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The Potter journal. (Coudersport, Pa.) 1857-1872, March 27, 1866, Image 1

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Persistent link: https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn86081096/1866-03-27/ed-1/seq-1/

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M. W. SicALABXEY, Proprietor.
PiWDevoted to the cause of Republicanism, the in
terests of \grioelture,the advancement of Education,
and the best gocd ol Potter county, owning no guide
except that ol Principle, it will endeavor to aid in the
work of more fully Freedomizing our Country.
VaT Advertisements inserted at the following rates,
•xcept where upecial bargains are made, A Squaie
is 10 lines of Brevier or 8 of Nonpaieit types :
1 square, 1 insertion ™
1 square,2 or 3 insertion-.-.---v *
Each subsequent insertion less than 13 4^
1 square, 1 year - - 5
and Editorial Notices per line -0
fca-\II transient advertisements must be paid in
advance.and no notice will be taken of advertl-emenis
from a distance, unless they are accompanied by the
monev or satisfactory reference.
Bar Job Work, of all kinds, executed with neatness
-and d"snatch. . ■
Kobt. Hair Icy. "• "• Cummiu.
At 1 orneys-at-Law,
TTTILIAAMSPORT, Pentra. Special attention
VV given to Collection of Pensious, Bounty and
Back Pay, and all claims against the National and
State Governments. nov2ltf j
Free and Aecepted Ancient York Jlasoiw
Tilll.ALl A LODGE, No. 342, F. A. M. Stated I
Pi Meetings on the 2d and 4th '"ednesuaysof each |
month, llall, in the 3d Btory of' the < .hasted JMck. .
It. A. DRAKE, M. !>..
irTIYSICTAN and SURGEON, offers his services ;
I to the citizens ofthis place and vicinity and desires
t .inform them that he will promptly respond to all
calls fijr professional services. Office on Ma.n stree ,
over Manning's Jewelry Storey Residence nearly op
polite the office of tlic Fox &• Rose Estate. 1' - • j
1 resnectfuliy informs the citizens ot tl.e village and
-vicinity that ho will promptly re*ponl to all call* loi
professional set vices. Offiiv ou First street, first door
-writ of his residence. 17-40 .
Coudersport, I'a., will attend the several Courts
iu Potter, Cameron and Mclvean counties. All busi
ness entrusted to his care will receive prompt atten
tion. 1 ffice on Mam street, in residence.
A Coudersport, Pa , will attend io all business en
trusted to his care with pr m.ptness and fidelity. Office
in the seeond storey of the Olmsted Block.
ATTORNEY-AT LAW, Couder-port, Pa., will
attend to all business entrusted to him with care
and promptness. Attends Courts of adjoining coun
ties. Office on Second street,near the Allegany bridge
Coudersport, Pa., will attend the Ooui ts in 1 ot
ter and the adjoining couuties.
A \gents for the Collection of Claims against the
United States and Statellovernments,such as Fensions,
Bounty, Arrears of Pay,Ac-Address B<>x 9a, Jarnsbuig
Land Bought and Sold. Taxes paid and I itles
investigated. I nsures property against fire in
companies in the Country, and I ersons again-t Aeci
dents in the Travelers Insurance Company of Hart
ford. Business transacted prornytly L
MERCHANTS -Dealers in Dry Goods. Fancy
Goods, Groceries.Provisions,Flour,Feed, 1 ok,
and everything usually kept iu a good country stme.
Produce bought and sffid 1 1 -"
v. ii. simmons,
sale and Retail Dealer in Dry Goo Is, haney and
Staple Goods Clothinu,badie# Dress Goods. Groceries,
Flour, Feed, 4-c, Retailors supplied on liberal terms
V fi. A K. A. JO MIS.
MERCHANTS— Dealers in Drugs. Medicines, Paints,
Oils, Fancy Articles, Stationery, Dry Goods,
•Groceries, 4c.. Main Street, Coudersport, Pa
MERCK ANT—Dealer in Dry Goods, Ready-made
Clothing, Crockery, Groceries, Flour, Feed,
Pork, Provisions, 4.C., Main street, Coudersport, Pa
MERCHANT— Dealer in Dry Goods. Groceries,
Provisions, Hardware, Queensware, Cutlery,
and all Goods usually found in a country store. n'Gl
HARDWARE Mercnant, and Dealer In Stoves,
Tin and Sheet Iron-Ware. Main street, Couder
sport, Pent,'a. Tin and Sheet Iron Ware made to
order, in good style, on short notice.
DF. GUABSMIRE, Proprietor, Corner of Main
nnd Second streets,Coudersport .Potter Oo.Pa.
A Girery Stable is also kept in connection with this
Hotel. Daily Staees to and from the Railroads.
Potter Journal Job-OlHce.
HAVING lately added a flr.e new assortment of
JOB TYPE to our already large assortment,
we are now prepared to do. all kinds of work, cheaply
nnd with taste and neatness. Orders solicited.
W sell tne improved Common Sense Family Sew
ing Machine. This Machine will stitch, hem. fell,
tuck, cord, braid, bind, gather, quilt, and embroider
beautifully. Price only S2O. Every Machine is war
ranted three years. For terms address or call on C.
BOWERS 4 CO. Reception rooms No. 255 S. Fifth
Street, Philadelphia. Pa. lm
Monuments and Tomb-Stones
of all kinds, will be furnished on reasona
ble terms and short notice by
Residence : Eu'alia, miles south of
Coudersport, Pa., on the Sinnemahouing
'Road, or leave your orders at the Po-t Office, fefi'fi
I Pensions procured for Soldiers of the present
War who are disabled by reason of wounds received
or disease contracted while in the service of the United ,
States ; and pensions, bounty, and arrears of pay oh- 1
tallied for widows or heirs of those who have died or
been killed while in service. All letters of inquiry
promptly answered, and on receipt by mail of a state
ment of the case of claimant, I will forward the ne
cessary papers for their signature. Fees in Pension
cases as fixed bylaw. Refers to Hons. Isaac Benson
A. G. Olmsted, John S. Maun, and F. W. Knox Esu
DAN BAKER, ' 4 ;
JuneS 64 Claim A gent, Coudersport, Pa.
El A A I* er Tear! Wo want agents
VAetJ Vr Vr everywhere to sell our improvrd
S2O sewing Machines. Three new kinds. Under and i
upper feed. Warranted five years. Above salary
•or large commissions paid. The oklt machines sold
in the United States for less than which are fully
beeased by Howe, Wheeler 4 Wilson, Grover 4 Ba
cer.Singer 4 Co.. 4 Baohelder. ALL other cheap ma
chine# are infringements and the seller or user are
iabie to arrest, doe. and imprisonment. Circulars
iTT <lreM ' or call upon Shaw 4 Clark,' Biade-
Maine De . 28,1585. Uwly.
In the Assembly, at Harrisburg.
I desire to make a few remarks on this sub
ject, and I feel that I will be doing more jus
tice to the opinions I entertain, it I state what
I have to say this evening, in preference to
any other time. Sir, Ido not expect by the
passage of this resolution, that any marked
effect is to be produced upon our Senators
and members of Congress, who are hereby
instructed and requested to listen to the voice
of Pennsylvania. That portion of the delega
tion from thi3 State that has been loyal to
the Union, has given evidence already that
they wil' vote right upon this question, that
they will sustain the Government ic the fu
ture as they have in the past. And, sir, that
portion of the delegation who have Stood op
! posed to the Union delegation from thi3 State,
: although they once avowed the doctrine, and
| insisted upon it, of obeying the instructions
given them or resigning, have long since
abandoned that doctrine as they have aban
doned every other doctrine of the founder of
their party ; and now they pay no more re
gard to the wishes of the State than if it did
not ex;t. They now look upon the decision
of some caucus, held perhaps in some garret,
to be of more importance than the requisitions
of this Legislature. I know that fact well,
Mr. Speaker. It is not, therefore, that I ex
pect by the passage of these resolutions that
we are" to affect any votes in Congress , but,
sir, I desire their passage because the ex
pression cf truth always has its effect upon
the people, and that it is by the expiession of
such truths as are contained in this resolution
that the decrees of the people as to the man
ner in which this government is to be recon
s'ructed are to be executed. And, sir, lam
not anxious in regard to the passage of these
resolutions because I have any doubts as to
the final result upon this question. Men may
falter, this Legislature may become timid.
Congress may falter and the President even
may fall from his high estate; but,Mr.Speaker,
the purpose of the loyal people of the United
States will be executed in tins country. They
are marching on with such force as not to be
resisted ; and he who gives any ear to the
sounds around him hears the march of free
in n onwuid. I s >y, sir, their purpose will
be executed ; and that purpose is that this
broad land, everv acre of it, frotn ocean to
ocean, from the lakes to the gulf, shall be
dedicated as the home of freedom, justice and
; humanity ; that here there shall pe no longer
oppression nor oppressed, master nor slave.
And if it must come to that, the people will
execute this decree in spite of the President
and Congress. I have, therefore, no misgiv
i ings, no anxieties upon this subject. "John
Brown's soul is marching on," and so is the
great heart of the American people. I have
no doubts upon that question and no fears.
I am entirely and wholly hopeful upon that
question, and do not ask the passage of this
resolution because I have any hopes that it
will affect any votes in the Congress of the
United States ; but, sir, as the circle which is
made by the pebble thown into still water is
small at first and gradually widens until it
reaches the farthest shore, so does the ex
pression of truth produce n limited circle at
first, which widens and widens until, in the
language of some enthusiast, its effects reach
to the farthest shore of time. Sir, it is the
expression of these truths that is to enable
the people to carry out their purposes. This
is one of the "appointed means of grace" by
which the people are to execute their decree
Now, sir. what is the truth assorted in this
rcsolutiou? One of the truths is that the
rebel States should not be admitted into full
fellowship until they have given certain guar
antees that the debt which they have created
in attempting to destroy the Government
shall not be paid by us, and until we are se
cured in the just fruits of the result of victory.
Sir. I take issue with the geutleman who oc
cupied considerable time here in asserting
that this resolution was not necessary because
the people have accepted with honest loyalty
the inild and generons policy of the President.
I undertake to say that the Southern States
have given no evidence of honest loyalty—
none whatever. I say that the applications
that have con e tip from those rebels for par
don and that they may be restored to power
and to their former possessions, have been
many and not far between ; but I submit that
there has been no expression by any public man
in the South—no expression by any public con
vention in the South —no expression by any
newspaper in the South representing rebels,
by which any confession of wrong or injury
to the Government o 7 the United States has
been made —not a syllable of it. From the
beginning to the end of these negotiations for
getting back into power, they have nowhere
made a siugle conlession that they have done
any wrong. True, they say they have failed
in the war; tliey are sorry they did not suc
ceed ; they are conquered ; they ask to be re
stored to power,but they nowhere acknowledge,
•hat they ever did wrong to the Government
of the United States, or that they are.sorry
for the course which they pursued. We are
asked to forgive. I take it forgiveness will
be in time when it is asked for. On the con
trary, so far from confessing that they arc
guilty of having done wrong, they use such
language as this. James R. Campbell, ill
the Convention called to form a State Con
stitution for South Carolina, in addressing
that convention, said :
"I believe that when our votes aro admitted into
Congress, if we are tolerably wise or gov rned by a
moderate share of common 6ense, we will have our
own way. lam speak ng now not to be reported.
We w 11 have our own way yet if we are true to our
selves. We know the past, we know what is to lie
our futore. Aro we not in a eonditi nto accept what
we cannot lie'.p ? Are we not in a condition where it
is the part of wisdom to wait and give what we can
not avoid giving ?,,
That Mr. Campbell vpofce according to the
sentiments of the prevailing politicians is at
tested by a private letter received from a Gov
ernment ofiicer there who is so situated as to
know the real condition of things. I read
extracts only:
"The speeches in convention and Legislators aro
doubtless known to you, and the "animus" pervading
all actions of these bodies, Mr C mpbeli expressed it
exactly. Let us do what we HAVE to, as little as we
are obliged to, get into Congress somehow, and THEN
pay oft'the seoie. One or two minor matters in this
connection I mention as showing how the current sets.
'l. The election for members of convention, 4th
September. The favorites in every Contested case
wore the most pr<min!U in secession proceedings of
the past years The majnity of them did not take
the amnesty oath. # * •
iOebofed to ti)e f?Hqcipies of Jlri(e qqd *'? e 2>issefa)inqfion of £.itelrqli|lre qi)i) ftetos.
"2. Not even the prospect of securing a favorable
recognition in Congress cottld secure the election of
any man tainted with Unionism, in opposition to any
candidate thoroughly established as an opponent to
the Government in past time.
That, sir, is the language of the South.
"Let us do what we cannot help doing, in
order that we may gain by diplomacy and
votes in Congress what we did not gain by
our fighting."
Not a single man in South Carolina and
not a man in the South whose feelings and
prejudices are in favor of the Union are per
mitted to go into those conventions. That is
the kind of loyalty that s manifested through
out the South, and the representatives of that
section, wbose hands are vet dripping with
the blood of our brothers and who are unre
pentant of their crimes, are asking to get
into Congress, and these gentlemen on the
other side are so kind-hearted that they are
begging and using all the means in their
power to enable these uurepentant rebels,
covered from head to foot with the best blood
of the North, to get into power. That is the
fact with regard to these rebels in the South.
For all their crimes and murders, the mnssa-
I ere at Fort Pillow, the starvation of our pris
oners, the poisoning and murdering of our
brothers by wholesale —for all these crimes
not a word of repentance has yet come up
from there —not a single word. Sir, lam
unwilling to sit in council with such men ; I
am unwilling that my representative in the
National Legislature shall sit in council with
these murderers of my neighbors and friends ;
and I invoke the loyal people of this country,
by the memory of the fate of those heroes, by
the memory of the butchery at Fort Pillow,
the starvation of our prisoners and their tor
ture by s'ow process and by every means to
which those men could resort —by tha mem
ory of all these things, I invoke the people
and I invoke this Legislature to adopt the
memorable words of our patriotic Pcesident,
Andrew Johnson, when he said that "treason
is a crime to be punished from which the
logica l conclusion i 3 that unrepentant traitors
are criminals deserving of a halter and the
gallows, rather than seats of power and trust
By the way, sir, these gentlemen talk a great
deal in idle platitudes about supporting An
drew Johnson; but they have never yet put
tbemseves on record in favor of any one of
his measures. I test them upon that one,
that he lias time and again repeated and
that treason is a crime to be pun
ished. Has any one of their speakers in this
House or in the Senate chamber, where a de
bate has been going on for three or four days,
has a single one of those speakers stood upon
the platform ol Andrew Johnson ? Not one
i of them ; and there is not a newspaper in the
i loyal States representing their party that puts
I them on that pin'form—not one of them.
They dare not say that treason is a crime to
be punished or that a single traitor ought to
be hung. And I say they have not put them
selves on record In favor of a single measure
of Andrew Johnson's. I test them upon
this great principle, that treason against the
United States is a crime that must be pun
ished, and I challenge them to show where a
single Democratic convention has endorsed
that principle. Take another question of
equal importance. Take the great measure
of the administration of President Lincoln,
which has been adopted by President Andrew
Johnson—the Constitutional-amendment to
abolish slavery throughout the United States.
That was a measure of Andrew Johnson's.
What is your record upon that question?
Against it—every man of you—against it
everywhere, at all times, and until it has been
made the law of the land. And so upon every
other measure of Andrew Johnson's. You
talk about sustainiug Andrew Johnson ; but
when it comes to endorsing his measures, we
find that you never sustained one of them—
not a single one. It is then, to say the least,
rather cool for them to come in and talk about
supporting Andrew Johnson and being his
friends Come up, gentlemen, if you propose
to be his friends, and step upon his platform ;
endorse now, even though it may be pretty
late, endorse his doctrine thai treason against
the United States is a crime to be punished.
During tha war—all through the war and up
to this time—a period of five years, not a man
of you has ever spoken of secessionists as
traitors or as criminals ; you talk about se
cession as being very odious. That is true
enough. But the gentleman from Montgom ■
cry allowed it to leak out why they were op
posed to secessio '. It was because thereby
a larger part of the Democratic party seceded
away from them. And that is the only cause
for regret ibst they have ever expressed ; not
that the South seceded from the Government
of the United States, but that they seceded
from the Democratic party. And, sir, it was
well said in the Senate of the United States
that every gun fired against the soldiers of
the Union was fired by a Democrat. From
the commencement of this war to its close,
every gun fired aga ; nst the Union was fired
by a Democrat. Sir, the gentlemen have in
vited this discussion. I did not propose to
name their party or to refer to it ; but they
invited it when they challenged this investi- 1
gation, and they should have the full benefit j
of it at all times, here and elsewhere. In the
first place, they ought to weep in sackcloth j
and ashes over their errors, acknowledge
their faults like honest men, and then come
in and a3 patriots sustain the Government; j
but so long n3 their misdeeds in the North and '
in the South are unrepentcd of, they should j
be dumb.
It is alleged that President Johnson is sat- '
isfied with the "honest loyalty" of these rebels ,
down South. I take it that that is not ac
cording to the record. How comes it that
he holds every one of these rebel States under
the bayor.ets of the army of the United States ?
How eomos it that he is compelled to use the
bayonet down there in order to maintain
civil law ? It is true that in pursuance of his
instructions provisional Governors have been
appointed to govern those States ; but yon
know, sir, and every man knows perfoctly
well that if these bayonets were withdrawn
there is not a Southern State that would not
on the instant present an entirely different
state of things from that which is now pre
sented. And, sir, the very fact that he still
holds those States under the control of mar
tial law shows that he does not believe they
are loyal. If he believes they are loyal, then
what is the meaning of this last order of
General Giant? Not only are all the acts
and declarations of Southern rebels and
newspapers and their conventions, but the
official acts of the President of the United
States and his commander-in-chief are en
tirely opposed to the assertion of the gentle
man. Why, it was only on the 12th day of
January, 1866, when Gener&l Grant issued
this order :
[General Orders, No. 3 ]
WASHINGTON, January 12, 1866. )
To protect persons against improper civil suits
and penalties in the late rebellious Slates.
Military division and department commanders,
whose commands embrace or are composed of any of
the late rebellious States, and who have not already
done so. will at once issue and enforce orders pro
tecling from prosecution or suits in the State, or mu
nicipal courts of such State, ail officers and soldiers
of the armies of the United States, and all persons
thereto attached, or in anywise thereto belonging,
subject to military authority, charged with offences
for acts done in their military capacity, or pursuant
to orders from proper military authority, and to pro
tect from suit or prosecution all loyal citizens, or per
sons charged with offences done against the rebel
feces, directly or indirectly, during the existence of
the rebellion ; and all persons, their agents and em
ployees, charged with the occupancy of abandoned
lands or plantations, or the possession and custody of
any kind of property whatever, who occupied, used,
possessed or controlled the same pursuant to the or
der of the President, or any of the civil or military
departments of the Government, and to protect them
from any penalties or damages that may have been
or may be pronounced or adjudged in seid courts in
any of such cases ; and also protecting colored per
sons from prosecutions in any of said States charged
with ofi'ences for which white persons are not prose
cuted or punished in the same manner and degree.
By command of Lieutenant General Grant.
E. D. TOWNSEND, Ass t Adj't Gen.
Mr. Speaker, that order sweeps away from
all the courts of the South all power over,
these questions. Has the President confi
dence iu their loyalty? Why, sir, he here!
directly protects from disloyal courts and j
from disloyal officers the loyal meu in those j
States by the power of the bayonet. And
that order was issued on the 12th day of last
January—the very day upon which this reso- !
lution was introduced iuto this House. If the
President finds it necessary to direct the mil- j
itary power to sustain the operation of all
the civil courts in the South as against these
persons and to annul their decrees, to stop
their processes, to declare their judgment in
valid, it shows that Andrew Johnson holds in
the hollow of his hand all the power of those
eleven States, or did hold it on the 12th day
of January last, five months after this war
was said to have been closed. Well, sir, he
did that simply because of these attempts to
prosecute these officers of the United States
in their attempts to put down the rebellion.
Efforts were making all over the South on
the part of these disloyal courts to prosecute
the officers and agents of the Government
everywhere,and the Pi esident,by his bayonets,
puts a stop to all theseproceedirigs. And Gen
eral Grant, too, has said that the war in the
South has not ceased. Well, then, tbey can
not be loyal States ; there cannct be loyal
communities there it the war is still going on ;
and this order of Gen. Grant's shows that for
all military purposes it is still going on. And
be has said so directly. He has refused to
withdraw the troops. He has said that he
will withdraw them just as soon as the peo
ple of the South have given evidence that
they will execute the laws of the land in an
orderly and loyal way. He has said that ;
and now, instead of withdrawing the troops,
lie issues still more stringent orders for their
activity and energy, and for tbs protection cf
loyal men.
There is another point in the gentleman's
I speech to which I desire to reply. It is one
that has been assested all over the South,
and repeated by every rebel in the South and
by rebel sympathizers in the North (and
j which shows their disloyal sentiment); it is a
j charge which has been constantly made
| against the poor and oppressed people of
that section, who have had to work all their
lives for a peck of corn and a pound of bacon
i per week, and clothes not lit to cover'any one,
but who have become free. The charge is
that those people are gui'ty of laziness, itn
i providence and licentiousness. I know noth
ing about that last charge. The gentlemen
! probably know more about that than we do.
However that may be, I say that the first two
allegations in this charge are false. They
| the blacks of the South, are not idle ; they
1 are the only working people in all the South ;
they are the only industrious people in all
j that land ; and they have been industrious
) all the timo, under great provocation to be
| otherwise, under great temptation to be idle.
I They have been industrious from the time of
I tbeir freedom tip to this time, whenever they
; could be. Sir, I speak from my own personal
1 knowledge when I say they are the only in
| dustrious people in ♦hat part of the South
i through which I had an opportunity of pass
ing. Since the last election, I made a little
trip down through Virginia to Charleston,
and I affirm that in the city of Richmond and
in every village and along every road I trav
eled, they were the only men in the South
at wurK. They cannot load or unload a ship
or a two-horse wagon without the aid of
these despised colored men ; at least thev do j
not do it. They cannot run a railroad nor
keep one in repair without those colored men ;
and these are the only men to be seen at work j
anywhere, either at the wharves, unloading J
ships, on the few buildings undergoing re- :
pairs, carrying the hod and somettme6 laying
the brick, or upon railroads, keeping the j
track in repair, wheeling coal for the loco-i
motive and sometimes throwing it on the fire.!
There were not more than two white laborers
on any train that I was on anywhere in the
South. And, sir, they are doing intelligent
labor down there ; they are showing consid
erable capacity for progress and improvement.
On one occasion I walked through the rnar-!
ket house of Charleston and I saw there a
large number of people selling meats and veg
etables and other products needed to supply
the wants of such a city, and 1 noticed that i
most of these people engaged in selling these!
articles were colored. Impelled by a feelingl
of curiosity, I started back and went through i
the market house for the purpose of counting,
the white men thus engaged; and out of,
about five or six hundred men and women ,
there engaged in supplyiug the city of Charles- ;
ton with something to live upon, there were j
just ten white people, all the rest being black, i
and the blacks being the most intelligent,!
genteel and well behaved. Those people sup
plied the city in all its provisions. They \
built their own boats, went aut upon the
water and brought in the best fish to be found.
And I affirm to-day that the white people of
Charleston will starve to death in two weeks
Hf yon take the colored people out of that
uitf ; and I believe this may be said with
equal truth of all the other cities of the South. 1
I will just here mentiou an instance which
came under my own observation, that of a
small colored boy less than twelve years of
age, whom I met in the City of Charleston.
It is not a mattei of much consequence, but
may be taken as a straw to elucidate a fact.
In conversation with this boy, while he was
busily blacking my boots, I asked him: "My
boy, how much can you make a day at that
kind of work?" Said he, "I can make from
seventy-five cents to a dollar and a half, gen
erally over a dollar." "Well, do you work at
that all day ?" "Oh, no, I stop at half-past
eight and go to school." "Do you go to
school every day ?" "Every day except Sat
urday ; then there is no school." Now, gen
tlemen, there is a little black boy making
one dollar a day by hard labor and improving
the hours of leisure by hard study. I ask
you, Mr. Speaker, bow many little boys in
Harrisburg, under twelve rears of age, cam
: their dollar a day before half-past eight and
then goto school? I simply refer to these
facts as showing the character of this slander
that is repealed day after day upon this sub
ject ; and any man who goes down South
among them will see that it is a slander, for
he will not see any other people there at
raanuel labor. And, sir, I assert, in spite of
the statistics read last night in the Senate,
that a majority of these people about Rich
mond, Charleston and other places are mu
lattoes. Ido not care what the census says ;
i the eye at a glance establishes the fact of
! their paternity and proves beyond question
! that hardly oue-fourth of them are entirely
| blaek.
Now, with that state of facts exisiting at the |
South with no evidence whatever to disprove
the allegation that the late rebels want to get
control of the government again for any other j
purpose than to accomplish that which they |
failed to accomplish by their bayonets—with
that purpose apparent, the question arises as
to how we are to treat them. Thatia the ques
tion that comes up to-night before this Leg
islature ; itcomes up befor? the people clothed
in different language and moulded into J? -ereut
forms ; but the one purpose and the one idea
is, what is to be done with unrepentant trai
tors ? How are they to be treated ? are thev
to be clothed with power ? Are they to come
into Congress and impose their decrees upon
loyal men ? Why, sir, I take it there caunot
be two opinions upon that matter on the part
: of loyal men , and hence theories, sugges-
I tions, resolutions, amendments and proposi
! tions are mad® with a view to avoid thisdifli
cnlty. And from among them all, Mr.Chair
man. a remedy will certainly be found ; for I
I tell these gentlemen that unrepentant traitors
: are not coming back into Congress. That
|is a fact settled by the decree of tjie loyal
American people. T'ney are not coming ba~k.
! The gentleman says admit such as can take
this stringent oath ? I would answer, we had
, oaths years ago, but they were not of mu h
I avail. John 0 Bi cekiuridge, with an oath
upon his lips to sustain and defend the Uon
! 3titution of the United States, remained in the
j Senate of the United States long after be be
came a traitor ; and there like a traitor and
a coward as he was, wormed out of the Gov
ernment its secrets and carried them over to
the enemy. Now, what is the use of swearing
sncli a man as that? Why, sir, wc hate al
ready sworn a majority of these men. A
majority of these leading traitors have already
j been in the service of the fcovernraent of the
| United States, and they have sworn as sol
emnly as men could swear to support,to main
j fain and to defend it; but they paid no more
I regard tc these oaths than they did to the
merest straws that floated upon the wind. Are
we to trust them again ? Why, if we do, we
; shall be even more foolish than children who
never put their fingers in the fire and get
them burned more than once ; ours have been
burned already. Now, let us provide
safeguards, and what better safeguard couid
we have than are proposed in this resolution
It simply provides for loyal governments in
the South, and proposes that when those gov-1
crnnients in the south become ioyal they shall j
be admitted into full harmony and fellowship
with olher States.
One of these resolutions is somewhat more
specific than the others, "nd I fefer to it
simply because it touches a little more closely
this question of the rights of the colored
pefl'pie. We deem it to embody a necessary
safeguard—"security for the future." It is
proposed by the bill (No* 9) that we shall re
quest our members of Congress to insist upon
the concurrence of Southern members in a
change in the Constitution so as to provide
that no person shall be excluded from giving
testimony in any court on account of color
that there shall be no distinction in any
State as to the right to acquire, hold or dis
pose of property, nor *in the making of con
tracts, nor in the punishment of any kind of
offences on account of race or color. We
say this will be an efficacious remedy, that it
is one that has been tried and which, instead
of injuring the South, will exercise a betieS
cial influence in that section. It will cause
South Carolina to compare in population, in
Improvements and in wealth with Massa
chusetts ; and it will make Virginia, once
the first State in the Union, again the equal
of Pennsylvania. It would clear the forests
of the South, set their machinery in motion
and apply to their utmost extent the
material powers of that section ; and thus
the South would be changed into a prosperous
and happy conntrj*. As to the effect which
this kind of treatment would have upou the
country I would call the attention of gentle
men to an authority that I presume they will
accept on that point: namely, that the proper
treatment of the colored people of the South
will have a beneficial effect upon the condi
tion of that section. That is the point that I
make here, that so fur from these resolutions
being offered in any spirit of enmity or hatred
toward the South, they are offered with the
honest purpose of benefitting the Southern
people. And they would benefit them. Lei
me call your attention to what has taken
place in other State: by the adoption of these
principles. I refer yon to a late letter of one
George 11. Pendleton. These gentlemen
over, here, I presume, will remember him ; 1
think he was talked of at one time as a can
didate for the Vice Presidency. Why he did
not succeed I cannot explain cn any other
hypothesis than that he was a prominent ex
ponent of the idca3 which have been so per
sistently and ably advocated in the other
House, and to some extent, in this ; 1 believe
that was the only reason. But of that no
matter j I suppose his authority on this point
will be taken as conclusive by the geotletMO
opposed to toe resolution. la a letter to
one of his friends in the South he appeals
to them to do just what (his recommendation
urges Congress to require. George EL Pen
dleton is the advocate of the verv principles
of this resolution which these gentlemen op
pose. and he appeals to the South to adopt
these principles for the reason which be gives
in this letter. He says :
"lnthia State (Ohio) the negro enjoys praefieally
all civil rights. lie may acquire and hold property,
make contracts,sue and be nut-d and give testimony tn
all courts and in all cases. In some parts of the State
public schools for the education of oolored children
are established under the authority of law, and aro
supported by the taxes levied on ttie property of all
the people of the State, and apportioned P*o BATA
according to the enumeration of white and colored
children. The laws which created disability on tho
part of negroes In respect fo these civil rights, were
repealed in the year 184S, after a contest qui e memo
riabie in the history of the state. Their repeal wa
looked upon with great disfavor by a la>ge jiortlon of
the people as a dangerous innovation upon a Just and
well settled policy, and a vote in that direction con
signed many members of the Legislature to the repose
of private life. But I am ut aware that any evil re
sults justified these apprehension*, or that any effort
was ever made to reimpose the disabilities. On th
contrary, the new policy, if I may call li so, has been
found so consistent witli justice to the negroes and the
interest of the whiten, thai no one— certainly no party
—ill Ohio would be willing to abandon it."
Here then is the direct endorsement by
George H. Pendleton of the very doctrine of
these resolutions ; and he says that in 1§48;
after a great contest in Ohio, a coutest more
bitter and malignant than these men are
making against this proposition now, it wad
carried in spite of them. Aud notwithstand
ing the fears and predictions that were ex
pressed, the result has been beneficial ; and
now no one in Ohio would be willieg to re
turn to those o'.d laws. And upon th.s point,
Mr. Chairman, I beg to note a very sudden
change on the part of ou: opposition friends
here as to the value and beauty of slavery
Why, sir, it is only a short time ago whea
I every one of their representatives men,
i whether public speakers or writers for the
public press, agreed iu eulogizing the benefits
iani of sfaveey In 18G4, they flooded
i the States with the opinion of a celebrated
Bishop, which was designed to prove that
; slavery was a divine institution, aud that it
j could not he abolished without great danger
ito the people ; and yet sir ; within a short
year we find every one of these men converted
to the doctrine or' humanity and of liberty
j and are now disavowing all belief in tliß
' righteousnes of slavery and pretending m
rejoice in its overthrow. This is very en
| couraging, and warrants us in lookiug for a
i similar change as to the rightfulness of the
truth asserted in this r solution, on the part
- of the opposition. I listened to a distinguished
j gentleman fast evening commenting upon the
! negro in his natural condition and contending
: that he was incapable of making progress or
j of improving himself ; aud yet be wound no
; with what to me a very singular announce
ment on his part, that he did not want slavery
i rc-cotal)lishcd, but nuulil give Hie U u grO Hi®
right to acquire property, and be would ereit
i educate them Ido not very well understand
how a people who can make no progress can
; be educated ; but that is a matter for the
I gentleman himself. But that gentleman did
| not speak of any statistics in regard to the
j colored man which have been taken within
; the last thirty years; his figures were all taken
prior to that time ; and he even went back a
thousaud years to. hunt up evidence against
j that race hut was finally constrained to wind
! up with the admission that they ought not to
, be re-enslaved.
Sir. I feel great encouragement when I see
FO many conversions of that character ; and
we are strengthened in our determination to
persevere in pressing other improvements up
on the country ; for I feel certain that In less
than another year these gentlemen will stand
up and avow themselves in favor of what they
oow look upon as radical propositions. Why
not? They are not half so radical as these
other measures which they so lately opposed
but now endorse. But on this poim of the
inability of the negro to make progress, I ask
to be permitted to read the followiog dispatch :
"WASSIXOTOS, January 30
"A mvri Incident occurred to-day before the C> m
miltee on tfreedtnen's Affairs. Anionic others. Gov
ernor Aiken, of South Carlina, gave the South-siUo
view of the condition of things in his State, reflecting
severely.upon the freodtuen, mid indulging in nmcto
of the flippant prejudice against the negro. He was
followed by an'intelligent contraband.' jut arrived
here front Charleston, who astonished the cootmitteH
by a straightforward stateine it of fact* concerning
liis race in the South, and the animus of the recon
structed whites toward the negro. His narrative in
spired all hearers with its truthfulness, and his re
cital of acts of oruelty made a deep fmpreamion upon
the committee. It was admitted by all that Governor
Aiken had found more than a match in the colored
Mr. Speaker, I take it that it is pretty good
evidence that there is some ability to njakf
progress in these people. Here is one of tht
South Carolina chilairy.one of the ornament*
of the South,who comes up to Washington to
present his case; ana there comes np with
him one of his own ex-slaves,very likely,who
goes before the committee and there answers
this Southern leader—and answers firm so
well that those who were pressnt dedaff-J
that he was more than a match for his late
master. Sr, there are many suclt staves
throughout the South. I listened to one mr
self not long since, who was destitute of nnv
education whatever, who had been worked
all hi 9 life so hard that he bad no opportunitv
to acquire information except that which
God gave him in his humble position, yet
whose faith was so strong that it ought to
have put to shame the timid and despairing
of the North. As he appeared to manifert
consideraole intelligence, I asked him if at
any time during the war be or bis people
doubted the snccess of the North. He replied,
••Massa, we knowed dat de Great Bein above
had a hand in dis matter, and he would giro
victory to de right, and we knowed dat de
North wts in de right; and, therefore, we
never had a doubt of de final result." 1 snv,
sir, that such faithfulness, intelligence arid
loyalty as these men everywhere, at all times
exhibited from the first firing on Fort Sumter
down to the surrender of Lee, is entitled to
more consideration and kindly treatment than
has yet been awarded it. I will here read
you a few orders for the purpose of showing
that these men were faithful to the Union,
notwithstanding we attempted to drive thcta
away, that they had a faith above onr own
that slavery and rebellion were ono and th®
-.ame thing, and that the Government must
corne to the Alternative of putting down sla
very or letting Itself go under. I read ex
tracts from two official orders in ordcf to
ebow not only the faithfulness of (bat people^

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