any penalties or damages that may have been or may be pronounced or adjudged in seid courts in any of such cases ; and also protecting colored per sons from prosecutions in any of said States charged with ofi'ences for which white persons are not prose cuted or punished in the same manner and degree. By command of Lieutenant General Grant. E. D. TOWNSEND, Ass t Adj't Gen. Mr. Speaker, that order sweeps away from all the courts of the South all power over, these questions. Has the President confi dence iu their loyalty? Why, sir, he here! directly protects from disloyal courts and j from disloyal officers the loyal meu in those j States by the power of the bayonet. And that order was issued on the 12th day of last January—the very day upon which this reso- ! lution was introduced iuto this House. If the President finds it necessary to direct the mil- j itary power to sustain the operation of all the civil courts in the South as against these persons and to annul their decrees, to stop their processes, to declare their judgment in valid, it shows that Andrew Johnson holds in the hollow of his hand all the power of those eleven States, or did hold it on the 12th day of January last, five months after this war was said to have been closed. Well, sir, he did that simply because of these attempts to prosecute these officers of the United States in their attempts to put down the rebellion. Efforts were making all over the South on the part of these disloyal courts to prosecute the officers and agents of the Government everywhere,and the Pi esident,by his bayonets, puts a stop to all theseproceedirigs. And Gen eral Grant, too, has said that the war in the South has not ceased. Well, then, tbey can not be loyal States ; there cannct be loyal communities there it the war is still going on ; and this order of Gen. Grant's shows that for all military purposes it is still going on. And be has said so directly. He has refused to withdraw the troops. He has said that he will withdraw them just as soon as the peo ple of the South have given evidence that they will execute the laws of the land in an orderly and loyal way. He has said that ; and now, instead of withdrawing the troops, lie issues still more stringent orders for their activity and energy, and for tbs protection cf loyal men. There is another point in the gentleman's I speech to which I desire to reply. It is one that has been assested all over the South, and repeated by every rebel in the South and by rebel sympathizers in the North (and j which shows their disloyal sentiment); it is a j charge which has been constantly made | against the poor and oppressed people of that section, who have had to work all their lives for a peck of corn and a pound of bacon i per week, and clothes not lit to cover'any one, but who have become free. The charge is that those people are gui'ty of laziness, itn i providence and licentiousness. I know noth ing about that last charge. The gentlemen ! probably know more about that than we do. However that may be, I say that the first two allegations in this charge are false. They | the blacks of the South, are not idle ; they 1 are the only working people in all the South ; they are the only industrious people in all j that land ; and they have been industrious ) all the timo, under great provocation to be | otherwise, under great temptation to be idle. I They have been industrious from the time of I tbeir freedom tip to this time, whenever they ; could be. Sir, I speak from my own personal 1 knowledge when I say they are the only in | dustrious people in ♦hat part of the South i through which I had an opportunity of pass ing. Since the last election, I made a little trip down through Virginia to Charleston, and I affirm that in the city of Richmond and in every village and along every road I trav eled, they were the only men in the South at wurK. They cannot load or unload a ship or a two-horse wagon without the aid of these despised colored men ; at least thev do j not do it. They cannot run a railroad nor keep one in repair without those colored men ; and these are the only men to be seen at work j anywhere, either at the wharves, unloading J ships, on the few buildings undergoing re- : pairs, carrying the hod and somettme6 laying the brick, or upon railroads, keeping the j track in repair, wheeling coal for the loco-i motive and sometimes throwing it on the fire.! There were not more than two white laborers on any train that I was on anywhere in the South. And, sir, they are doing intelligent labor down there ; they are showing consid erable capacity for progress and improvement. On one occasion I walked through the rnar-! ket house of Charleston and I saw there a large number of people selling meats and veg etables and other products needed to supply the wants of such a city, and 1 noticed that i most of these people engaged in selling these! articles were colored. Impelled by a feelingl of curiosity, I started back and went through i the market house for the purpose of counting, the white men thus engaged; and out of, about five or six hundred men and women , there engaged in supplyiug the city of Charles- ; ton with something to live upon, there were j just ten white people, all the rest being black, i and the blacks being the most intelligent,! genteel and well behaved. Those people sup plied the city in all its provisions. They \ built their own boats, went aut upon the water and brought in the best fish to be found. And I affirm to-day that the white people of Charleston will starve to death in two weeks Hf yon take the colored people out of that uitf ; and I believe this may be said with equal truth of all the other cities of the South. 1 I will just here mentiou an instance which came under my own observation, that of a small colored boy less than twelve years of age, whom I met in the City of Charleston. It is not a mattei of much consequence, but may be taken as a straw to elucidate a fact. In conversation with this boy, while he was busily blacking my boots, I asked him: "My boy, how much can you make a day at that kind of work?" Said he, "I can make from seventy-five cents to a dollar and a half, gen erally over a dollar." "Well, do you work at that all day ?" "Oh, no, I stop at half-past eight and go to school." "Do you go to school every day ?" "Every day except Sat urday ; then there is no school." Now, gen tlemen, there is a little black boy making one dollar a day by hard labor and improving the hours of leisure by hard study. I ask you, Mr. Speaker, bow many little boys in Harrisburg, under twelve rears of age, cam : their dollar a day before half-past eight and then goto school? I simply refer to these facts as showing the character of this slander that is repealed day after day upon this sub ject ; and any man who goes down South among them will see that it is a slander, for he will not see any other people there at raanuel labor. And, sir, I assert, in spite of the statistics read last night in the Senate, that a majority of these people about Rich mond, Charleston and other places are mu lattoes. Ido not care what the census says ; i the eye at a glance establishes the fact of ! their paternity and proves beyond question ! that hardly oue-fourth of them are entirely | blaek. Now, with that state of facts exisiting at the | South with no evidence whatever to disprove the allegation that the late rebels want to get control of the government again for any other j purpose than to accomplish that which they | failed to accomplish by their bayonets—with that purpose apparent, the question arises as to how we are to treat them. Thatia the ques tion that comes up to-night before this Leg islature ; itcomes up befor? the people clothed in different language and moulded into J? -ereut forms ; but the one purpose and the one idea is, what is to be done with unrepentant trai tors ? How are they to be treated ? are thev to be clothed with power ? Are they to come into Congress and impose their decrees upon loyal men ? Why, sir, I take it there caunot be two opinions upon that matter on the part : of loyal men , and hence theories, sugges- I tions, resolutions, amendments and proposi ! tions are mad® with a view to avoid thisdifli cnlty. And from among them all, Mr.Chair man. a remedy will certainly be found ; for I I tell these gentlemen that unrepentant traitors : are not coming back into Congress. That |is a fact settled by the decree of tjie loyal American people. T'ney are not coming ba~k. ! The gentleman says admit such as can take this stringent oath ? I would answer, we had , oaths years ago, but they were not of mu h I avail. John 0 Bi cekiuridge, with an oath upon his lips to sustain and defend the Uon ! 3titution of the United States, remained in the j Senate of the United States long after be be came a traitor ; and there like a traitor and a coward as he was, wormed out of the Gov ernment its secrets and carried them over to the enemy. Now, what is the use of swearing sncli a man as that? Why, sir, wc hate al ready sworn a majority of these men. A majority of these leading traitors have already j been in the service of the fcovernraent of the | United States, and they have sworn as sol emnly as men could swear to support,to main j fain and to defend it; but they paid no more I regard tc these oaths than they did to the merest straws that floated upon the wind. Are we to trust them again ? Why, if we do, we ; shall be even more foolish than children who never put their fingers in the fire and get them burned more than once ; ours have been burned already. Now, let us provide safeguards, and what better safeguard couid we have than are proposed in this resolution It simply provides for loyal governments in the South, and proposes that when those gov-1 crnnients in the south become ioyal they shall j be admitted into full harmony and fellowship with olher States. One of these resolutions is somewhat more specific than the others, "nd I fefer to it simply because it touches a little more closely this question of the rights of the colored pefl'pie. We deem it to embody a necessary safeguard—"security for the future." It is proposed by the bill (No* 9) that we shall re quest our members of Congress to insist upon the concurrence of Southern members in a change in the Constitution so as to provide that no person shall be excluded from giving testimony in any court on account of color that there shall be no distinction in any State as to the right to acquire, hold or dis pose of property, nor *in the making of con tracts, nor in the punishment of any kind of offences on account of race or color. We say this will be an efficacious remedy, that it is one that has been tried and which, instead of injuring the South, will exercise a betieS cial influence in that section. It will cause South Carolina to compare in population, in Improvements and in wealth with Massa chusetts ; and it will make Virginia, once the first State in the Union, again the equal of Pennsylvania. It would clear the forests of the South, set their machinery in motion and apply to their utmost extent the material powers of that section ; and thus the South would be changed into a prosperous and happy conntrj*. As to the effect which this kind of treatment would have upou the country I would call the attention of gentle men to an authority that I presume they will accept on that point: namely, that the proper treatment of the colored people of the South will have a beneficial effect upon the condi tion of that section. That is the point that I make here, that so fur from these resolutions being offered in any spirit of enmity or hatred toward the South, they are offered with the honest purpose of benefitting the Southern people. And they would benefit them. Lei me call your attention to what has taken place in other State: by the adoption of these principles. I refer yon to a late letter of one George 11. Pendleton. These gentlemen over, here, I presume, will remember him ; 1 think he was talked of at one time as a can didate for the Vice Presidency. Why he did not succeed I cannot explain cn any other hypothesis than that he was a prominent ex ponent of the idca3 which have been so per sistently and ably advocated in the other House, and to some extent, in this ; 1 believe that was the only reason. But of that no matter j I suppose his authority on this point TERMS.••S!.SO PER ANNUM. will be taken as conclusive by the geotletMO opposed to toe resolution. la a letter to one of his friends in the South he appeals to them to do just what (his recommendation urges Congress to require. George EL Pen dleton is the advocate of the verv principles of this resolution which these gentlemen op pose. and he appeals to the South to adopt these principles for the reason which be gives in this letter. He says : "lnthia State (Ohio) the negro enjoys praefieally all civil rights. lie may acquire and hold property, make contracts,sue and be nut-d and give testimony tn all courts and in all cases. In some parts of the State public schools for the education of oolored children are established under the authority of law, and aro supported by the taxes levied on ttie property of all the people of the State, and apportioned P*o BATA according to the enumeration of white and colored children. The laws which created disability on tho part of negroes In respect fo these civil rights, were repealed in the year 184S, after a contest qui e memo riabie in the history of the state. Their repeal wa looked upon with great disfavor by a la>ge jiortlon of the people as a dangerous innovation upon a Just and well settled policy, and a vote in that direction con signed many members of the Legislature to the repose of private life. But I am ut aware that any evil re sults justified these apprehension*, or that any effort was ever made to reimpose the disabilities. On th contrary, the new policy, if I may call li so, has been found so consistent witli justice to the negroes and the interest of the whiten, thai no one— certainly no party —ill Ohio would be willing to abandon it." Here then is the direct endorsement by George H. Pendleton of the very doctrine of these resolutions ; and he says that in 1§48; after a great contest in Ohio, a coutest more bitter and malignant than these men are making against this proposition now, it wad carried in spite of them. Aud notwithstand ing the fears and predictions that were ex pressed, the result has been beneficial ; and now no one in Ohio would be willieg to re turn to those o'.d laws. And upon th.s point, Mr. Chairman, I beg to note a very sudden change on the part of ou: opposition friends here as to the value and beauty of slavery Why, sir, it is only a short time ago whea I every one of their representatives men, i whether public speakers or writers for the public press, agreed iu eulogizing the benefits iani of sfaveey In 18G4, they flooded i the States with the opinion of a celebrated Bishop, which was designed to prove that ; slavery was a divine institution, aud that it j could not he abolished without great danger ito the people ; and yet sir ; within a short year we find every one of these men converted to the doctrine or' humanity and of liberty j and are now disavowing all belief in tliß ' righteousnes of slavery and pretending m rejoice in its overthrow. This is very en | couraging, and warrants us in lookiug for a i similar change as to the rightfulness of the truth asserted in this r solution, on the part - of the opposition. I listened to a distinguished j gentleman fast evening commenting upon the ! negro in his natural condition and contending : that he was incapable of making progress or j of improving himself ; aud yet be wound no ; with what to me a very singular announce ment on his part, that he did not want slavery i rc-cotal)lishcd, but nuulil give Hie U u grO Hi® right to acquire property, and be would ereit i educate them Ido not very well understand how a people who can make no progress can ; be educated ; but that is a matter for the I gentleman himself. But that gentleman did | not speak of any statistics in regard to the j colored man which have been taken within ; the last thirty years; his figures were all taken prior to that time ; and he even went back a thousaud years to. hunt up evidence against j that race hut was finally constrained to wind ! up with the admission that they ought not to , be re-enslaved. Sir. I feel great encouragement when I see FO many conversions of that character ; and we are strengthened in our determination to persevere in pressing other improvements up on the country ; for I feel certain that In less than another year these gentlemen will stand up and avow themselves in favor of what they oow look upon as radical propositions. Why not? They are not half so radical as these other measures which they so lately opposed but now endorse. But on this poim of the inability of the negro to make progress, I ask to be permitted to read the followiog dispatch : "WASSIXOTOS, January 30 "A mvri Incident occurred to-day before the C> m miltee on tfreedtnen's Affairs. Anionic others. Gov ernor Aiken, of South Carlina, gave the South-siUo view of the condition of things in his State, reflecting severely.upon the freodtuen, mid indulging in nmcto of the flippant prejudice against the negro. He was followed by an'intelligent contraband.' jut arrived here front Charleston, who astonished the cootmitteH by a straightforward stateine it of fact* concerning liis race in the South, and the animus of the recon structed whites toward the negro. His narrative in spired all hearers with its truthfulness, and his re cital of acts of oruelty made a deep fmpreamion upon the committee. It was admitted by all that Governor Aiken had found more than a match in the colored witness." Mr. Speaker, I take it that it is pretty good evidence that there is some ability to njakf progress in these people. Here is one of tht South Carolina chilairy.one of the ornament* of the South,who comes up to Washington to present his case; ana there comes np with him one of his own ex-slaves,very likely,who goes before the committee and there answers this Southern leader—and answers firm so well that those who were pressnt dedaff-J that he was more than a match for his late master. Sr, there are many suclt staves throughout the South. I listened to one mr self not long since, who was destitute of nnv education whatever, who had been worked all hi 9 life so hard that he bad no opportunitv to acquire information except that which God gave him in his humble position, yet whose faith was so strong that it ought to have put to shame the timid and despairing of the North. As he appeared to manifert consideraole intelligence, I asked him if at any time during the war be or bis people doubted the snccess of the North. He replied, ••Massa, we knowed dat de Great Bein above had a hand in dis matter, and he would giro victory to de right, and we knowed dat de North wts in de right; and, therefore, we never had a doubt of de final result." 1 snv, sir, that such faithfulness, intelligence arid loyalty as these men everywhere, at all times exhibited from the first firing on Fort Sumter down to the surrender of Lee, is entitled to more consideration and kindly treatment than has yet been awarded it. I will here read you a few orders for the purpose of showing that these men were faithful to the Union, notwithstanding we attempted to drive thcta away, that they had a faith above onr own that slavery and rebellion were ono and th® -.ame thing, and that the Government must corne to the Alternative of putting down sla very or letting Itself go under. I read ex tracts from two official orders in ordcf to ebow not only the faithfulness of (bat people^